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About News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844 | View Entire Issue (June 10, 1841)
From the Nat. Intelligencer, Extra, June 1. This day the President of the United States transmitted to both houses of Con gress, the following ME SSAGE. To the Senate and House of Representatives ■ of the United States : loLLow-cnizENs: You have been assembled in your res. I pective halls of legislation under a procla mation bearing the signature of the illus- j trious citizen who was lately’ called by the direct suffrages of the people to the dis charge of the important functions of their chief executive office. Upon the expiration of a single month from the day of his instal lation, he has paid the great debt of nature, leaving behind him a name associated with ♦he recollection of numerous benefits con ferred upon the country during a long life i of patriotic devotion. With this public be reavement are connected other considers - | tions which will not escape the attention of Congress. The preparations necessary for his removal to the seat of Government, in viewofa residence of four years,must have devolved upon the late President heavy ex penditures, which if permitted to burden the limited resources of his private fortune, may tend seriously to the embarrassment of his surviving family ; and it is therefore respectfully submitted to Congress whether the ordinary principles of justice would not liictate the propriety of its legislative in- | terposition. By the provisions of the fun damental law, the powers and duties ofthe high station to which lie was elected have devolved upon me, and in the dispositions if the representatives of the States and of the people will he found to a great extent a solution of the problem to which our insti tutions are for the first time subjected. In entering upon the duties of this office, I did not feel that it would be becoming in me to disturb what had been ordered by nty lamented predecessor. Whatever there ore may have been my opinion, originally as to the propriety of convening Congress at so early a day from that of its late ad journment, I found anew and controlling inducement not to interfere with the patri otic desires of the late President, in the nov elty’ of the situation in which I was so un expectedly placed. My first wish, under suc h circumstances would necessarily have called to my aid, in the administration of j public affairs, the combined wisdom of the ! two Houses of Congress in order to take their counsel and advice as to the best mode of extricating the Government and the coun try from the embarrassments weighing heavily on both. lam then most happy in finding myself, so soon after my accession to the Presidency, surrounded by the imme diate representatives of the States and peo ple. No important changes having taken place in our foreign relations since the last session j of Congress, it is not deemed necessary on this occasion to go into a detailed statement in regard to them. lam happy to say that I sec nothing to destroy the hope of being a hlc to preserve peace. The ratification of the treaty with Portu gal has been duly exchanged between the two Governments. This Government has not been inattentive to the interests of those of our citizens who have claims on the Gov ernment of Spain founded on express treaty stipulations, and a hope is indulged that the representations whiclt have been made to that Government on this subject, may lead, ere long, to beneficial results. A correspondence has taken place be tween the Secretary of State and the Minis ter of Her Britannic Majesty, accredited to this Government, on the subject of Alexan der M’Leod’s indictment and imprisonment, copies ofwhichare herewith communicated to Congress. I;i addition to what appears from these papers, it may be proper to state that Alex ander M’Leod has been heard by’ the Su preme Court ofthe State of New York on bis motion to be discharged from imprison ment, and that the decision of that Court has not as yet been pronounced. The Secretary of State has addressed to me a paper upon two subjects, interesting to the commerce ofthe country, which will receive my consideration, and which I have the honor to communicate to Congress. So far as it depends on the course of this Government, our relations of good-will and friendship will be sedulously cultivated with all nations. The true American pol icy will be found to consist in the exercise of a spirit of justice to be manifested in the discharge of all our international obligations to the weakest of the family of nations as well as to the most powerful. Occasional con flicts of opinion may arise, but when the discussions incident to them are conducted in the language of truth, and with a strict regard to justice, the scourge of war will for the most part be avoided. The time ought to be regarded as having gone by when a resort to arms is to bo esteemed as the only proper abiter of national differ ences. The census recently taken shows a regu larly progressive increase in our popula tion. Upon the breaking out of the war of the Revolution, our numbers scarcely e qualled three millions of souls ; they al ready exceed seventeen millions, and still continue to progress in a ratio which dupli