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i: s s ion al .
the Xuti.ma/ Inte'ligrneer, 22d it'!.
MoPOSED BANK OF THU UNITED
L STATES.
y Thu following is the Report of the Select
pjwrimittce of the Senate on the Currency,
l&c., of which Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, is
Chairman, as read hv hint in the Senate
yesterday:
The committee to which was referred so
| much of the President’s Message as relates
to a uniform currency, and u suitable sis.
eal agent capable of adding increased fa
cilities in the collection, and disbursement,
and security of the public revenue, have
had the same under consideration, and beg
leave to Report:
That after the most attentive and anxious
consideration of the state of the currency,
and the finances of the Government, in all
their interesting and important bearings,
the committee have arrived at the same
conclusion with the Secretary of the Trcas
ury, that a sound and just policy requires
the establishment of a Bank of the United
States with as little delay as practicable.
The committee have neither time nor in
clination to enter into a discussion of the
question of the power of Congress under
the Constitution of the United States, to es
tablish a National Bank. After all that
has been said and written on the question
during the long period of half a century,
nothing remains to be added that would
he likely to shed much new light upon it.
It ought, in die opinion of the committee,
to be regarded as a settled question, settled
by the approbation and judgment of the
People, by the authority oftlie Legislature,
bj the sanction of the Executive Depart
ment of the Government, and by the solemn
adjudication of the Judiciary. If it be not
regarded as a decided question, when, in
the collisions and conflicts among men, a
rising out of diversity’ of opinion and judg
ment, is a controverted matter to be consid
ered as terminated and quieted ?
Nor do the committee deem it necessary
to discuss the question of the expediency of
establishing such an institution as a Bank
of the United States. On this there is even
less contrariety of opinion than on the for
mer question. On both, it is tiie deliberate
conviction of the committee that a vast ma
jority of the People of the United States
concur; and that they are now looking,
with anxious solicitude, to the deliberations
of Congress, under the confident hope that
a Bank of the United States will be estab
lished at the present extraordinary session
of Congress.
Passing by, therefore, these two ques
tions, as being unnecessary to he further
argued, and assuming, what the committee
verily believe, that a National Bank is in
dispensably necessary, they will proceed,
at once, to the particular form, powers, and
faculties with which it may be expedient
to invest such an institution. And here
the committee have no hesitation in saying
that, confiding in the experience of forty
years, during which the nation has enjoyed
the benefit of a National Bank, and during
the greater part of which it has realized
every reasonable hope and expectation in
lhe operations of such an institution, they
came to the conclusion that it would be wi
sest to dismiss all experiments, and to cling
to experience and assume the last charter
granted by Congress as the basis of anew
bank, engrafting upon it such restrictions,
guarantees, amendments, and conditions,
as have been found necessary by actual ex
perience.
The Secretary of the Treasury came to
a similar conclusion ; and in his report,
and the draught of a hill which accompa
nies it, he has taken as his model tire char
ter granted by Congress in 1816. On that
he has suggested a great many valuable
improvements, most of which the committee
have incorporated in the draught of a bill
which they now report to the Senate. On
this draught they tvish to offer to the Sen
ate some brief explanations and observa
tions.
The committee have adopted Washing
ton city, proposed by the Secretary of the
Treasury, as the place of location of the
principal bank. They believe the place of
its location is a subordinate question ; hut
there arc many advantages from the prox
imity of the Bank to the Government. The
distribution of the capital of the bank a
mong the several commercial cities, in pro
portion to their respective wants and mag
nitude, is what they naturally desire, and
what will doubtless he done. But to guard
against the exercise of any undue Govern
ment or official influence, or the imputa
tion of any unworthy transactions, the com
mittee have thought it expedient to deprive
the parent Bank of all power to make any
discounts or loans whatever, except loans
to Government, authorized by express law.
In order to ensure the command of the best
financial abilities of the country, the bill
provides that the Directors of the Parent
Board, which is to consist of nine members,
shall be paid for their services by the Cor
poration, and all compensation to the Di
rectors, in the usual form of hank accom
modations, is utterly’ prohibited.
Thus, the Directors of the Bank at Wash
ington, will become a Board of Control, su
perintending the branches, supplying them
with a currency, and hanking exclusively’
through the agency of their offices of dis
count and deposit.
