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essential medium upon which it is neces sarily based. Again—in the language of M\ Crawford : ’ “ The right to create a hank is exercised, because the collection of your revenue, and the safe-keeping, and speedy and easy trans mission, &c., of_your public money, is not simply facilitated ; but, because, these im portant objects arc more perfectly secured by the erection of a Bank, than they can be by any other means in the power of human ima gination to devise. We say, therefore, in the wdrds of the Constitution, that a Bank is neqjssary and proper, to enable the Go vernment to carry into complete effect, the right to lay and collect taxes, imposts, duties, and excises.” As I must be brief, I will only say upon this point, that while by any other process the transfer and disbursement of the public funds will involve great and constant ex penses, the Bank of the United Slates col lected, transferred and disbursed for the Government, more than four hundred millions of dollars without the cost to it of a single cent. Again, such a Bank is useful, and has shown itself to be eminently so, in affording the country the means of prose cuting war with the least pecuniary disad vantage, and consequently with the most certain success and promotion of the public interests. That it afforded a salutary check to the issues of the State Banks dispropor tionate to their specie on hand, none will perhaps deny. Such an effect all will per ceive to be wholesome and desirable, fori presume there arc none but do at all times wish to see the Banks, not only payirm specie professedly, but able to do so upon any emergency. Take this check from the Banks and they will as they have done, in flate the currency beyond the wants of the country,and the limits permitted by the spe cie on hand. That such a Bank has a happy tendency to prevent an inordinate increase ofState Banks will appear from the follow ing, and needs no further comment or ill us tration. At the time of the charter of the second Bank in 1791, there were something under 20 banks in the Union. The chai” ter of that hank expired by limitation in 1811; there were then 88 banks in all in the United States. From 1811 to 1816 the period during we had no United States Bank, the number of State Banks increased from 88 to 246,being 152 in about five years, a greater number than was created during t he whole of our previous political history is a§iation. From the charter of the last bank in 1816 to 1830, the period at which it was believed that the hostility of General Jackson would destroy it, the banks in creased from 246 to 329 being in all 83, an average of sir a year. From 1830 to 1837 the State banks increased in number 429 (from 329, to 823) being an average of more than 70 a year. From the above it will be perceived at a glance, that with a United State! Bank the State banks increa sed just in proportion to the increase of pop ulation, and Ihe general and commercial wants of the country ; without one, they sprung up like mushroons all over the coun try as if by magic. Why so ? because the great regulator is withdrawn from the sys tem, and wilt confusion and derangement follow as a necessary consequence. Ex amine the abve in a different light. The whole number of banks created from the revolutionary war to 1830 was 329, from 183 Qto 1837,the number created was 491. Hence itwillbe seen, that the policy of Gen. Jacksonand Mr. Van Buren gave to the country iiwir years a far larger num ber of State baiks than existed in the whole preceding period of our political Union, more by 165. Let the reader examine the above and reftet upon it. This is making ours a hard money government and coun try with a vetgeance, and after this policy has thus showered down upon the people bank bills amishin plasters as thick as hail in a hail stdm, producing wide spread mischief and dsmay, the friends of Gen. Jackson and IVr. Van Buren cry out that it was the bank; that produced the mischief, not the governnent. With as much pro priety could aidrunkard excuse himself by charging his ijtoxication upon the liquor he had drank,.or a murderer excuse him self by laying|he murder to the knife which had been plung'd into the heart of his neigh bor. Time wll not permit me to dwell longer either icon the constitutionality or utility of a Unled States Bank. It will be readily seen hjw such an institution will facilitate and qieapen exchanges, and ad vance all the geat and best interests of the country. Thu will the more plainly ap- pear when it is known that the bills of the Bank were nevM- at any period of its exis tence at morethan \ of a per cent, below par, at any—tip most remote points of the Union. Nor cat the position that exchan ges were dear iij 1817, ’lB and ’ID avail, when it is recolfected that the institution was establishedin 1810, just after a trou blesome and exjensive war, while all the banks were in astate of specie suspension, iand the whole ccuntry embarrassed beyond precedent. It nay be added here also that in the outset, frcnds and foes admit, that it was managed without due discretion and financial ability It is not denied that a bank can do ham, but it is contended that it is the least of evils. Its own interests, its very continuance will be always a guar anty of its proper and salutary manage ment. In the outset of what may be said in reference to the subtreasury plan, it may be well to state that upon its first presenta tion to Congress, it received but one admin istration vote, was denounced by Gen. Jack son and his official organ the Globe, in the most unmeasured terms. In truth, at that time the administration was afloat upon the wide and uncertain ocean of experiment.