cates in a period of about twenty-three years. The old States contain a territory sufficient in itself to maintain a population of additional millions, and the most popu lous of the new States may even yet be re garded as but partially settled, while of the new lands on this side of the Rocky Moun tains, to say nothing of the immense region which stretches from the base of those mountains to the mouth of the Columbia ri ver, about 770,000,000 of acres ceded and unceded, still remain to be brought into market. YVe hold out to the people of oth- I er countries an invitation to come and settle among us as members of our rapidly-grow ing family ; and, for the blessings which we offer them, we require of them to look upon our country as their country,& to unite with us in the great task of preservingour institu tions. <sr thereby perpetuating our liberties. No motive exists for foreign conquest. — We desire but to reclaim our almost illimi table wildernesses, and to introduce into their depths the lights of civilization. While we s!in.ll at all times be prepared to vindi cate the national honor, our most earnest desire will be to maintain an unbroken peace. lit presenting the foregoing views, I can not withhold the expression of the opinion that there exists nothing in the extension of our empire over our acknowledged posses sions to excite the alarm of the patriot for the safety of our institutions. The Feder ative system, leavingto each Statethe care of its domestic concerns, and devolving on the Federal Government those of general import, admits in safety ofthe greatest ex pansion, but at the same time I deem it proper to add,that there will be found to ex ist at all times, nil imperious necessity for restraining all the functionaries ofthis Gov ernment within the range of their respec tive powers, thereby preserving a just bal ance between the powers granted to this Government, and those reserved to the States and to the people. From the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, you will perceive that the fiscal means present and accruing,are insufficient to supply the wants of the Government for the current year. The balance in the Treasury on th 4tli of March last, not cov- ered by outstanding drafts, and exclusive of the trust funds, is estimated at $868,000. This includes the $215,000 deposited in the mint and its branches to procure metal for coining and in process of coinage, and which could not be withdrawn without in convenience ; thus leaving subject to draft in the various depositories the sum $645,- 000. By virtue of two several acts ofCon gress, the Secretary of the Treasury was authorized to issue, on and after the 4th day of March last, Treasury notes to the amount of ss,4l3,ooo,making an aggregate available fund of $6,058,000 on hand. But this fund was not chargeable with outstanding Treasury notes, redeemable in the current year and interest thereon to the estimated amount of $5,280,000. There is also thrown upon the Treasury the pay ment of a large amount of demands accrued in whole or in part, in former years, which will exhaust the available means of the Treasury, and leave the accruing revenue, reduced as it is in amount, burdened with debt and charged with the current expen ses of the Government. The aggregate a mount of outstanding appropriations on the 4th of March last was $33,429,616 50, of which $24,210,300 will be required during the current year : and there will also be required for the use of the War department additional appropriations to the amount of two millions five hundred and eleven thou sand one hundred and thirty-two dollars and ninety’ eight cents, the special objects of which will be seen by reference to the re ! port of the Secretary of War. The anticipated means of the Treasury j are greatly inadequate to this demand.— } the receipts from customs lor the last throe quarters ofthe last year, and the first quar ter of the present year, amounted to $12,- 100,000 ; the receipts for lands for the same time to $2,742,450 ; showing an average revenue from both sources of $12,236,870 per month. A gradual expansion of trade growing out of a restoration of confidence, together with a reduction in the expenses of collecting, and punctuality on the part of collecting officers, may cause an addition Ito the monthly receipts from the customs. They arc estimated for the residue of the year, from the 4th of March, at $2,000,- j 000 ; the receipts from the public lands for | the same time are estimated at $2,500,000; & from miscellaneous sources at $170,000; j making an aggregate of available fund j within the year of 14,670,000 ; which will leave a probable deficit of 11,406,132 9S. To meet this, some temporary provision is necessary, until the amount can be absor j bed by the excess of revenues which arc ! anticipated to accrue at no distant day. There will fall due within the next three ! months Treasury notes ofthe issues of 18-, 40, including interest, about $2,850,000. — There is chargeable in the same period for arrearages fortakingthe sixth census $294,- 000 ; and the estimated expenditures for the current service are about $8,100,000, making the aggregate demands upon the Treasury, prior to the first September next, about $11,340,000. The ways and means in the Treasury, and