The capital of the Bank, proposed by the
Secretary, is retained ; but a power is re
served to Congress, to augment it by the
addition of twenty millions, making the
aggregate amount ultimately fifty millions
of dollars, if that should be found to he ne
cessary.
To guard against undue expansion of
tlie currency by the operations of the Bank,
various restrictions and securities are in
troduced.
1. The dividends are limited to seven
per cent, per annum ; and, after accumu
lating a reserved fund of two millions of
dollars, to cover losses and contingencies,
the excess beyond that seven per cent, is to
he paid into the public Treasury. And, I
whatever excess remains at the end of the
charter, beyond the reimbursement to tiie
stockholders oftlie capital stock, is also to
he paid into the Treasury. If the dividends
fall below seven percent, during any year
of the charter, the deficit ncy is to he made
good out of the surpluses previously paid
into the Treasury. The effect of this pro
vision is, to make a permanent and invari
able seven per cent, bank stock, assuming
that the administration of the Bank is con
ducted with integrity and ability.
2. The debts due to the Bank are requir
ed not to exceed the amount of the capital
stock actually paid in, and 75 per cent,
thereon, which is a greater restriction than
usual.
The total amount of debts which the Bank
is authorised to contract, over and above
the deposites, is not to exceed twenty-five
millions of dollars, which is alsoagreater
restriction than was placed upon the late
Bank of the United States.
3. The publicity which is required of
the general condition of the Bank, and the
full and complete exposure to committees
of Congress, and to the Secretary of the
Treasury, which is amply secured, of all
the books and transactions of the Bank, in
cluding private accounts.
4. The prohibition of tiie renewal of any
loan, thus putting an end to all mere ac
commodation paper, as far as practicable,
and confining the Bank to fair business
transactions.
And 5. The Bank is prohibited from
making any further discounts or loans
whenever its notes in circulation exceed
three times the amount of specie in its
vaults.
To protect the community and the stock
holders against mismanagement of the
Bank, several provisions have been insert
ed, which it is hoped may be effectual.
1. No paid officer of the Bank is to re
ceive loans or accommodations in any form
whatever.
2. Securities are provided against abu
sive use of proxies, such as that no officer
of the Bank can be a proxy ; no proxy can
give more than 300 votes ; no proxy to be
good which is of longer standing than nine
ty days, &c.
3. A prohibition against the Corpora
! tiou’s transacting any other than legitimate
banking business ; excluding all dealing
in stocks, and all commercial operations.
4. A requisition that a majority of the
whole number of tiie Board of Directors
shall he necessary to transact the business
of the Corporation.
5. Ample power to make the most thor
ough examination into the condition and
proceedings of the Bank, down to the ac
counts of individuals, by totally removing
from the Secretary of the Treasury and
committees of Congress the veil of secresy.
And 0. By denouncing and punishing
as felony the crime of embezzlement of the
fundsofthe Bank when prepetrated by any
of its officers, agents or servants.
Concurring entirely in the sentiment ex
pressed by the Secretary of the Treasury,
ihat many wise and patriotic statesmen,
whose opinions are entitled to considera
tion and respect, have questioned the power
ofCongress to establish a National Bank ;
and that it desirable, as far as possible, to
obviate objections and reconcile opinions,
the committee have attentively and earnest
ly examined the provision, incorporated in
the draught of the bill of the Secretary, in
regard to tiie brandling power of the Bank
and they would have been happy if they
could have reconciled it to their sense of
duty to adopt it. But after the fullest con
sideration, they have been unable to arrive
at that result.
It was not without some hesitation, that
tiie committee agreed to the location of the
bank in the District of Columbia. This
they did because they beleived that the util
i icy oftlie Bank did not so much depend up
j on the place of its location as upon the cap
ital, facilities, and powers which should bn
given to it. But to isolate it in this Dis
trict, without giving it any other brandling
power than such as it might derive from the
consent of particular States, would he to
create an enormous District bank, devoid
of effective national character. Such a
bank would be a bank only oftlie District of
Columbia, and its offices of discount and de
posits would be nothing more than hanks of
the States which might allow them to he
planted within their respective limits.—
For all national purposes, Congress might
as well reeharter one of the existing Dis
trict banks, enlarge its capital, and give
it authority to establish offices of discount
and deposite in any State that would per
mit it to be done.
