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Ancient Laws.
It is said of the Puritans, at the first set
tlement of New England, that, not having
lr isure time to enact laws, they resolved
“ to be governed by God’s laws as set forth
in the Bible, until they could make better.”
The following specimen of the better laws
they afterwards manufactured we copy
from a Magazine of the last century. —
They have at least the merit of simplicity
and perspicuity, but thov display the rabid
spirit of intolerance towards other sects, for
which the puritans were remarkable, al
though it is pretended that they fled to the
New World to obtain liberty of conscience
and the right to worship the deity in the
manner of their own choice.
Lam made in the Dominion of New-Haven,
at its first settlement.
‘l'lio Governor and Magistrates, conven
ed in General Assembly, arc the supreme
power, under God, of this independent do
minion.
From the determination of the Assembly
no appeal shall be made.
The Governor is amenable to the voice
of the people.
The Governor shall have a single vote in
determining any question, except a casting
vote, when the Assembly shall be equally
divided.
The assembly of the people shall not be
dismissed by the Governor, but shall dis
miss itself.
Conspiracy against this Dominion, shall
be punished with death.
Whosoever says there is a power and ju
risdiction above and over this dominion,
•shall suffer dcatli and loss of property.
Whoever attempts to change or overturn
this dominion, shall suffer death.
The Judges shall determine controver
sies without a jury.
No one shall be a freeman, or give a
vote, unless he be converted, and a member
in full communion of one of the Churches
allowed in this dominion.
Each freeman shall swear by the blessed
God, to bear true allegiance to this domin
ion, and that Jesus is the only king.
No quaker or dissenter from the estab
lished worship of this dominion, shall be
allowed to give a vote for the election of
.Magistrates, or any officer.
No food or lodging shall be offered to a
quaker, Adamite, or other heretic.
If any person turns quaker, he shall be
banished, and not suffered to return, but on
pain of death.
No priest shall abide in the dominion ;
lie shall be banished; and suffer dcatli on
his return.
Priests may be seized by one without a
warrant.
No one to cross a river but with an au
thorized ferrvman.
No one shall run on the Sabbath day, or
walk in his garden, or elsewhere, except
reverently to and from meeting.
No one shall travel, cook victuals, make
beds, sweep house, cut hair, or shave, on
Sabbath day.
No woman shall kiss her children on the
Sabbath or fasting day.
The Sabbath shall begin at sunset on
Saturday.
To pick an ear of corn growing in a
neighbor's garden, shall be deemed theft.
A person accused of trespass in the night,
shall be judged guilty, unless he clear
himself by his oath.
When it appears that an accused has
confederates, and he refuses to discover
them, he may be racked.
None shall buy or sell lands, without
permission of the selectmen.
A drunkard shall have a master appoint
ed by the selectmen, who are to debar him
from the liberty of buying and selling.
Whosoever publishes a lie to the preju
dice of his neighbor, shall be set in the
stocks, or be whipped ten stripes.
No Minister shall keep a school.
Every rateable person, who refuses to
pay his proportion to support the Minister
of the town or parish, shall be fined by the
court £2. and £4. every quarter, until he
or she pay the rate to the minister.
Whosoever wears clothes trimmed with
gold, silver, or bonelace, above 2s. per
yard, shall be presented by the grand ju
rors ; and the selectmen shall tax the of
fender at £3OO. estate.
A debtor in prison, swearing he has no
estate, shall be let out, and sold to make
satisfaction.
Whosoever sets a fire in the woods, and
it burns a iiouse, shall suffer death ; and
persons suspected of this crime, shall be im
prisoned without benefit of bail.
Whosoever brings cards or dice into the
dominion, shall pay a fine of five pounds.
No one shall read common prayer books,
keep Christmas or set days, make minced
pies, dance, play cards, or play on any in
strument of music, except the drum, trum
pet, and jewsharp.
No gospel minister shall join people in
marriage. The magistrates only shall
join them in marriage, as they may do it
with less scandal to Christ’s church.
When parents refuse their children con
venient marriages, the Magistrate shall de
termine the point.
The selectmen, on finding children igno
rant, may take them away from their pa
rents, and put them into better hands, at the
expense of their parents.