estimated to accrue within the above named period, consist of about $694,000 of funds available on the 28th ultimo ; an un issued balance of Treasury notes authori zed by the act of 1841, amounting to sl,- 955,000, and estimated receipts from all sources, of $3,800,000, making an aggre gate of about $0,450,000, and leaving a probable deficit on the Ist ofSeptember next of 4,845,000. In order to supply the wants of the Gov ernment, an intelligent constituency, in view of their best interests, will without hesitation, submit to all necessary burdens. But it is nevertheless important so to im pose them as to avoid defeating the just ex pectations of the country, growing out of pre-existing law's. The act of the 2d March, 1833, commonly called the com promise act, should not he altered except under urgent necessities, which are not believed at this time to exist. One year only remains to complete the series of re ductions provided for by that law, at which time provision made by the same law, and which then will be brought actively in aid of the manufacturing interests of the Union will not fail to produce the most beneficial results. Under a system of discriminating duties imposed for put poses of revenue, in unison with the provisions of existing laws, it is to be hoped that our policy will in the future be fixed and permanent, so as to a void those constant fluctuations which de- I feat the very objects they have in view.— We shall thus best maintain a position which, while it will enable us the more readily to meet the advances of other coun tries calculated to promote our trade and commerce, will at the same time leave in our own hands the means of retaliating with greater effect, unjust regulations, In intimate connexion with the question j of revenue is that which makes provision! for a suitable fiscal agent capable of ad- j ding increased facilities in the collection j and disbursement of the public revenues, j rendering more secure their custody, and consulting u true economy in the great multiplied and delicate operations of the Treasury Department. Upon such an a gent depends, in an eminent degree, the establishment of n currency of uniform val ue, which is of so great importance to all the essential interests of society ; and on the wisdom to he manifested in its creation much depends. So intimately interwoven are its operations, not onlv with the inter ests of individuals, hut with those of the States, that it may be regarded in a great degree as controlling both. If paper he used as the chief medium of circulation, and the power he vested in the Government of issuing it at pleasure, either in the form of Treasury drafts or any other, or if battles he used as the public depositories, with li berty to regard all surplusses from day to day as so much added to their active cap ital, prices are exposed to constant fluctu ations, and industry to severe suffering.— In the one case, political considerations, directed to party purposes, may control, while excessive cupidity may prevail in the other. The public is thus constantly lia ble to imposition. Expansions and con tractions may follow each other in rapid succession, the one engendering a reckless spirit of adventure and speculation, which embraces States as well as individuals ; the other causing a fall in prices, and accom plishing an entire change in the aspect of affairs. Stocks of all kinds rapidly decline —individuals are ruined, and States em barrassed even in their efforts to meet with punctuality the interest on their debts.— Such, unhappily, is the state of things now existing in the United States. These ef fects may readily bo traced to the causes above referred to. The public revenues, on being removed from tlie then Bank of the United States, under an order of a late President, were placed in selected State banks, which, actuated by the double mo tive of conciliating the Government and augmenting their profits to the greatest pos sible extent, enlarged extravagantly their discounts, thus enabling all other existing hanks to do the same. Large dividends were declared, which stimulating the cu pidity of capitalists, caused a rush to he made to the Legislatures of the respective States, for similar acts of incorporation, which by many of the States, under a tem porary infatuation, were readily granted, and thus the augmentation of the circula ting medium, consisting almost exclusively of paper produced a most fatal delusion. — An illustration, derived from the land sales of the period alluded to, will serve best to show the effect of the w'ltole system. The average sales ofthe public lands for a pe riod often years prior to 1834, had not much exceeded 82,000,000 per annum.