The committee believe that the capital
of a bank so constituted would never be ta
ken ; and that, it taken, tiie institution
would be wholly unable to accomplish the
great and salutary purposes for which it is
desired and should be designed.
But the question of establishing a bank
thus to be restricted and circumscribed in
volves higher and graver considerations
than those of mere expediency. The Gen
eral Goverument has or has not the power
to establish a National Bank. If it has
the power, it derives from it the existing
grants in the Constitution of the United
States. The committee believe it has the
power, and ought to exercise it. But after
a contest during the last ten or twelve
years in respect to the constitutional power
ofCongress, which lias been marked by so
much animation and bitterness, a forbear
ance to exercise the power would be a vir
tual surrender of the power. If a bank
were to be created, whose operations with
in the limits oftlie State were dependant
not upon the will ofCongress, hut upon the
will of each State, separately announced,
the creation of such a bank would add an
other to the list of disastrous experiments,
and would be tantamount to a relinquish
ment oftlie national power, and it could ne
ver be resumed.
Tiie power of the Federal Government is
only to be found in thegrants of the Consti
tution. If they are inadequate to the ful
filment of the great purposes of its estab
lishment, they can only he increased in the
mode of amendment which the instrument
itself has described. They cannot le aug
mented by the grants or consent of any
State or States short of the number of two
thirds, whose concurrence is necessary to
give validity to an amendment. A deriva
tion of power to the General Government
from the consent of particular States would
be unsound in principle, and the commit
tee apprehended dangerous in practice.—
Admit such consent to he a legitimate
source of power, the Government would
not operate equally in all the States, and
the Constitution, losing its uniform charac
ter, would exhibit an irregular and incon
gruous action.
Entertaining these deliberate views, the
committee are decidedly ofopinion that no
bill for die establishment of a bank in the
District ofColumbia will be effectual which
does not contain a clear recognition of the
constitutional power of Congress to estab
lish branches wherever, in the United
States, the public wants, in its judgement,
require them. They cannot consent that a
bank, emanating from the will of the na
tion, and imperatively demanded by the
necessities oftlie Government and to tiie na
tion, shall he wholly dependent lor ite use
ful operation upon the will of eacli and eve
ry State, distinctly expressed.
Accordingly, in the draught of a bill
now reported, tho right is asserted to exer
cise the branching power oftlie bank inde
pendent of the assent of the States. The
committee dare not allow themselves to be
lieve that the bill is free from all defects,
but they do hope that these, in a spirit of
liberality, will be corrected by the superior
wisdom of the Senate and of the house, and
that the present session will be signalized
by the establishment of a national institu
tion, which lias become a desideratum to
the general prosperity.
The advantage which will flow from
such an institution, in both our domestic
and foreign relations, are manifest and in
contestable.
It will give the People a sound currency
of uniform value throughout the Union,
which is just as necessary to the successful
operation of all branches of business as
pure air or water is to the preservation of
human life or health.
It will revive and extend commercial in
tercourses, which for the want of a common
medium, has been almost suspended be
tween different parts of the Union.
It will reduce domestic exchange from
O
the enormous premiums and discounts now
frequently paid to tiie moderate standard
growing out oftlie mere cost and insurance
on the risk of transporting specie from one
to another part of the Union.
It will, consequently, save hundreds of
thousands of dollars now annually lost in
transactions of exchange.
It will essentially benefit the manufac
turing interest by enabling it to realize
sales and the proceeds of sales.
It will powerfully contribute to the re
sumption of specie payments by the banks,
whose existing delinquency is tiie greatest
source of all prevailing pecuniary and li
nancial embarrassments.
It will greatly tend to prevent and cor
rect the excesses and abuse of the local
banks.
It will furnish a medium common to all
parts of the Union for the payment of debts
and dues to the Government; thus render
ing duties and taxes uniform in fact as well
as in name.
It is indispensable to the convenient and
successful financial operations of the Gov
ernment tn all the departments of collection,
safe-keeping, and disbursements of the pub
lic revenue.
Such arc some of the domestic benefits
which the committee fully believe will lie
secured by a National Bank. Those which
appertain to our foreign relations.