A man that strikes his wife, shall pay a
fine of ten pounds.
A woman that strikes her husband, shall
be punished as the court directs.
A wife shall be deemed good evidence
against her husband.
No man shall court a maid in person, or
by letter, without first obtaining consent of
her parents ; £5. penalty for the first of
fence ; £lO. for the second ; and for the
third, imprisonment during the pleasure of
the court.
Married persons must live together, or
be imprisoned.
Every male shall have his hair cut round
according to a cap.
Note. —The above. Laws were originally
printed on blue paper, on which account then
i tiled “ Iliac Laws. “
EXTRAORDINARY EFFECTS OF
GALVANISM IN RESTORING
LIFE, APPARENTLY EX
TINCT.
Gal vanism was resorted to as a means
of restoring the unfortunate Scott, thediver,
and although unsuccessful in that particu
lar instance, the vital spark having (led—
its application in cases of suspended anima
tion, particularly from drowning, possesses
strong claims to the attention of medical
men. The following arc a series of very
interesting experiments made by a gentle
man at Brent, near Ashburton, nutned
liaise, to test the power of galvanism in
teases of suspended animation from drown
ig =
“On Thursday last one of my spaniels
whelped, having a litter of thirteen, six of
which I took for my experiments. I drown
] ed three of them in cold water, and kept them
I immersed forfifteen minutes, at which time
i I took them from the bucket, and placed
| them ill front of a good tire. No motion
i could be perceived in either of them. I then
put the front legs of one of them in a jar
j containing a warm solution of salt and wa
j ter, and its hind legs in a similar jar, in
! each of which was inserted one pole of the
j galvanic battery; the whole were then
i placed near the fire.
The position of the dog being now favor
i able for operating on, without the necessity
I of making any incisions in the flesh, I pas
sed a very strong shock through its body;
it moved its hind legs. 1 gave it another
shock, which caused its tail to move. I now
passed twenty shocks in quick succession
through its body ; it. moved every limb, its
mouth opened and I was inclined to believe
that the dog had actually come to life ; but
llie moment I ceased passing the shocks the
dog was motionless as it was previous to
my commencement. Again 1 continued the
shocks, and 1 noticed that there was more
motion in the limbs. Considering that, in
proportion to the return of the sensibility,
these shocks would be too powerful for it, I
decreased the intensity of them, and passed
many hundreds in rapid succession. I con
tinued this for about five minutes, the mo
tion of the limbs increasing as the shocks in
creased in number. I now ceased ; the
dog still moved; it was restored to life. 1
placed it on a warm flannel in front of the
fire, and in a very short time it appeared
as well as it was previous to its being drow
ned ; it crawled on the flannel and made
the noise peculiar to young dogs.
I now examined the two other dogs
which were drowned and taken from the
water at the same time this one was. They
were both dead, a plain proof that it was
entirely owing to galvanic fluid that life
was restored. The other three dogs I
drowned in warm water, and kept them
immersed for forty minutes, at which time
all motion had ceased. Two of them I laid
in front of the fire and the remaining one I
placed in the jars, as in the preceding ex
periment. I now passed a few shocks of
weak intensity through the body, but no
motion was preceptible. I therefore in
creased the intensity of them considerably
and gave the shocks in quick succession.
Every limb moved, the belly protracted
and again collapsed, and the head was
raised. At this period I stopped passing
the shocks in order to see if there was any
motion in the dog, when not under the gal
vanic influence—there was none. I again
proceeded with the shocks, and having no
ticed that the limbs moved more rapidly
than before, I considered it necessary to de
crease tho intensity and increase the quanti
ty of electric fluid, which I did, so much
as to be enabled to preceive a slight tremor j
in the dog. I continued in this manner for
about five minutes, at which time I removed
it from the jars, and placed it on the table.
It was alive. In a quarter of an hour it
appeared to be perfectly recovered. The
other two dogs (which were not allowed to
get cold during the whole of the experiment) j
were now examined ; no motion whatever j
could be preceived. I tried the effects of j
galvanism on one ofthese. I was success- j
ful. In one hour after this I operated on I
the other dog also, but it was in vain.—
There was no vigor remaining in the vital
powers ; life had fled.— Brighton Herald.