— t In 1834 they attained in round numbers, to j the amount of $6,000,000. In the succee ding year of 1835 they reached $16,000, 000. And the next year of 1836, they amounted to the enormous sum 0f525,000, 090. Thus crowding into the short space of three years upw'ards of twenty three years’ purchase ofthe public domain. So apparent had become the necessit y of arres ting this course of things, that the executive department assumed the highly questiona ble power of discriminating in the funds to lie used in payment by different classes of public debtors—a discrimination which | was doubtless designed to correct this most j ruinous state of things by the exaction of ! specie in ail payments for the public lands, j hut which could not at once arrest the tide j which has so strongly set in. Hence the demands for specie became unceasing, and corresponding prostration rapidly ensued under the necessities created with the banks to curtail their discounts, and there by to reduce their circulation. I recur to these things with no disposition to censure pre-existing administration of the Govern ment, but simply in exemplification of the truth of the position which I have assumed. If’then an}’ fiscal agent which may be cre ated shall be placed without due restriction either in the hands of the administrators of the Government, or those of private individ- uals, the temptation to abuse will prove to be resistless. Objects of political aggran dizement may seduce the first, and the promptings of a boundless cupidity will as sail the last. Aided by the experience of the past, it will bo the pleasure of Congress so to guard and fortify the public interests, in the creation of any new agent, as to place them, so far as human wisdom can accomplish it, on a footing of perfect securi ty. YVithin a few years past, three differ ent schemes have been before the country. The charter of the Bank of the United States expired bv its own limitation in 1836. An effort was made to renew it, which received the sanction of the two Hou ses of Congress, but the then President of the U. States exercised his veto power, and the measure was defeated. A regard to truth requires me to say that the President was fairly sustaind in the course he had ta ken by the popular voice. His successor in the Chair of State unqualifiedly pro nounced his opposition to any new charter of a similar institution ; and not only the popular election which brought him into i power, but the elections through much of j his term, seemed clearly to indicate a con- currence with him in sentiment on the part of the people. After the public moneys were withdrawn from the United States Bank, they were placed in deposits with the State Banks, and the result of that policy has been before the country. To say noth ing as to the question whether that experi ment was made under propitious or adverse circumstances, it may safely be asserted that it did receive the unqualified condem nation of most of its early advocates, and it is believed was also condemned by the pop ular sentiment. The existing sub-Treasu ry system does not seem to stand in higher favor with the people, but has recently been condemned in a manner too plainly indi cated to admit of a doubt. Thus, in the short period of eight years the popular voice may be regarded as having successively condemned each of the three schems of finance to which I have adverted. As to the first it was introduced at a lime (1816)when the Slate hanks, then compar atively few in number, had been forced to suspend specie payments, by reason of the war which had previously prevailed with Great Britain. Whether if the United States Bank charter which expired in 1811, had been renewed in due season, it would have been enabled to continue specie pay ments during the war and the disastrous period to the commerce ofthe country which immediately succeeded, is, to say the least, problematical, and whether the United States Bank oflßl6 produced a restoration of specie payments, or the same was ac complished through the instrumentality of other means, was a matter of some difficul ty at that time to determine. Certain it is, that, for the first years of the operation of that hank, its course was as disastrous as for the greater part of its subsequent career it became eminently successful. As to the second the experiment was tried with a re dundant Treasury, which continued to in crease until it seemed to he the part of wis dom to distribute the surplus revenue a mong the States, which operating at the same time with the specie circular, and the causes before adverted to, caused them to suspend specie payments,and involved the country in the greatest embarrassment.— And as to the third, if carried through all the stages of its transmutation, from paper and specie to nothing but the precious me tals, to say nothing of the public moneys, its injurious effects have been anticipate and by the country in its unqualified condem nation; what is now to he regarded as the judgment ofthe American people on this whole subject, I have no accurate means of determining, hut by appealing to their more immediate representatives. The late con test which terminated in the election of Gen. Harrison, to the Presidency, was de cided on principles well known and open ly declared, and while the sub-Treasury received in the result the most decided con demnation, yet no other scheme of finance seemed to have been concurred in. To you, then, who have come more directly from the tody of our common constituents, I submit the entire question, as best quali fied to give a full exposition of their wishes and opinions. I shall be ready to concur with you in the adoption of such system as you may propose, reserving to myself the ultimate power of rejecting any measure which may in my view of it. conflict with the Constitution or otherwise jeopard the prosperity of the country ; a power which I could not part with even if I would, hut which I will not believe any act of yours will call into requisition. 