News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844, August 19, 1841, Image 2

News & planters' gazette., August 19, 1841, Image 2

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Newspaper Page TextCON (i it BB9IQWAL. REMARKS OK MR. NISBET, On the resolution proposing to raise a Com miitec for the purpose of collecting and reporting facts and information in rela tion to the operation of the impost laws. House or Representatives, July til, 1841. Mr. Speaker : It is to me matter of curi osity, to say the least of it, that the gentle man from Virginia (Mr. Wise) and the gen tleman from South Carolina (Mr. Pickens) should be found in opposition to this resolu tion. It is proposed by the Committee on Commerce to raise a committee to investi gate the operation of our impost laws, col late facts, and suggest what, if any, revis ion may be necessary. This is to meet the contingency of the opening of the tariff question at the next session of Congress.— It is strange to mo that these gentlemen should be opposed to this movement. As an anti-tariff man, I support it ; as a Southern man, Fam for it. My constituents arc in terested in this matter quite as much as those of these gentlemen—agreatdeal more than'those of the gentleman from Virginia. It is their interest so be informed. They have listened too long to the views of vision ary theorists. They have read the reports and arguments of politicians. I will say, sir, they may have been misled by the ab surd theories of some Southern statesmen. They have had speculation enough ; they want facts and details. They desire to know the working of the system. I want light myself. lam not, as the gentleman from South Carolina appears to be, inde pendent of further illumination upon this subject. Some of the views of his own statesmen have had the effect of delusion rather than enlightenment—the forty bale theory, for example. We desire to look at this matter soberly—in the light of facts. And if we are to meet the tariff question a gain—l mean a tariff for protection ;ifit is again to be forced upon us, and again to agitate these halls and the country—why, sir, let us of the South come to the contest armed with accurate knowledge, not alone of principles, but also of facts. And how are we to get at facts ? Who shall furnish them ? What better plan than to create a commission, under the solemn authority of this House charged with the duty of making the inquiry, carefully and laboriously ? A report, by a suitable committee, upon the operation of all our impost laws, would be safe for Southern principles. Do we fear inquiry ? Will not those principles with stand investigation ? Such a report would be read, not by politicians only, but by planters, merchants, and traders. Facts, sir, in the place of speculation, ought to be thrown broadcast over the whole South.— They should be sent to the cottages and vil lages and towns of the Soulli, that the pco- j pie may judge for themselves. In my State, sir, the day of delusion, of gullibility about the tariff, has passed ; and our people are beginning to discriminate between imposts for vevenue and duties for protection. Since I have had a seat in this House, our friends from South Carolina have done most of the talking here in oppo sition to the tariff. Whilst Igo with them fully against protection, I do not approve of their indiscriminate opposition to any meas ure which relates to imposts. I cannot consent that my constituents shall be mis led by their ultraism. So far as 1 can a vail to prevent it, they shall not be misled. The cry of tariff! tariff! is raised upon measures for revenue. And sir, unless we prevent it, our constituents may be induced to believe that we are sustaining protection, when we are in fact only raising revenue for sustaining the honor of the country. — The proposition we are now considering is similar to the plan adopted in England.— Parliament raised a committee of inquiry, and placed at the head of it one of her most able and practical statesmen, Mr. Ilume. The report of that committee is opening the eyes of the British public upon the subject of free trade. It has done, and will do more for Southern principles and Southern inter ests than any thing that has occurred in England. We propose to do likewise, and we need not fear but with like results. The gentleman from Virginia says that this is the inception of the tariff movements —the initiatory process. He says that this is the fulfilment of a prophecy he made at the last session of Congress. The gentle man, I we 11 recollect, did make a speech at the last session, in which he assumed posi tions upon this subject which, I suppose, are the ground of his action now. I thought then the gentleman was wrong. He sup posed then that there was an organized Whig tariff party in this House. lie pre dicted high-taritf movements, and claims this measure as its fulfilment. I am not conscious that there was then, or is now, such a party. Ifthere is, it is not devel oped to my mind. That there are tariff men here, is true ; it is also true, in my o pinion, that the New England manufactu rers do not favor high tariffs. But, admit ting that the gentleman is right as to the existence of a high tariff party here, is he right in Ins opinion that this is their move ment preparatory to the tariff for protection which they will attempt hereafter ? Is this apparent on the face of the proposition ? It occurs to me not. The inquiries to be made and the facts collected are as much for the benefit of the South as the North.