BRANDY AND SALT.
Dr. Dick, of London, in a letter to the
editor of the Lancet , says it might serve to
denude this coarse and unskilful compound
of the reputation which its supposed novel- i
ty and inexplicable virtue are procuring it, j
with a portion of the public, if a simple !
statement of the modus operandi of its medi
cinal properties (such as they are) were
submitted. It would then appear that
while the principle of this vaunted specific
is just one of the most familiar in regular
medicine, it is at the ?ame time one of the
most objectionable,one which the intelligent
practitioner rarely has recourse to, and
which only ignorance on the part of those
who recommend it as a general specific of
else a reckless and unprincipled desire to
profit by popular delusion, could possibly
bring into general use and favor. My re
marks are applicable to brandy and salt,
solely as an internal remedy ; & thus view
ed, what are brandy and salt, sSc what is the
secret of that efficiency and utility which
they may be admitted to possess 1 Simply
that thts compound is a spirituous solution
of a purgative, than which union nothing is
more ancient and stale in thecompounding
of drugs ! The boasted spirituous tincture
of salt (for it is nothing more or less than
this) differs in nothing from the well know.i
spirituous tincturesof jalap, rheubarb, &c.,
except that it is the tincture of a mineral
substance, while these last are of vegetable
substances ! But ihe principle of union is in
both cases, indentical, namely, the allaying
of a substance that purges, with another that
acts as a cordial, and prevents griping,
dispels flatulence, &c. So much, then, as
to any novelty in the principle of the reme
dy. But two further remarks are to be
made. With many ignorant or simple
persons the circumstance of so common a
I substance as domestic salt, being of so
; much supposed efficacy and power, excites
j wonder, and appears to them something ve
ry new and uncommon. These persons
| ought to he made aware that the selection
lof common domestic salt, far from being
i judicious, is the contrary ; since sulphate
| of magnesia, or Epsom salts, sulphate of
I soda, tartrate of soda, or Rochelle salt,
would all be, not equal only, but more
- efficacious, and more easy in their action.
| The second remark is, that the principle of
union of two such substances as salt and
! brandy, although quite familiar in medi
cine, is not, in general, an eligible one, —is
j one not often put in use by the physician,
and propounded as it is by its inventor and
partizans, as a form f or frequent and gener
al employment, is not hazardous and repre
hensible. Saline drugs arc appropriate in
states ofthe stomach and bowels, in which
brandy is most iN-appropriate, namely, in
vascular, heated, tumefied, irritable states
of the rastro-entcric inembrance. The
combining of those two substances, there
j lore, is. in fact, and in some degree, to pre
scribe incompatibles.
NEWS AND GAZETTE.
principles and men.
WASHINGTON, GA.
THURSDAY, MAY 13, 1841.
National Fast.
To-morrow, it will bo recollected, has
been recommended by President Tyler, to
be observed as a day of Fasting and Pray
er, in acknowledgment of the heavy afflic
tion, with which Providence has visited the
nation, in the death of General Harrison.
We learn there will he religious services
appropriate to the occasion, in the several
Churches in this town,
CCS“ Anew Post-Office is established at
Bookersville, in this county, and Richeson
Booker, Esq. appointed Post-Master.
(£7” We learn from the Charleston Cour
ier, that “ the Secretary of the Treasury
has prepared a plan for a National Bank,
which he intends to lay before Congress in
his report, at the commencement of the
coming session. In its main features it will
resemble the late bank, but will be sur
rounded with such checks, guards, and re
strictions, as experience has indicated as
useful or necessary. lie will propose a
capital of thirty-five millions. He has not
determined, it is said, upon the locality of
the mother bank.”
Democratic Young lion’s
Convention.
In accordance with the respectful request
contained in the last of the subjoined reso
lutions, and for the information of our Dem
ocratic friends, U’e publish the Report and
resolutions adopted by the Convention of
democratic young men of all ages, recently
assembled at Milledgeville.