If it he true that money is power, its con
centration under the direction of one will,
sole or collective, must augment the power.
A nation, without such a concentration of
power maintaining extensive commercial
intercourse with another nation possessing
it, must conduct that intercourse on a con
dition of inequality and disadvantage.—
National Banks, in other countries, beget
the necessity therefore, of a National Bank
in this country, in like manner as National
Governments in foreign nations must be
met by a National Government in ours.
Accordingly we have seen the influence
exerted by the Bank of England upon A
merican interests when those interests were
exposed to the action of that Bank, and were
left without the protection of a Bank of the
United States. The committee do not wish
to be understood as intending to express
any approbation of the commercial opera
tions in which the Pennsylvania Bank as
suming the name of the Bank of the United
States, engaged, when that state of things
arose.
But they do not mean to say that the in
terest and dignity of the United States de
mand that they should not be exposed be
yond the necessary&legitimate influence of
monetary and commercial operations to the
action ofa foreign hanking institution.—
They believe that, without a competent
Bank of the United States, foreign National
Banks may and probably will exercise an
undue and possibly pernicious influence
upon our interests.
In this view of the case, the question is
whether it is better that we should be left
liable to be materially affected by a for
eign institution in which we have no inter
est, over which we can exert no control,
which is administered solely in reference to
foreign interest or we shall have an Amer
ican authority and animated by American
interests, feelings, and sympathies ?
The committee could not entertain a
doubt in sucli an alternative. And in refer
ence to the foreign aspect of the Bank, the
committee thought it expedient to al
low it to deal in foreign bills of exchange,
which are the barometer of tiie state of our
foreign trade.
In conclusion, the committee think it pro
per to say that they have given due consid
eration to the various memorials referred to
them, and to the instructions moved by a
Senator from Mississippi.
They subjoin that wherever, in this report,
the committee is mentioned, a majority of
the committee is to he understood.
All which is respectfully submitted.
Cor. of the Charleston Courier.
Washington, Juno 22.
You will receive herewith, Mr. Clay’s
report from tiie select currency committee
of the Senate, which lie made yesterday.
Tiie report accompanied by a hill of twen
ty-four sections, “incorporating the sub
scribers to the Fiscal Bank of tiie United
States.” The bill was made the special
order for Wednesday next, when it will
undoubtedly he pressed upon the consider
ation oftlie Senate, till it is passed. The
modifications proposed to the plan of tiie
Secretary oftlie Treasury are very impor
tant, and will render tiie bill more accepta
ble totlie majority oftlie Whig party, in and
out ofCongress. The hill reported places
the Bank at Washington city, but it con
siders that as a subordinate question. It
provides, however, that if it lie placed here
the parent hank shall make no discounts.
This, I understand, is considered hv Mr.
Ewing, as a great improved, on the original
plan, as it guards against the exercise of
official influence over the loans of the Bank.
It also dispenses with the provision requi
ring the consent of any State to the estab
lishment of a Branch in that State ; it al
lows the Bank to deal in foreign exchan,
ges ; and it provides for the augmentation
of tiie capital to fifty millions, should Con
gress hereafter deem it necessary. This is
the plan, and it appears to he based on prin
ciples of compromise, to which Mr. Clay
has always been partial. If he cannot se
cure all that he deems necessary and pro
per, he will yield much in order to secure
something. It is the general opinion that
the bill will without further essential alter
ation, pass the Senate. In the House, there
is a majority of thirty in favor of some sort
of a hank, hut there will he still greater
difficulties in regard to details in that body,
than in tiie Senate.
Mr. Calhoun spoke at length in conclu
sion oftlie debate on the doctrines and ar
gument of Mr. Ewing’s finance report. —
He went fully into a view of the proposed
measure of the administration, and denied
that they would he of no benefit, lie argued,
except to jobbers, holders of State stocks,
speculators, and the mercenary represen
tatives in the State Legislatures, who would
manage the distribution of the respect
ive States. He contended that this session
was specially held for the purpose of revi
ving the old and exploded Hamilton policy
—a funded debt, a national bank, a high
tariff, &c, —measures which would trans
fer the government to a moneyed oligar
chy.