— Upon the rejection of the subtreasury sys tem, it became necessary to resort to some other financial scheme for the government. The State Banks became the hobby, were made the depositories of the public funds, were lauded to the skies, answered every purpose as fiscal agents for the Govern ment, cheapened exchanges, and were su perior in every respect to the United States Bank ! Nothing all this time is said about a hard money Government. The State bank scheme however soon fails, and Gen. Jackson who had praised them to the skies now said of them that “the history of the world has never recorded such base treach ery and perfidy as has been committed by the Deposite Banks,’ &c. It then became neoessarv to resort to some other plan They were again upon the ocean of expe riment. They had forsaken the tried paths of experience and were too proud to return. The previously repudiated subtreasury sys. tern is again brought before Congress, and notwithstanding its rejection at three differ ent times by the representatives of the people, it is pertinaciously brought up after each defeat until at last the dictation of the president has succeeded and it is now the law of the land. It may bo first urged a gainst this system that it is less safe than a United States Bank or even the plan of the State banks. Why ? because individuals called Receiver’s General are made the de positories of the money and can run off with and embezzle it more easily than a Bank. This needs no argument, ll increases Ex ecutive patronage, because, the sole direc tion of the public funds is placed in the hands ofthe Secretary of the treasury, who retains his office at the will of the Presi- dent. Let him displease the President or refuse to do his bidding and he can be (as was the case with Mr. Duane) removed at once without accountability to any tribu nal whatever. It establishes a currency for the Government different from thtit pos sessed by the people. It requires all the dues ofthe Government to be paid in gold and silver, and requires all debts of the government to bo paid in the same. Con sequently, it becomes oppressive to the pub lic, debtor who often can obtain specie only at enormous premiums, and is partial to the public creditor who receives his dues in the precious metals. The president’s salary of 25,000 dollars per year, is paid in gold and silver which he may sell fora premium and thus realize a sum as much greater than his salary, as the precious metals maybe more valuable than the medium received in exchange, but whioh will answer his purposes and pass for as many dollars as his nominal salary. This additional sum may vary from 12 to 2590 dollars. In the same way will the other public officers and creditors be benefitted by the favoritism of this measure. It cannot regulate the cur rency in a way wholesome and beneficial to the country. There are but from GO to 80 millions of dollars of gold and silver in the United States, 3.o*>r 40 millions in the vaults of the Banks and the balance in cir culation among the people. Suppose then the Government in consequence ofa war or other emergency should need 30 or 50 mil lions a year. Where can it be obtained ? Not from that in circulation among the peo ple. The Banks to afford it, must wind up their concerns, call in their debts and spread universal ruin over the country, or else to sustain themselves would be necessitated to suspend specie payments. Suppose them already in a state of suspension, how are they to be relieved and resume? Os course by getting a sufficiency of specie ! How can this be done or how could it be retained with the constant drain of it from them to meet the specie wants ofthe Government ? •This whole subtreasury scheme is imprac ticable for adverse and dangerous crises in the country, and if practicable in times of peace and when the wants of the Govern ment are at the lowest estimates, can be put into operation only at the hazard of the prosperity of the country. For it is clear to all, that in proportion to the abstraction of the precious metals from the vaults of the Banks are the limitations of their dis counts and the consequent scarcity of mon ey and restriction of trade and commerce. Some of the friends of the administration profess to admire this scheme, because, it will have a tendency to break down the Banks and make specie the universal, cur- rency of the country. Nothing could be more absurd or more dangerous ifeffectcd. There are payments made in the United States annually to the amount of more than 5,000,000,000 