The report and resolutions are preceded
in the Standard of Union (from which pa
per we copy them, verbatim et literatim,) by
the answers of those venerable youths,
Messrs. Lumpkin, Calhoun and Spalding,
to the letter of the executive committee, in
viting them to participate in the convention,
with their young brethren. We have no
room for the letters, but it is sufficient to
say that the Ex-governor kindly informs
the committee of sundry extraordinary po
litical and theological facts, which we sup
pose they were ignorant of. Mr. Spald
ing advises the committee to use their
tongues, to wipe away a certain foul pollu
tion he speaks of; —and Mr. Calhoun be
daubs his new and strange associates with
“ soft sawder,” doubtless,while writing the
letter, repeating to himself Fallstaff’s ex
clamation, “ If I be not ashamed of my
company, lam a souced gurnet.” v ‘
The report we recommend as a model of
composition which it would have puzzled
Addison or Johnson, any writer of modern
times, or of antiquity, to imitate ; setting
forth in a style luminous and clear as mud
the fundamental and organic laws of the
Democratic party. It is true, that the
style in some of the sentences, is not quite
so clear; but it is proper and common for
great authors to take high flights, beyond
human perception, especially when engag
ed with a worthy subject. It is hard to re
strain the wing of genius, and therefore
some sentences in the report are rather ob
scure ; but this we consider a merit, rather
than a defect; for if the meaning of those
sentences cannot be readily discovered,
more opportunity is afforded for the exer
cise of the imagination, in the exertion of
which the democracy have ever been high
ly gifted. The most unobservant, howev
er, cannot mistake the solemn, plain and
irrevocable determination of the conven
tion, to build a “ tripple wall of brass,” to
the materials of which we presume, each
member will contribute from his own abun
dant stock.
What a fund of magnanimous and for
giving feeling is displayed towards “the
best and wisest of our statesmen” who have
been guilty of differing in opinion from
“ the patent democracy” of the present day.
How generously do they “honor the mo
tive,” how freely do “they forgive the
wrong,” the heinous wrong of differing from
the Youthful Convention. Fathers of tho
Constitution, illustrious statesmen of former
days, you may now rest quietly in your
graves, for the Democratic Young Men
(some of whom were your coteniporaries)
have forgiven you !
After the report, come the resolutions
declaratory of the “ fundamental princi
ples of the party,” affirming their attach
ment to “fundamental law,” and that a
violation of the fundamental law, is a de
parture from the fundamental law. But
the fundamental resolution of all, is that
approving the nomination of Charles J. Mc-
Donald, to promote whose election was the
fundamental cause of this convention.
Then we have a resolution in reference
to President Tyler, informing him that the
Democratic Party are very great political
friends of his, and assuring him that if he
will turn Loco-foco, and despise the coun
sels of his constitutional advisers, he shall
be amply compensated by the patronage
and support of the 400 young and old boys,
constituting the convention. It displays
little generosity or fairness in tho Loco
focos, towards their opponents, to tempt one
ofthe chiefs of the Whig party with so
brilliant an offer ; but wc suspect that the
dazzling bribe will not be accepted ; for
John Tyler is noted for being rather obsti
nate in his opinions ; one, who can hardly
be turned from the path of rectitude and
patriotism by the offer, magnificent though
it be. We hope, however, he will receive
in all humility and thankfulness, the ap
probation which the young men deign to
bestow upon his former course; it will
doubtless prove a great consolation to him
in tho cares, vexations and labors incident
to his high office.
In fine (not to detain our readers longer
from the “ feast of reason” prepared for
them in the report,) the whole shows the
Young Men’s Democratic Convention to
have been of the right grit. They have
proved their devotion to democracy by their
enmity to the despotic rules of grammar,
and their solicitude for fundamentals, by the
appropriate present they vote to the illustri
ous (!!!) Tom Ititchic.
“REPORT
The fundamental principles of Democra
cy is equality—between citizen arid citizen.