1 cannot avoid recurring, in connexion 1 with tiiis subject to the necessity which ex- 5 ists for adopting some suitable measures ■ whereby the unlimited creation of banks 1 by the States may he corrected in future.— 1 Such result can he most rapidly achieved . by the consent ofthe States, to be expressed in the form of a compact among them selves, which they can only enter into with the consent and approbation ofthis Govern ment ; a consent which might, in the pres ent emergency of the public demands, justi fiably be given in advance of any action by the States as an inducement to such action upon terms well defined by the act of tender. Such a measure, addressing itself to the calm reflection of the States, would find in the experience of the past, and the condition of the present, much to sustain it. And it is greatly to be doubted whether any scheme of finance can prove for any length of time successful, while the States shall continue in the unrestrained : exercise of the power of creating banking j corporations. This power can only be litn- j itcd by their consent. With the adoption of a financial agency of a satisfactory character, the hope may be indulged that the country may once more return to a state of prosperity. Measures auxiliary thereto, and, in some measure, inseparably connected with its success, will doubtless claim the attention of Congress. Among such, a distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, provided such distribution does not force upon Con gress the necessity of imposing upon com merce heavier burdens than those contem plated by the act of 1833, would act as an efficient remedial measure,by being brought directly in aid of the States. As one sin cerely devoted to the task of preserving a just balance in our system of government, by the maintenance of the States in a condi tion the most free and respectable, ar.d in the full possession of all their power, I can not otherwise than feel desirous for their e mancipation from the situation to which the pressure on their finances now subjects them. And, while 1 must repudiate as a measure founded in error, and wanting constitutional sanction, the slightest ap proach to an assumption by this Govern ment of the debts for the States, yet 1 can sec, in the distribution adverted to, much to recommend it. The compacts between the proprietor States and this Government expressly guaranty to the States all the benefits which may arise from the sales. The mode by which this is to he effected addresses itself to the discretion of Con gress, as the trustee of the States ; and its exercise, after the most beneficial manner, is restrained by nothing in the grants or in the Constitution as long as Congress shall consult that equality in the distribution which the compacts require. In the pre sent condition of some of the States, the question of distribution may be regarded as substantially a question between direct and indirect taxation. If the distribution bo not made in some form or other, the neces sity will daily become more urgent with the debtor Staies, for a resort to an oppressive system of direct taxation, or their credit, and necessarily their power and influence, will be greatly diminished. The payment of taxes, after the most in convenient and oppressive mode, will he ex acted in place of contributions for the most part voluntarily made, and therefore com paratively unoppressive. The States are emphatically the constituents of this Oov ernrnent; and we should bo entirely re gardless of the objects held in view by them, in the creation ofthis Government, if we could he indifferent to their good. The happy effects of such a measure upon all the States, would immediately he manifest ed. With the debtor States, it would effect the relief, to a great extent, ofthe citizens, from a heavy burden of direct taxation, which presses with severity on the laboring classes, and eminently assist in restoring the general prosperity. An immediate ad vance would take place in the price ot the State securities, and the attitude of the States would become once more, as it ever should be, lofty and erect. With States laboring under no extreme pressure from debt, tlic fund whiclt thoy would derive from this source, would enable them to im prove their condition, in an eminent degree. So far as this Government is concerned, appropriations to domestic objects, approa ching in amount the revenue derived from the land sales, might he abandoned, and thus a system of unequal, and therefore un just legislation, would be subslituted by one dispensing equality to all the members of the confederacy. Whether such distribu tion should be made directly to the States in the proceeds of the sales or in the form of profits, by virtue of the operations any fiscal agency having those proceeds as its basis, should such measure he contempla ted by Congress, would well deserve its consideration. Nor would suelt disposition of the proceeds of the sales, in any manner prevent Congress, from time to time, from passing all necessary pre-emption laws, for the benefit of actual settlers, or from mak ing any new arrangement as to the price of the public