of dollars. To make this, at least 350 or 400,000,000 ofdollars would bo requisite. Whence could this vast a mount of specie be obtained. Not from Eu rope, for they have there even less than is wanted. Not from the mines of Mexico, for with all the mineral wealth of that coun try, the relative proportions of the gold and silver of the world, as now distributed and at present wanted, can with difficulty be maintained. But some urge that with a inetalic currency prices would fall to suit the quantity. This might do for the credi tor, but it would.grind the debtor to pow der. To effect such a revolution all the property of the Union would change hands, at least, all that in the hands of the poorer classes, and while they would be kept poor, the rich made richer, would continue so. — An attempt to bring about such a state of things as this, would result in the destruc tion of the happiness and prosperity of the country and the dissolution of the Union.— Phe experience of our Government has shown that while it has lost but little by Banks it has lost millions by individuals.— Look at the prostitution of public officers for the last few years, while the subtreas ury has been practically in operation. Did ever a previous administration stumble up on such plunderers and rogues as the pres ent l Can we not see that it is in part ow ing to the facilities afforded the corrupt, un der the system of individual deposites?— But the country is frowning indignantly upon our present rulers and all their vain, absurd, and dangerous experiments. The good old halcyon days of our national pros perity and constitutional purity will soon be restored under the auspices of one, whose star is rising rapidly and brightly in the west, commingling as it does the brilliancy of the successful hero, and the placid lus tre of the virtuous, able, and honest states man ; under the guidance of such a man, sustained and counselled as he will be, we may expect a speedy repeal of the subtrea sury law, and the re-establishment of a United States Bank. With such an insti tution as a nucleus, around which the State Banks may gather, relieving them of the pressure for their coin, because, of the receivability of its bills in dues to the gov ernment, and the equality of their value with gold and silver, trade and commerce will soon revive, all interests of the country flourish, industry be amply rewarded for its labor, and universal prosperity be restored to the people. MADISON. Washington, Wilkes County, Oa. October 20, 1840. Harrison , Ti/ler and He form ! MEWS km GAZETTE. PRINCIPLES and MEN. WASHINGTON, Ga! THURSDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1840. “ A Voter” is in type, but unavoidably crowded out. KrWe are informed by the gentleman appointed to take the Census of this Coun ty, that the population of Washington is 1,300', being about 200 increase since the last enumeration two years since. The Presidential Election. The first struggle between the two great political armies is over ; and we have con quered—gloriously conquered. The final, and infinitely the most important contest, is to take place on the Second of Novem ber next. The friends of our good cause must be up and at work. Their opponents are beaten, but not entirely subdued. Lotus not become lukewarm and indifferent by victory. Our course must be yet onward. We cannot, remain stationary without shame. The foe is now rallying his forces for the closing conflict ; and will make a last, a desperate effort, to recover his lost ground. Every man among us must be ready. Every man must be watchful and firm. Let every one believe that the fate of the country depends upon his single vote ; that our deliverance from a long reign of op pression, usurpation, and knavery, from the mercenary and unprincipled partizans of the present Administration, can only be effected by a “ long pull—a strong pull— and a pull altogether.” They are going to play off upon us, an old and favorite trick of theirs, by which they have won many an election. They will tell us, with much pretended sincerity, “ Oh ! there is no necessity for you, Mar- rison men, to turn out to .the polls ; we, Democrats, are beaten ; it is of no use for us to turn out—we are going to stay at home.” Trust them not! believe them not! We have said, and we repeat it, they are orga nizing for a lust dying effort. Don’t let us think to win an easy victory ; they will stir heaven and earth to beat us on the first Monday in November. Don’t let them cheat us out of victory. Look out for handbills, pamphlets, &c. The Locofocos will sot them in circulation before the election, to a certainty. The fact that they are scattered abroad, too late to give opportunity for contradiction, is con vincing proof that they are not worthy of credit. Reject them at once, as falsehoods from beginning to end. Let no cunning deceive us. Let no circumstance keep us from the polls oh Monday, the 2d of No vember next; then GEORGIA EXPECTS EVERY MAN TO DO HIS DUTY. Tlie next Legislature. We hope the first care of the next Legis lature will be to reinstate the credit of the State, now in a most deplorable