To give effect to this principle it was found
necessary in the establishment of our gov
ernment to secure by organic law, called a
Constitution, the individual rights of every
member of community. The history of all
governments, shews that the exercise of an
absolute and uncontrouled power by an ir
responsible majority must sooner or later
terminate in aristocracy or despotism. The
only guarantee in the stability of Democra
tic institutions, is found in the moral res
traints which the fundamental law directed
by the paramount sovereignty of the peo
ple, is supposed to be placed in the majori
ty of the legislature. It will be perceived
at once that no government can be organi
zed under a constitution, without creating
two separate and distinct interests—the in
terest of the governing—to increase its pow
er, and the interest of the governed, to hold
to the terms of the compact. The slightest
accession of power to the governing beyond
those conceded by the compact for the de
fence and protection of all, destroys at
once, that equality of right between citizen
and citizen, which constitutes as was said
the essential difference between democracy
and all other systems of government. The
conclusion is inevitable, that the durability
of democracy eminently depends upon a
strict and rigid construction of the Consti
tution, and the principle as well applies to
the State as Federal constitution. It would
be supererogation to declare doctrines so
long acquiesced in, doctrines which have
been sanctioned by time and confirmed by
experience.
But a departure from those principles in
many of the leading measures of the Gov
ernment, under the pressure of circumstan
ces in some cases, and a pardonable confi
dence in the magnanimity of the majority
of the representatives of the American peo
ple in others, by their unforeseen effects,
have brought doubt and discredit on the
practical soundness of even these cardinal
principles. The charter of the Bank of the
United States, and the Tariff of 1810, fur
nish in their history a sad commentary up
on the dangers of the slightest departures
from the letter of the Constitution. While
we read the lessons it teaches, let us profit
by the melancholy warning. Every man
who pretends to the least concern tor the
public welfare, must heartily deprecate
these honest errors of many of the best and
wisest of our statesmen, and deplore their
consequences. For them we honor the
motive, while we pardon the wrong. But
it has now ceased to be a subject of mag
nanimous forbearance to the true and trus
ted, and it is high time to rebuke the selfish
ambition that seeks to perpetrate those dan
gerous innovations upon the spirit of our
institutions which threaten nothing less than
the subversion of our Government. To
the mischievous influences of the first char
tered monopoly, may perhaps be traced
most of the flagrant and confessed evils of
the Banking system. To the same cause
may be attributed the enactment of the Ta
riff * for a public debt, or a surplus reven
ue, are essential to the existence of a Na
tional Bank.—The feathers that support the
Cormorant in his flight, ure plucked from
the people ; deprive him ofthese, and you
fix him hoplessly to the ground. With
the unrestrained control ofthe public rev
enue of the country, no opposition can
resist it; corrupting where it cannot intim
idate, defying where it cannot corrupt, it
has brought relief but to disappoint; it has
won public confidence but to betray and
rob ; its baneful influence and example has,
in the end, fastened upon us a system of
Banking that preys upon the country with
more hands than Brarius, more heads than
the Hydra.
Os this influence upon community, tho
present decay of trade—prostration of pri
vate credit and the abasement of public
morals, boar clear but humbling testimony.
The unhappy Condition ofthe country, all
must acknowledge and deplore. In such a
juncture of affairs, it is surely the part of
wisdom to seek some remedy for these mul
tiplied and accumulated evils—to palliate
the ills from which we may not fly—let us
enter upon its discussion with temper and
candor. Extremes beget extremes in the
moral as well as the physical world, and
the best security for the lasting success of
any measure, is That we should enter upon
it with becoming moderation. This reme
dy—is a thorough and radical reform of
the Banking System—a united and vigor
ous opposition to the re-charter of any new
banking monopoly, State or Federal, upon
principles recognized by the present sys
tem, and forbearance to those in existence
—not for the sake of the Banks, but the sake
of the people ; for the rest, let time and
prudence and industry, by their sure and
silent operations, ease off the pressure, and
bring back our financial system to a steady
standard of value. Stringoiji laws upon
the Banks and the great credit lenders of
the country, ever recoil upon the commu
nity and invariably produce revulsion and
panic. The proper tribunal for questions
of debtor and creditor, are the Courts of
Justice and public opinion—guarded by the
unerring instinct of interest.
In these general views, based upon prin
ciples of equal justice to all, the great De
mocratic party of the United States may be
supposed to participate. But another sub
ject fraught with deepest interest to us as
Southerners, commends itself to our earnest
consideration, and should find an echo in
the bosom of every friend of the South.
The delicate relation in which we stand
as slaveholders to the world, bids us be no
longer idle spectators in the great drama
in which we must, sooner or later, play an
important part. For years it has been our
unhappy destiny to be ever on the opposite
on this vital question.