— It may have the effect of'preventing the at tempt to revise our entire lanffsystem ; and if attempted, it may result in reducing even the present rates of protection. The com mittee on Commerce, which reported this bi 11, is composed of Southern as well as Northern gentlemen ; and we are told by the reporter of this resolution that it met the unanimous approval of tlie committee. Our Northern friends are more familiar with this subject practically than we are. Tliev live in the region ofthis operation. I there fore infer that the raising ofthis committee will redound more to our advantage than theirs. Can it either retard or hasten a re vision of the tariff ? Let us prepare for file worst —be ready for any’ contingency— be equipped for the contest w henever it may I’ome. Mr. Speaker, I need not repeat my oppo sition to protection. If the Whigs from any quarter ofthe Union go for protection whilst lam here, Igo against them. I shall al ways resist a tariff for protection—resist it, if the House will pardon a stale and per haps somewhat vulgar latinism, “pugni bus et ca/cibus.” I make no new comprom ise upon this subject; and I would say to Northern gentlemen, if they do intend to urge again a policy so obnoxious to the in terests of my constituents— “ Lochicl, liochel, beware of the day When the Lowlands shai 1 meet thee in battle array.” Upon question of revenue alone, I trust we shall act together as brothers. Here the lowlander and the highlandercan meet upon common ground, in terms and with feelings of amity. Mr. Speaker, at the last session of Con gress, I avowed myself friendly to an in crease of duties upon free articles, particu larly articles of luxury, until revenue should bo raised equal to the wants of an economical Administration. 1 occupy that position now. I foresaw then that more money would be needed. Now it is not conjecture, but truth. We are in debt—in debt millions. The income is below neces sary expenditures, and will range yet low er under the provisions of the compromise act. We have passed a bill to borrow $12,000,000. We have, by the land dis tribution bill, abstracted from the yearly re ceipts of the Treasury from $3,00,000 to $5,000,000. My own opinion was that the adjustment of the revenue ought to have pre ceded these measures. The wisdom ofthis House has ordered otherwise. Now, sir, we want money ! No one doubts it. We must pay the debts of the nation and pro vide for its annual expenditure. How shall we do it? You have parted with your lands. You have no means of income but imposts and direct taxation. Will the gen tleman from South Carolina go for the lat ter? No, he does not. Is lie opposed to the former ? Will he see the nation dis- j honored for want of means ? That gentle man argued against the revenue bill now before this House. That bill it is said is in accordance with the compromise act ; if so, I shall vote for. I shall adhere to that act. I will not now or hereafter consent to any departure from its principles. I shall insist upon its principles as a subsisting contract when its limitations expire. Will the gentleman do likewise ? Is he opposed to the provisions of that act ? Willheopen again the tariff controversy ? Will lie vote for the raising of revenue now by an in crease of duty on free articles ? [Mr. Pickens. Will not 12j per cent, instead of2o per cent, increase of duties supply the wants of the Government ? Will you go for that amount only ?] Sir, I will answer that question when the bill comes up; I have not looked into its details with care. I will now say, that I prefer of course the lowest rates. I will j vote for 12 j per cent, if that will raise inon- j ey enough ; if it will not, 1 shall raise the j duties to 20 per cent. Wo have hoard a groat deal of late of a war with England. Gentlemen have de- \ claimed very eloquently upon this fruitful j theme ; they have paraded their valor be- | fore the nation, and are, to my mind, in- j dined either to invite a war or provoke it— ! The report of the gentleman from South i Carolina last winter has done much to ex cite the public mind upon this subject.— Our defences are in a feeble aud inefficient condition ; our Navy needs enlargement and reinvigoration. 1 hope, sir, nay, I be lieve, that there is no necessity for a war with England ; yet I must confess that the chances for it arc of late increased. Snp- j pose we have a war, are we ready for it ? j No, sir, millions are necessary for defence. ! We must vote supplies or remain defence less. And, in this attitude of our affairs, shall we refuse to lay the duties ? Shall we withhold what is necessary to the honor of the nation ? What I wish rny friends from South Carolina to do is, with me to dis criminate between duties for revenue and duties for protection. Whilst the nation needs money I will go for the former, and shall always oppose the latter. The greatest of all the Powers of Europe occupies, as to us, a threatening attitude, the most gigantic of all the Powers of all history. And how much soever both my- I self and my constituents deprecate a war, we desire