condition. We cannot expect this to be done at once, but the work of reform can be commenced at the ensuing session, and be perfected hereafter. We cannot hope that the effects of the wild and ruinous policy of the party just ousted from power, can be remedied at one session, its correction is a Herculean labor and must be the work of time. The people expect that something will be done with that monster of folly, the Cen tral Bank. The law authorizing it to put its bills in circulation, never was a favorite with the people ; indeed, we will venture to say that two thirds of the thinking portion of the community were opposed to it, but the Van Buren party passed it supposing it would prove a means to keep them in power, they had the majority, and the State Rights party, protesting against it, were obliged to succumb. The consequence has been, that the cred it of the State,represented by the bills of the Central Bank, has declined in proportion as its issues increased, until the community knowing that they were “promises to pay” by a corporation which had nothing to pay with, refuse to circulate them except at an enormous discount. This should be rem edied. The people have been tampered and dal lied with long enough by the other banks. Relying upon the forbearance of communi ty, they have refused to pay their just obli gations, and kept their parcel of intrinsi cally worthless rags in circulation, which the people are compelled to take for want ofa better medium of exchange. We know not why a bank should be more favored than an individual. If the latter refuses to pay his just debts, the law lets the Sheriff loose upon him, and banks should be serv ed in the same way. Make them pay spe cie ; if they cannot do it, let them break. Perhaps it would be well to give them some time to make their arrangements for resump tion, so that as little distress as possible may be produced among their debtors ; but let that time be as short as possible; and make them understand that this game of promising without performing will not do any longer. We are no enemies of banks, but we go for compelling them to fulfill their contracts, and if these things are not rectified, we promise to give the aid of our feeble talents to the advancement of the hard money scheme, and help along the great locofoco cause, so far as that scheme is concerned, for we think it better to have our money stolen in a lump than to he tor mented by having it frittered away bv peiceineal. We trust no more banks will be charter ed. The General Banking Law, passed two years since, embodies the true princi ples ofßanking, for it gives every man a right to bank who can secure the commu nity against loss. The only institution es tablished under the law, that at Ruckers ville, enjoys deservedly the confidence of the community beyond any other. It has never suspended specie payments, and its bills pass current from the Savannah to the Chattahoochie. We view these things in a plain, matter of fact manner, divested of all those subtle ties with which bankers and financiers mis tify them. We feel the effect of the present state of things, and we know the imme diate cause, the cause oj that cause we nei- ther know nor care any thing about; we know that the people will not endure this state of things much longer, and we know that they look to the legislature fora reme dy. W hile we are on this subject we may as well speak of another connected with it. The community is infested with shin plasters. Perhaps this isowing to the sus pension of the banks, and when they re sume, perhaps they will disappear. If they do not, let the severe law against their cir culation be put in force. It has hitherto remained a dead letter upon our statute book, but if any enterprising individual feels disposed to make a large fortune with little trouble, he may do it by only taking a stand upon the cars of the Georgia Rail Road and watching the agent as he deals out his change bills; for every shin plaster he puts in circulation the company is liable to a penalty of SIOO, one half to the infor mer. To be sure they attempt to evade the law, by making their change bills pay able in “rides,” but there can be no doubt but that they come under the true mean ing, spirit and intent of the statute, and arc liable to the penalties of the same. &TATIE [£LlE©Yi]@M®. Georgia. We have thought it advisable to give one more insertion to our table of Election Re turns, that we might revise and correct it, which we had no opportunity of doing last week; and that we might supply the re turns from the counties wanting in our last. The table is now complete, and may be use ful io our friends for reference hereafter. The vote this year is larger than ever polled in Georgia ; being over 75,000 — and exceeding the vote of last year nearly 20,000. • Dawson, the highest on our ticket, has a majority over Cooper, the high est on the Van Buren ticket, of 4,050 —a result far exceeding our expectations. Our lowest candidate is ahead of their highest, 3,572. In the Senate, parties stand 4S Harrison, to 44 Van Buren, and a tie in Coweta ; in the House, the Harrison majority is