The House, with singular unanimity
and despatch, has passed the bill providing
for the pay of the members and officers at
the extra session. They also referred the
Senate hill repealing the Sub-Treasury
act, to the Committee on Ways and Means
were desirous to act upon it at once, hut it
was argued that careful provision must he
made for the safe keeping and disburse
ment of the public money, during the inter
val that might occur between the repeal of
the act and the substitution of a fiscal agent.
Mr. Adams presented, without hindrance
some hundreds of abolition petitions, but
they were not received, and were returned
to him. The new rule, as construed by
the Speaker and the House, is in practical
effect the same tiling with the old rule.
Mr. Levy, the delegate from Florida,
presented himself to he sworn, when Mr.
Morgan objected, on the ground that citi
zens of Florida contended he was alien.—
Mr. L. produced his credentials, and de
manded to be sworn. The Speaker, after
reading them, administered the oath.
A plan of a national hank by Mr. Bar
nard, of New York, was read and referred
to the Select Committee on the Currency.
It proposes to establish a national hank in
tiie city of New York with a capital of
tvventv-five millions, under certain regula
tions. The western and southern members
voted against the reference.
Mr. Wise’s resolution calling on Mr.
Ewing for his plan of a fiscal agent, as re
ferred to in his report on the finances, was
adopted. Mr. Davis, of Ky., remarked
that the Secretary had but one plan, and
that had already been communicated to the
Senate.
Washington, June 23.
In the Senate, the chief business, yester
day, was the consideration of the bill for
renewing the charters of the hanks of the
District of Columbia. The discussion was
very full, and the opposition of the anti-
Bank Senators very decided. But the bill
was finally ordered to a third reading.
At 11 o’clock, to-day, the Senate will
take up the subject of the fiscal bank, and
Mr. Clay is expected to make his opening
speech upon it.
Mr. Allen, of Ohio, presented the resolu
tions of the citizens of Cincinnati, remon
strating against a national bank and other
measures of the present administration.—
Mr. A. said the people of Ohio would resist,
by force, the establishment of a bank of the
United States in that State. In fact, he
menaced nullification in the most decided
terms. Mr. Clay pleasantly remarked
that if the whig party had been aware of
this hostility to their part}', they might, per
haps, have hesitated in their measures, but
as they had gone so far, they would abide
the consequences.
Resolutions from the Legislature ofCon
necticut, in favor of restricting the elegibil
ity of a President to one term, was read.—
Mr. Allen asked whether they applied to
the case of a Vice President who had be
come President by the death of the Presi
dent ? No reply was made.
In the House, Mr. Pope moved to recon
sider the motion referring the hill repealing
the Sub-Treasury act to the Committee on
Ways and Means. Mr. Proffit intimated
that the reference of this subject to a com
mittee of doubtful political complexion was
a mistake that might lead to unfortunate re
sults. It appeared, in the course of the
discussion, that the opinions of some of the
whig members of the Committee of Ways
and Means are considered as doubtful on
financial questions. Tiie existence of an
“ under current,” in this matter, was talk
ed of, and it was declared that the bill
would at least experieneo delay in that
committee. It was therefore referred to the
Committee on the Currency.
The resolution of Mr. Campbell, ofS.C.
for an inquiry into the expediency of modi
fying tiie Sub-Treasury act, was discussed
and laid on the table.
The Committee on the Public Lands re
ported tiie bill for tiie distribution of the
proceeds of the sale of the lands among the
States. This, it is now said, will be the
first bill acted on in tiie House. Many
southern whigs will oppose it, hut some of
tiie Pennsylvania opposition members will
it is rumored, support it.
Washington, June 24.
Another agitating question was intro
duced, through incidentally, in the House
yesterday,—tiie Tariff. The remarks that
fell from some quarters were verv interes
ting. The discussion arose on a motion to
print a memorial relative to the operation
ofthe tariff on American manufactures,
particularly that of iron. Tiie printing
was objected to, and Mr. Bidlack, of Penn.,
said it was a subject of interest which was
soon to be met, and upon which information
was desirable. Mr. J. Q. Adams availed
himself of the opportunity—which he never
loses—to scatter dissension. He assailed
the Compromise act and declared that the
people would never support it—lie ap
pealed to the members representing free
laborers to oppose it and lie especially cal
led upon the republican delegation from
Pensylvania to press for protective duties.