to be ready to meet the enemy, always prepared in mind and means. THE TAX ON TEA AND COFFEE. The Madisonian says the Revenue bill passed the House by a majority of 15. It was not free from objections. But as it was deemed indispensable for the purpose of re venue to meet the wants of the Government it was thought advisable to adopt it although the preponderating good was not unmixed with evil. A correspondent of the Rich mond Whig explains in the following letter very fairly, we believe the manner in which tea and coffee were subjected to duty : “ There is one feature in which the bill was particularly objectionable to most of the Whigs, viz : the tax on tea and coffee. The whig members held a caucus on this subject at which a large majority determin ed that tea and coffee should be exempt from taxation. Accordingly, when the bill was under consideration in the Committee of the Whole, Mr. Lawrence, of Pa., a prominent Whig member, moved to amend the bill by adding tea and coffee to the list of free arti cles. Before the question could be taken on the proposition, Mr. Clifford, of Maine, a leading Locofoco and a ready parliamen tary tactician, (having been Speaker of one branch of the Legislature of Maine,) imme diately moved to amend the amendment of j Mr. Lawrence by adding to tea and coffee, j “sugar, molasses and salt.” The whole I’ Locofoco party then united with Mr. C. in voting for the amendment to the amend ment, and in conjunction with such of the ultra anti-tariff Whigs as wished tea and coffee to be taxed, carried the amendment. “ The Whigs were thus placed in a very awkward predicament, from which they in vain attempted to extricate themselves. — Winthrop, of Boston, called for a division of the question on the amendments as amen ded so as to present the question separately but the chair very promptly decided that the vote of the committee having joined them together, the chair could not put them asunder. The Whig party were thus compelled either to vote for the entire proposition or to vote the whole down. Under these cir cumstances they could not hesitate to re ject it entirely. And thus it comes to pass that by a dexterious manteuver of the Lo cos, tea and coffee are to be taxed ! And yet with these facts staring them in the face I should not be surprised if the Locos had the hardihood to attempt to raise an outcry against the Whigs for taxing articles which entered into the consumption of the poor ! I hope you will keep these facts prominent ly before the public, and let the people see the measures which are to be resorted to, to make political capital.” i NEWS AND GAZETTE. PRINCIPLES ami MEN. _ WASHINGTON, GA. THURSDAY, AUGUST 19, 1841. FOR GOV EH N OR, WILLIAM C. DAWSON. Whig Nomination for Wilkes County, to tlie Georgia Legislature. FOR SENATE, GEORGE W. CARTER. FOR REPRESENTATIVES, SEABORN CALLAWAY, BENJAMIN WALLACE. DENNIS PASCHAL. Taxes. Our opponents, for the sake of dispara ging the last Legislature, are attempting to take advantage of the increase of taxation for the present year. From their showing one would think that some new and very burdensome law had been imposed upon the people ; but, so far is this from being the case, that the Act imposing this tax has been upon the Statute book for more than thirty years ; lias been many times reviv ed, often by their own party, and although the people of this State have frequently paid taxes under it, this is the first time that ad vantage has been taken of it for partizan purposes; because, heretofore, the Loco focos had the power, and their opponents never thought of so unfair a mode of elec tioneering as objecting to contribute to the necessary support of government. The law of the last session merely re- j vives the Act of 1804, and we believe none, j at all acquainted with the finances of the ! State, will deny that there is as great or greater necessity for its revival than at any j previous occasion. The mismanagement ! of the Democratic administrations had re duccd the State from one ofthe richest of j the Union to bankruptcy. Even now, when taxation the only legitimate means of raising revenue, is resorted to, and there is a prospect of redeeming the State credit, that credit, as represented by the bills of the Central Bank, is some 15 per cent, be low par at the principal commercial points within the State itself, and among the very people bound for its redemption. An enormous debt, also exists, on ac count of the Western and Atlantic Rail | Road, State Scrip, to an immense (but at | present unknown) amount, has been issued | to pay for the prosecution of this work, i It is folly to attribute to the Whigs the cre ation of this debt, as is done by some Loco focos, for it has been begun and con tinued under the administration of the lat ter party, when the Whigs had no power to control or to discontinue it; lior do we sup pose if tiiey had the power, they would have done so, for the whole State, without distinction of party, was, at the period of its commencement, Rail Road crazy; the most wild and impracticable schemes finding fa vor in the eyes of the people, without re gard to cost or consequences, provided there was a Rail Road connected with them. Besides these, there are other liabilities which we have neither time nor space now to enumerate. That a large