lands which might in future he esteemed desirable. I beg leave particularly to call your at tention to the accompanying report from the Secretary of War. Besides the present state ofthe war which has so long atllicted the Territory of Florida, and the various other matters of interest therein referred to, you will learn from it that the Secretary lias instituted an inquiry into abuses which promises to develope gross enormities in connexion with Indian treaties which have been negociatcd, as well as in the expendi tures for the removal and subsistence of the Indians. He represents, also, other ir regularities of a serious nature that have grown up in the practice of the Indian De partment, which will require the appropri ation of upwards of $200,000 to correct, and which claim the immediate attention of Congress. In reflecting on the proper means of de fending the country, we cannot shut our eyes to the consequences which the intro duction and use ofthe power of steam upon the ocean are likely to produce in wars be tween maratime States. We cannot yet see the extent to which this power may be applied in belligerent operations, connect ing itself as it does with recent improve ments in the science of gunnery and pro jectiles ; but we need have no fear of being left, in regard to these things, behind the most active and skilful of other nations if the genius and enterprise of our fellow-cit izens receive proper encouragement and direction from Government. True wisdom would, nevertheless, seem to dictate the necessity of placing in perfect condition those fortifications which arc de signed for the protection ofour principal ci ties and roadsteads. For the defence of our extended maritime coast, our chief re liance should be placed on our navy, aide and by those inventions which are destined to recommend themselves to public adoption. Hut no lime should be lost in placing our principal cities on the sca-board and the lakes in a slate of entire security from for eign assault. Separated as we are front the countries of the old world, and in much unaffected by their policy, we are happily relieved from the necessity of maintaining large standing armies in times of peace.— The policy which was adopted by Mr. Mon roe, shortly after the conclusion of the late war with Great-Britain, of preserving a regularly organized staff sufficient for the command of a large military force, should a necessity for one arise, is founded as well in economy as in true wisdom. Provision is thus made, upon filling up the rank and file, which can readily be done on any e mergency, for the introduction of a system of discipline both promptly and efficiently'. All that is required in time of peace is to maintain a sufficient number of men to guard our fortifications, to meet any sudden contingency, and to encounter the first shock of war. Our chief reliance must be placed on the militia. They constitute the great body of national guards, and, inspir ed by an ardent love of country, will be found ready at all times, and at all seasons, to repair with alacrity to its defence. It will be regarded by Congress, I doubt not, at a suitable time, as one of its highest du ties to attend to their complete organization and discipline. The state of the navy pension fund re quires the immediate attention of Congress. By the operation of the act of the 3d March, 1837, entitled an act for the more equitable administration of the navy pension fund, tliat fund has been exhausted. It will be seen by the accompanying report of the Commissioner of Pensions that there will be required for the payment of navy pension ers, on the Ist of July next, $88,706 06, and on the Ist January, 1842, the sum of $69,000. In addition to these sums, about $6,000 will be required to pay arrears of pensions which will probably be allowed between the Ist of July and the Ist of Janu ary, 1842, making in the whole 8163,706 06. To meet these payments there is with in the control of the Department the sum of $28,040, leaving a deficit 0f5139,666 06. The public faith requires that immediate provision should be made for the payment of these sums. I In order to introduce into the navy a de j sirable efficiency, anew system of accoun i tabilitv may he found to be indispensably | necessary. ” To mature a plan having for ; its object the accomplishment of an end so | important, and to meet the just expectations | of the country, require more time than has ! vet been allowed to the Secretary at the head of the Department. The hope is in dulged that by the time of your next regu lar session, measures of importance, in con nexion with this branch of the public ser- s vice, may he matured for your considera tion. Although the laws regulating the Post- Oftieo Department only require from the officer charged with its direction to report at the usual annual session of Congress, the Post-Master General has present td to mo some facts connected with the financial condition of the Department, which are deemed worthy the attention of Congress. By the accompanying report of that officer, it appears that the existing liabilities oi that Department beyond the means of pay ment at its command, cannot he less than $500,000. As the laws organizing that branch of the public service confine the ex penditure to its own