Mr. King ofGoorgia, made interesting
remarks in reply to Mr. Adams-remarking
that in claiming protection for free labor,
Mr. A. claimed a right to tax the south for
the benefit of the north.
Mr. Arnold of Tennessee, deprecated the
ferment that this discussion would create
in tiie House, and censured those of the
whig party who were so ready to introduce
agitating topics here. He wished to avoid
all those questions which did not relate to
the objects of this session. He spoke of the
opposition proper & the opposition improp
er, and said lie would like to know’ where
we stood, —and whether tiie friends of the
administration were in a minority here, or
not. If not, there would he no use in pro
longing tiie session, and lie, for one, would
vote for an immediate adjournment.
Mr. Irwin, of Pittsburg, Penn., said the
Compromise act was in violation of a large
majority of the people of the United States,
and was forced upon them by the menaces
of minority. The question must soon he
met, —at the next session at furthest. The
people at the north would be beared on this
subject. It was his intention to move a re
ference of these memorials and of so much
of the President s message as related to a
Tariff, to the committee on Manufactures,
and, if this reasonable proposition was vo
ted down, he would submit a icsolution, as
a test question, which could not he evaded.
Mr. Rliett said the compromise act would
terminate next May, and it was proper that
the country should know what was to he
done. He was of opinion that the subject
ought to have been taken up at the last ses
sion. He was ready to go into the subject
ofthe adjustment of the tariff now. The
soonerit was settled the better for the South.
No question was taken on the subject,
and the debate was interrupted by a mo
tion to adjourn, in order to enable the Com
mittee of Ways and Means to prepare some
business for the House. The House there
fore, adjourned at a very early hour.
Mr. Pickens, in lire course of this debate
alluded to what lias been called the under
current in tiie House ; and he expressed the
hope it would swell into a full and success
full tide. Again, when a resolution was
offered in favor ofa constitutional provision
restricting the eligibility of a President to
one term, Mr. Pickens asked whether it
was meant to exclude the present President
running a second time ; ifso, lie was op
posed to it, for he “might he in favor of the
present incumbent running again.”
The bill incorporating the subscribers to
the Fiscal Bank of the United States, was
not taken up in the Senate. The bill re
newing the charters of the District banks
was on its third reading, when a motion was
made by Mr.Morehcad to recommit the bill
with instructions to strike out a clause pro
hibiting the banks from issuing any notes
but their own, or those of other specie pay
ing banks. It was understood that the
banks would not take the hill with this res
friction. After a long debate the bill was
recommitted, but without instructions.
Some twenty or thirty nominations were
sent in to the Senate yesterday.
It is proposed that the two Houses will
be present at the solemnities attending the
removal of the remains of General Harri
son, which will take place some time next
week.
From the, Richmond Whig.
LONG SPEECHES IN CONGRESS.
The man who could invent a scheme to
arrest the incontinent harranjrues in Con
gress, would merit the lasting gratitude of
his countrymen. Whether sucii an inven
tion be within the range of human capacity
may well be doubted. Such is the selfish
ness, the self-conceit and vanity of some,
who delight to hear themselves speak, and
see themselves in print, and such is the
spirit of faction which animates others, that
we despair of any thorougli reform of the
growing evil during the existence ofthe pre
sent Congress. Greater vigor on the part of
the Speaker—to the extent even of seeming
tyranny, might exert some salutary influ
ence. But thorough cure is past hoping
for.
The Baltimore American ventures a few
suggestions on the subject, which it vainly
hopes may prove effective.
From the. Baltimore Americon.
MUCH SPEAKING IN CONGRESS.
There have been various suggestions
made in different quarters with the view of
devising some remedy for the much spea
king in Congress. The inordinate length
to which discussions are protracted —tlio
“infinite nothing” diffused though vapid
speeches to the great consumption of time
and tiie delay of business—the unpleasant
feelings generated by personal attacks and
recrimination, to say nothing of the loss of
dignity to which honorable members sub
ject themselves and the House, when aim
ing at self glorification they “reach their
own falling”—these are very justly regar
d'd as great evils, and especially so at this
crisis when important matters of business
are pressing for decision.