about 30. The following is the aggregate vote for Congress : ANTI-VAN BUREN. Dawson, 39,619 Nisbet, 39,399 Habersham, 39,379 Foster, 39,306 Warren, 39,297 Alford, 39,275 King, 39,257 Gamble, 39,254 Meriwether, 39,141 VAN BUREN. Cooper, 35,569 Colquitt, 35,562 Black, 35,496 Lumpkin, 35,417 Campbell, 35,379 Pooler, 35,362 Hillyer, 35,357 Iversojn, 35,311 Patterson, 35,291 Pennsylvania. The first returns (from the city and coun ty of Philadelphia) were unfavorable to the Whigs. But the news received from the other counties, show a large gain for Harrison and Tyler. Twenty counties have been heard from, where the gain has counterbalanced the Whig loss in Phila delphia. Ohio. This State was fixed on as the ground for a desperate contest. livery exertion has been used by the administration to beat Harrison in his own State, very few returns have been received, but thev show a very large gain for the Whigs. New Jersey lias nobly rebuked the party who dared to rob her of her rights by turning her Rep resentatives out of Congress. The Whigs have elected a majority ofthe legislature, securing the election of a United States Senator. She will give 1 larrison 2000 m- j jority. 03“ The Locofoco papers assert, that British gold has been used to buy up Demo- 1 cratio votes. We have known some ofthe honest among them, change their opinions from the force of argument; we did not think the party was so abandoned and un principled, that it could be purchased by j British or Benton gold. But the truth-tell ing Van Buren editors, say it is so; of course, we must believe them. Poor V an ! even his own partizans abuse him for his bad luck, and some of them say they hope he may not get a single State.— So it is ; when a man is going down hill, every body gives him a kick. Summary Justice. —Several Packages of the Extra Globe and other Documents, sent to Lee county by the Hon. John Forsyth, to be used in influencing the Elections, have, by an order of the Inferior Court of that county, been publicly burnt by the Sheriff. The opponents of Gen. Harrison, have almost abandoned every argument against him, except that of Abolition! How tri umphantly has the slave-holding part of Georgia refuted their slanders in this par ticular ! Almost every county in that part of this State once derisively called the “ black belt,” has gone for him, and in those where the Van Burenites have had the as cendency their majorities are generally di minished. They have, as they always have had, the supremacy in the Cherokee counties, which hold few slaves. In the counties of the Northern Circuit, where the people possess a greater proportion of slaves than in any other, not a single Van Buren man has been elected to the Legislature !! Mental Sub-Treasurers. Amos Kendall says his “thoughts some times run away with his pen.” Port rail of Wm Sturm. We invite the public attention to the fol lowing extract from a Speech delivered at the great South Western Convention, re cently held at Nashville, Tennessee, by the Hon. Mr. Crittenden of Kentucky. It is a portrait of Martin Van Buren drawn by a master.hand, and no New England man need be told that it is “ true to the life.” Mr. Crittenden said he did not believe Mr. Van Buren possessed either the head or the heart to be the President of this proud and independent nation. He was nurtured in the'Albany Regency school of politics, and had not the capacity or the warmth of heart to know, or feel like a politician of the West. He was emphatically a free trader in politics, buying where he could purchase cheapest, and selling where he could command the highest prices. He hail been for the war and against the war. Should the Federalists say to him, Mr. Van Buren we can support no man who support ed the last war, which ruined our commerce and brought the country so deeply in debt, ! how readily could he reply, gentlemen, who took more decided ground against that war than I did ? Madison I opposed and gave my influence to Clinton, your own favorite candidate ? Should the Republicans, on the other hand, approach him and say, we can support no man who did not support the ! last war, how readily he would assure them that he did support it, and point to his re ports and speeches in its favor, made after Madison’s re-election, and the war had be- j come popular. Take the subject of Abolition too.— Should leading abolitionists tell Mr. Van Buren they would like to vote and use their influence for him if they could only have some evidence that he would help to carry out their principles, why, who could fur nish them with more strong and enduring proofs than Mr. Van Buren, of his firm at tachment to their principles? How sin cerely*would he point to his vote instructing the New-York Senators upon the Missouri question—to his vote in the New-York con vention in favor of extending the right of voting to Negroes—to his vote in Congress to restrict slavery in Florida—to his decla ration, for the public eye, that Congress has constitutional power to abolish slavery, any day, in the District of Columbia—and to his recent rescript, that he saw nothing in the admission of negro testimony into