revenues, deficiencies therein cannot he presented under the usual estimates, for the expenses of Government. It must, therefore, he left to Congress to determine whether the moneys now due to contractors shall he paid from the public Treasury, or whether that department shall continue under its present embarrassments. It will be seen by the report of the Post- Master General, that the recent lettings of contracts in several ofthe States have been made at such reduced rates of compensa tion as to encourage the belief that, if the department was relieved from existing dif ficulties, its future operations might he con ducted without any further call upon the general Treasury. The power of appointing to office is one of a character the most delicate and respon sible. The appointing power is ever more exposed to be led into error. With anxious solicitude to select the most trustworthy for official station. I cannot be supposed to possess a personal knowledge of the quali fications ot every applicant. I deem it therefore proper, in this most public man ner, to invite, on the part of the Senate, u just scrutiny into the character and preten sions of every person whom I may bring to their notice in the regular form of a nomi nation for office. Unless persons, every way trustworthy,are employed in the public service, corruption and irregularity will in evitably follow. I shall, with the greatest cheerfulness, acquiesce in the decision of that body, and, regarding it as wisely con stituted to aid the Executive Department in the performance of this delicate duty, 1 shall look to its “consent and advice” as given only in furtherance of the best inter ests of the country. I shall, also, at the earliest proper occasion, invite the attention of Congress to such measures as in my judgment will he the best calculated to re gulate and control the Executive power in reference to this vitally important subject. I shall also, at the proper season, invite your attention to the statutory enactments for the suppression ofthe slave-trade, which may require to be rendered more efficient in their provisions. There is reason to be lieve that the traffic is on the increase.— Whether such increase is to be ascribed to the abolition of slave-labor in the British possessions in our vicinity, and attendant diminution in the supply of those articles which enter into the general consumption ofthe world, thereby augmenting the de mand from other quarters, and thus calling for additional labor, it were needless to in quire. The highest considerations of pub lic honor, as well as the strongest prompt ings of humanity, require a resort to the most vigorous efforts to suppress the trade. In conclusion, 1 beg to invite your par ticular attention to the interests ofthis Dis ti ict. Nor do I doubt that, in a liberal spir it of legislation, you will seek to advance its commercial as well as its local interests. Should Congress deem it to be its duty to re peal the existing sub-treasury law, the ne cessity of providing a suitable place of de posite for the public moneys which may he required within the District must ho appa rent to all. I have felt it to be due to the country to present the foregoing topics to your consid eration and reflection. Others, with which it might not seem proper to trouble you at an extraordinary session, will be laid be fore you at a future day. lam happy in committing the important affairs of the country into your hands. The tendency of public sentiment, I am pleased to be lieve, is towards the adoption, in a spirit of union and harmony, of such measures as will fortify the public interests. To cher ish such a tendency of public opinion, is the task of an elevated patriotism. That differences of opinion as to the means of ac complishing these desirable objects should exist, is reasonably to be expected. No can all be made satisfied with any system of measures. But I flatter myself with the. hope that the great body of the people will readily unite in support of those whose ef forts spring from a disinterested desire to promote their happiness ; to preserve the Federal and State Governments within their respective orbits ; to cultivate peace with all the nations of the earth, on just and honorable grounds ; to exact obedience to the laws ; to entrench liberty and proper ty in full security ; and, consulting the most rigid economy, to abolish all useless expenses. JOHN TYLER. Washington, June 1, 1841. Cor. of the Charleston Courier. YVashington, June 1. The organization of the two Houses ol Congress was effected yesterday. Mr. Southard, President pro tempore of the Sen ate, took the chair of that body, and a quo rum was formed and the usual preliminary business attended to. The Senators all appeared to be in good health and spirits. Mr. White was elected on the first ballot, having 121 votes out of 221 that were giv en. Mr. Wise received 8 votes, Mr. Kaw rence, of Pa. 5, Mr. J. W. Jones 84<” and there were a few scattering. There were six YY’higs who did not vne at all, but who, would eventually have voted for Mr. YY r isc X | in ease he obtained such a support as wou/ i have rendered their votes available. ‘ j The caucus nominee for the Clerkship j did not succeed so well. Mr. F. O. J,-. ! Smith obtained 90 votes cn the first ballot;