One proposition in the way of reform in
tliis particular is to have no reporters in the
House—the journal simply to be published
daily under the direction of the Clerk.—
This arrangement it is said, would take a
way the stimulus which now brings many
an orator to iiis feet—that of appearing
with all his eloquent sayings in tiie newspa
pers next morning. There may be some
thing in this-But what will be thought of
the next suggestion ?
The next is to increase the corps of re
porters and to takedown literally, word for
word, grammatically and syntactically,
the remarks of every speaker as they fall
from him in debate. There are two objec
tions to this. The first is that no reforma
tion could be wrought by it without first
bringing the House into contempt —as it
would be necessary to expose the unlicked
crudities of inane or spasmodic oratory
which appear bad enough when polished
into the best shape that they can he made
to assume. Tiie second objection is that
tno sheet could he found large enough to
contain all the words of wisdom or folly
which are daily uttered by that talkative
body.
But there is another proposal, viz: to re
move the desks of the members and have
them sit on plain bencheswithout backs. It
is urged that if this were done, tiie House
would be induced to transact business ra
pidly in order to escape from such unpleas
ant scats; it would prevent copious note
taking and letter writing ; it would bring
the members nearer together, within a
small compass, so that all could hear with
out difficulty. It might indeed, be said that
the convenience of sitting as proposed,
would be an inducement to honorable gen
tlemen to get upon their legs as the more
agreeable position—in which case the spea
king would he rather more than less. But it
must be remembered that white one would
be at ease on his feet, the rest would be ill
at case on the benches—the result of which
would be that if the speaker should show
symptoms of longwindness, or did not speak
to the purpose, he would be coughed down
incontinently by his suffering audience.
We must content ourselves with barely
mentioning these various suggestions. If
from any one of them or from all together,
an effectual remedy can be fashioned to
abate the evil complained of, and restore
efficiency to the representative body, a
great good will be accomplished. But we
are obliged to confess that in our opinion
the following sentence from one of Mr. Jef
ferson’s letter contains the gem of the best
idea that we have seen on the subject:—
“If the present Congress,” says he, “errs
in too much talking, how can it he other
wise in a body to which the people send
men who question every thing, yield noth
ing and talk by the hour.”
GOOD NEWS FROM FLORIDA.
We are gratified to learn that tiie arch
villain Wild Cat, together with fifteen war
riors, have been seized by order of Col.
Worth,commanding in Florida, and a:e
now safely on their way to the West.
The next advices we receive from the
seat of war we trust will give us the intel
ligence of the capture of Halleck Tustc
nuggee, as parties were out in all direc
tions at last accounts in search ofthe faith
less chief.
Col. Worth has made a good beginning
since taking command in Florida, and we
only regret that tiie season is not more favor
able for an active campaign.
The subjoined letter from our attentive
correspondent at St. Augustine, was recei
ved last evening by tiie arrival of the stea
mer Chas Downing, Capt. Dent. It will
be read with interest.
We also received the News and Herald,
ofFriday last. They contain no Indian
news.
Correspondence of the Savannah Republi
can.
Office of the News, >
St. Augustine, June 12, 1841. $
WILD CAT TAKEN!
The steamer Wm. Gaston, Capt. Griffin,
arrived this morning from Fort Pierce, with
Colonel Gates, Capt. Wade, Lieut. Brown,
and a company of Artillery who had gone
down a few days since with the view of ta
king Wild Cat. Orders had already been
despatched to Maj. Childs for that purpose,
but an increase of force was deemed neces
sary, as the party of Indians were supposed
to be large. Wild Cat had extended an in
vitation to the garrison at Fort Pierce to vis
it his encampment and witness a dance,
and on the evening of the 3d, again came
came into Fort Pierce, with 15 warriors, 3
negroes and self, for supplies of whiskey.
As usual his manner was overbearing and*
relying on his passport, he little imagined
that its use had been countermanded. Maj.
Childs, promptly seized all of his party in
cluding 11 poneys.
Wild Cat’s encampment proper, was
distant 35 miles on the QJrerchobee swamp,
in this Maj. Childs repaired, but being dris
covered,slndians, who were there, escialji.
Wild Cat and his party were shipped on*ne
7th on board of schr. Walter M., for New
Orleans, Lt. Judd in command ofthe guard.
This measure has created general satisfac
tion—a dangerous fellow is removed, fully
acquainted with all of the localities of the