court a gainst a gallant officer of the navy that call ed for his interference ! On the other hand, should the anti-abolitionists say to him, Mr. Van Buren, what guarantee will you n-ive us, that if we go for you, you will not favor the schemes of the infamous fanatics ? How I gravely he would refer them to his repeat, ed declaration that he will apply the veto to any bill having for its object the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ! Upon the subject of Internal Improve ment too, he is equally ready. To one party he points to his vote to establish toll gates upon the great Cumberland Road, such was hr love and zeal for Internal Im provement. He points also to his approval of numerous hills making great appropria ! tious for works of that nature. To the op i posite party, he will say he is against In- I ternal Improvements by the general govern j ment, and points with apparent exultation, j to the complaints of the friends of the great j National Road, that he asked for no appro priation whatever for it in his last table of | estimates for expenditures! On the subject of Federalism, lie occu pies the same ground also. To the Feder alists. he can turn to his ardent support of Unfits King, their great champion, and ex hibit the book he wrote in his favor. To the Republicans, lie can point to his sup j port of Daniel I). Tompkins. Mr. Crittenden asked if he was not justi fied then in pronouncing Martin Vanßu i ren a freetrader in politics? He asked w hat he had ever done to advance the true j interests of his country, or promote its pros l perity ? “ The answer,” he said, “ Would be. No ! For the very good reason that he had done nothing. Whv,” said he, “if old Plutarch were to burst from his tomb, and be called upon to write the life of Mar tin \ an Buren, and record the services he has rendered his country, great God ! what a blank the old historian Would present to the world !” lie asked, what reason the people had for advancing such a man to the highest office in their gift. Call over his name— does it fill the heart with grateful emotions? No. At the name of WASHINGTON of even Jackson—and of Harrison, the heart glows with emotion ! But sound the name of Van Bu r e n —tis as cold as a tomb-stone—aye, as Van Buren himself. Mail Arrangements. POST OFFICE, ) Washington, Gd., Oct. 17, 1840. ( AUGUSTA MAIL. Arrives. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 5, A. M. CLOSES. Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 2.1, P. M. MILLEDGEVILLE MAIL. ARRIVES. Sunday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 8, A. M. CLOSES. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 11, A. M. CAROLINA MAIL ARRIVES. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 11, A. M. CLOSES. Sunday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 8, A. M. ATHENS MAIL. . ARRIVES. Sunday and Wednesday, at 9, A. M. CLOSES. Sunday and Wednesday, at 9, A. M. ELBERTON MAIL ARRIVES. CLOSES. Thursday, at 8, P. M. | Thursday, at 9, P. M. LINCOLNTON MAIL. ARRIVES. CLOSES. Friday, at. 12, M. | Friday, at 12, M. (LY” We are authorized to announce Mr. J-C. WILLIAMSON as a Candidate, at the election in January next, for RECEIVER and PAX COLLECTOR forthe County of Wilkes.—Oct. 1. (5) t s. !■ ADI ES’ FAIR. i A FAIR by the LADIES of the Baptist Sewing Society, will be held at the Court House, in the GRAND JURY ROOM, on TO-MOIIROW EVENING, at Seven o’Clock. Situation Wanted. \ LAUV from the North would like a SITUA TION in a respectable SCHOOL or PRI- ‘ VATE FAMILY as TEACHER. Address, M. 1I ost Office, Washington. 8. ‘J! A LL !) y/l ( ’ASH will be paid for TALLOW, by „„ R. 11. VICKERS. Washington, Oct. 22, 1840. 8 3t. I lie Press will copy three times, To Rent, •TUIE LAND belonging to the ESTATE of 1 BENJAMIN CATCHINGS, late of Wilkes comity, deceased, trom the 10th of December ne ;Y u „ ANN ARNETT, Adm’trix. Oct. 22, 1840. 8 ts. • Tegroes to Hire . I WILLHIRF, out the NEGROES belonging to thc ESTATE of BENJAftfIN CATCH ot Wilkes countv, deceased, on the LOlii ot December next. ANN ARNETT, Oct. 22, 1840. 8. ts. Administratrix. WILKES SHERIFF’S SALE. Will be sold on the FIRST TUESDAY in DE CEMBER next, at the Court House door in the town of Washington, Wilkes County, the following property ; to wit, /"XNE TRACT ot LAND, containing Sixty Acres, more or less ; being on the waters of Little River, adjoining lands of Ilen-y Terrell, and others. Levied on as the property of Solo mon Wilder, to satisfy a Fi. Fa. issued from the Superior Court of Wilkes County, in favor of Ann Arnett, vs. Solomon Wilder, and H. L Em bry, security. Property pointed out by said Wilder. THUS. R. EIDSON, (let 22, 1840. 8 Deputy Sheriff. ADMINISTRATRIX’S SALE OF PERISH ABLE PROPERTY. Will be sold on Thursday, the 10th day of De cember next, at the late residence of Mildred Carlton, deceased, ALL the PERISHABLE PROPERTY be longing to the ESTATE of MILDRED CARL ION, late ol V tikes county, deceased, consisting ot Household and Kitchen Furniture; Stock ol Horses, Cows, Hogs, Corn, Fodder, Sic. Terms will be made known on the day of Sale. ANN ARNETT, Adm’trix. October 22, 1840. 8