It is ever the position of a passive minor
ity in a Representative Government; it is
perhaps the characteristic of a dominant
party as such to temporize with the factious
and discontented ; it is ever their interest
to yield something to the clamors of the
obstreperous and violent; to outrage no
party by rigor ; to win applause by con
cession. Upon this subject we must throw
around us a tripple wall of brass.
We must yield no point—make no terms;
concession is surrender-—moderate resist
ance is death. All connection with this
misguided fanaticism, is contamination ;‘
their apologists and supporters are traitors
to the South. Upon tiiis subject, all South
erners, whether Whig or Democrat, are a
like bound by indissoluble ties of interest;
our destinies are alike for evil or for good.
But it is ours—to plant ourselves upon the
total inhibition of the agitation of the sub
ject in Congress—to hold those who palter
with the abolitionists, for political purpos
es, to be the worst and most dangerous, be
cause the disguised enemies of the South ;
and to the Southern Democrats, in confor
mity with these views, we pledge ourselves
to the support of principles contained in the
following resolutions:
Resolved , That the stability of all gov
ernments founded upon a Constitution, es
sentially depends upon the strict construc
tion of the fundamental law ; that a depar
ture from such a rule of construction of the
fundamental law, substitutes the will of the
majority for the Constitution itself, and in
effect abolishes the organic law’ of the land.
Resolved, That it is the duty of every
branch of State and Federal Government,
to enforce and practice the most rigid econ
omy in the expenditure of the revenue;
and that all taxes, direct or indirect, raised
beyond the necessary expenditures of the
Government, is a direct infringement of the
righft of the governed, and a violation of the
spirit of the Constitution.
Resolved, That a separation of the finan
cesof government from all connection with
corporations, is indispensably necessary to
a sound and safe currency, and of the
rights of the peqpfe.
Resolved, Thu* Congress has no power
to charter a National Bank ; that we be
lieve such an institution one of deadly hos
tility to the best interests of the country,
dangerous to- our Republican institutions
and the liberties of the people, and calcula
ted to place the business of the country
within the control of a concentrated money
power, and above the laws and the will of
the people.
Resolved, That the distribution of any
part of the revenue, of the United States to
the several States, or to individuals for
them, is unconstitutional and unequal be
tween State and State.
Resolved, That the assumption or guar
ranty by the general government, of the
debts of the several States, directly or indi
rectly, is inexpedient and unconstitutional.
Resolved, That Congress has no power
under the Constitution of the U. States, to
interfere with or control the local institu
tions of the several States, and that the agi
tation of the subject in Congress at the pc
sent crisis, by the reception of abolition pe
titions, or debate, is an open insult to the
Southern people, a palpable violation of the
letter and spirit of the constitution, and
tends directly to revolution.
Resolved, That we approve of *he nomi
nation of Charles J. McDonald, as the can
didate for re-election to the Gubernatorial
Ciliuir, and cordiallv recommend his ad
ministration, us worthy ofthe renewed con
fidence of the people of Georgia.
On motion of Col. Lamar, ofßibb, N
Resolved, That the Democratic Party of
Georgia feel no political hostility to tho
principles of Johu Tyler, President of the
United States, expressed on the subject of
the United States Bank, Internal Improve
ment, and the Protective Policy ; and if hi|
Administration shall be conducted upon his
principles expressed upon those subjects in
1832, while a Senator in the United States
Congress, we will cheerfully support his
administration; but should he now consid
er, as many of his compeers do, the old
State Rights doctrines of Jefferson and the
patriots and constitutionalists of ’9B as
“ Virginia Abstractions,” and act upon the
principles of Clay, Webster & Cos., then we
shall hold him as we hold the rest of man
kind—a friend, if he goes with us—an ene
my, if against our doctrines.
On motion of Col. Smith, of Jones,
Resolved, That as members of the Demo
cratic Republican Party of the State of
Georgia, willing at all times to evince the
high estimation in which we hold the servi
ces of faiiiif'ul advocates of the People’s
rights, and the cause of Democracy ; and •
having seen with feelings of the highest
gratification, the zeal and ability with
which the venerable and illustrious editor
of the Richmond Enquirer, Thomas Ritch
ie, has battled in the ranks of Republican
ism, and having, as he has, devoted a long
life to the advancement of these great prin
ciples which we look to as our polar star,
that a Committee of five be appointed to
consider and report to the Convention some
method of expressing our approbation of his
services.
Whereupon, Messrs. Smith, of Jones,
Welsh, of Washington, Neal of Warren,
Solomon, of Bibb, Degraffenrcid, of Musco
gee, were appointed that Committee.
The Committee having retired a few mo
ments, Mr. Smith from
made the following Report: w*
The Committee appointed under the res
olution in relation to the services of Thom
as Ritchie in the cause of Democratic prill
ciplcs, hog leave to report, that they have
considered the object expressed in the same,
and recommend, in order that it may he
accomplished, that, as a testimonial of our
due appreciation of those services, Mr.
Ritchie be presented by this Convention
with an Editorial Chair —and recommend
also the following Resolution for the adop
tion of the Convention :
Rcsolved, That a copy of the proceedings
of the Convention in relation to the same,
be transmitted to Mr. Ritchie, signed by the
I’residenl and Secretary.
Which report and resolution was read 1
and agreed to.
On motion of Mr. McLaws,
Resolved . That a Committee of seven bo
appointed for the purpose of carrying out
the suggestion and recommendation con
tained in the report of the Committee.
The committee named were, Messrs. Mc-
Laws, Smith,of Jones, Styles, Dyer, Thom
as, of Clark, Skrine, and Lamar, of Bibb.
On motion of Col. Dyer:
Resolved, That the thanks of this Con
vention arc due to our Senator in Congress,
the Hon. Alfred Cuthbert, for the bold and
able manner in which he has so successful
ly exposed to the South, the dangerous and
unconstitutional views entertained by the
present Secretary of State of the United
States, upon the subject of Slavery.
On motion of Mr Styles, of Chatham :
Resolved, That a committee of one from
each Judicial circuit, be appointed for the
purpose of preparing an address at such
time, as will suit their convenience, calling
upon the people of Georgia, to sustain the
resolutions adopted by this Convention,
when the following Committee were an
nounced from the chair, as follows, to-wit :
Eastern Circuit— William H. Stiles.
Middle Circuit— Quintillian Skrine.
Northern Circuit— Alfred L. Boren.
Southern Circuit— Wm. W Wiggins.
South Western Circuit— A. B. Vickers.
Ocmulgee Circuit— Wm. G. Smith.
Flint Circuit— John Lamar.
Chattahoochee Circuit— John Belhune.
Coweta Circuit— Jesse C. Farrar.
Cherokee Circuit— James M. Spurlock.
Western Circuit— James Jackson.
On motion of Mr. Parmer, of Upson :
Resolved, That this Convention do re
commend to the Democracy of every coun
ty, in the State, to assemble at their respec
tive Court-House, as soon as may be conve
nient to carry into full operation and effect
the objects and recommendations of the de
liberations of this Convention.
On motion of Mr. De Graflenreid, of Mus
cogee.
Resolved, That the thanks of this Con
vention be respectfully tendered to the Hon.
John Forsyth, and Gen. Edward Hardin,
the able and eloquent addresses with which
they have been pleased to honor the Con
vention—and that the President ol the Con
vention, bo respectfully requested to call
on them for a copy of their addresses for
publication.
On motion of Mr. Gathright, of Lumpkin
Resolved, That the thanks of this Con
vention, be tendered to its President David
J. Bailey, and its Secretaries, Major Fred.
H. Sanford, and Wm. J. Pullock and Jesse
C. Farrar, Esqrs. for the prompt, faithful
and able manner in which they have res
pectfully discharged the duties imposed up
on them by this Convention.
And be it further resolved, That the pro
ceedings be signed by the President and
Secretaries, and that the Democratic pa
pers of this State, be respectfully requested
to publish the proceedings of this Conven
tion.
The Convention then adjourned, sine die.
DAVID J. BAILEY, President. .
Frederick H. Sanford, 4
Wm. J. Bullock, V Secretaries ,
Jesse C. Farrar, S
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and chopping knives.”