debt then ex ists, we think no one will deny, and that it should be paid no honest man will deny. No matter who contracted it, no matter for what purpose, no matter who are the cred itors, it is an honorable and just debt due by the State and ought to be paid. How is this to be done ? The credit of the State is already exhausted, and if it were not, we doubt the wisdom of the course hitherto pursued, for the purpose of staving off tax ation, tlie system of borrowing to pay, cre ating one liability to cancel another, there by increasing the amount of the original debt at every operation. The credit ofthe State, then, being exhausted, taxation, which we believe is tlie only manner in which a legislature, without assets, has a right to raise revenue, remains. And the only question to be settled is this, Is it bet ter to suffer increased taxation and com mence paying the public debt now, or logo on borrowing and increasing it by the most shuffling and disgraceful means, until a more grievous taxation comes at last, as come eventually it must ? Governor Mc- Donald, although lie wished to bring tlie State three millions of dollars more in debt by bis Relief humbug, yet saw the impera tive necessity for sanctioning the Bill re viving the tax law of 1804, and if any blame is attached to the Legislature for passing the bill, he is entitled to a large share for sanctioning it. Let those who use this measure for electioneering purpos es, think of this, and beware lest in shooting at their opponents, they birds of their own feather. Congressional. The Fiscal Bank bill passed the House of Representatives, on the 6th inst. by a majority of 31 votes. The following are the Yeas and Nays; all tlie Georgia dele gation voting in its favor, except Mr. Fos ter : YEAS.—Messrs. Alford, Allen, I. TV Andrews, S J Andrews, Arnold, Aycrigg, Babcock, Baker, Barnard, Barion, Birdseye, Black, Blair, Board man, Borden, Botts, Briggs, Brockway, Bronson, M Brown, J Blown, Burned, VVm Butler, Cal houn, Wm 1! Campbell, Thos J Campbell. Ca rulhers, Childs, John C Clark, S N Clarke, Cow e.'i. Cranston, Cravens, Cushing, G Davis, Wm C Dawson, Deberry, John Edwards, Everett, Fessenden, Fillmore, A L Foster, Gamble, Gen try, Giddings, Goggin, 1’ G Goode, Graham, Green, Greig, Habersham, Hall, Halsted, W S Hastings, Henry, Howard, Hudson, Hunt, James Irvin, James, YVm Cost Johnson, 1 D Jones, John P Kennedy', King, Lane, Lawrence, Linn, Sam son Mason, Mathiot, Mattocks, Maxwell, May nard, Meriwether, Moore, Morgan, Morris, Mor row, Nisbet, Osborne, Owsley, Pearce, Pendle ton, Pope, Powell, Proffit, Ramsey, Benjamin Randali, A Randall, Randolph, Rayner, Itencher, Ridgway, Rodney, Russel, Saltonstall, Sergeant, Shepherd, Simonton, Smith, Sprigg, Stanly, Siokeley, Stratton, Stuart, Summers, Taliaferro, John B Thompson, R W Thompson, Tillinghast, Toiand, Tomlinson, Triplett,.Trumbull, Under wood, Van Renselaer, Wallace, Warren, Wash ingson, E D White, JJ. White, Thos YV Wil liams, Lewis Wiiliams, C II Williams, J L Wil liams, Winthrop, Yorke, Augustus Young, John Young—l2B. NAYS.—Messrs. Adams, Arrington, Ather ton, Banks, Beeson, Bidiack, Bowne, Boyd, Aa ron V Brown, Clier.es Brown, Burke, Sampson H Butler, Win O Butler, Green W Caldwell, Patrick C. Caldwell, J Campbell, Cary, Chap man, Clifford, Clinton, Coles, Cravens, Darnel, R D Davie, Dean, Dimock, Doan, Doig, J C Ed wards, Egbert, Ferris, J G Floyd, Chas A Floyd, Fornance, Thomas F Foster, Gilmer, William O Goode, Gordon, Gustine, Harris, John Hastings, Hays, Holmes, Hopkins, Houck, Houston, Hub bard, Hunter, Ingersoil, Wm W Irwin, Jack, Cave Johnson, John W Jones, Keim, Andrew Kennedy, Lewis, Littlefield, Lowell, Abraham McClellan, R McClellan, McKay, McKeon, Mal lory, Marchand, A Marshall, T F Marshall, J Thompson Mason, Mathews, Medill, Miller, Newhard, Oliver, Parnienter, Patridge, Payne, Pickens, Plurner, Reding, Riiett, Riggs, Rogers, Roosevelt, Sanlord, Saunders, Shaw, Shields, Snyder, Steonrod, Sivenev, Turney, Van Buren, Ward, Watterson, Weller, Westbrook, J W Williams, Wise, YVood.—97. It therefore now only wants the signature of the President to become a law. At the last accounts, Mr. Tyler had had it in his possession five days, and had made no dec laration of his intentions concerning it.— This long delay augurs unfavorably to the bill, and the opinion seems to be gaining ground that he will not sanction it. Long and frequent Cabinet Councils have been held, and the members of the Cabinet are supposed to be nearly equally divided in o pinion as to the propriety of the President’s signing the bill in its present form. The bill for the repeal of the Sub-Trea sury has passed the Senate, and has (it is said) received the sanction of the President. The Bankrupt bill in the Senate and the Land bill in the House are in progress. Loco Toco Cajolery. It is sickening and yet amusing to wit ness the wheedling and coaxing used by the Loco focos towards any prominent Whig who differs in the slightest degree from his party, or shows any symptoms of deserting its ranks. They took it into their heads, for instance, that the [’resident thought, and would act, with them against some of the principal measures proposed by the YVhigs for the benefit of the country, and in conse quence ever since bis accession to power, the Richmond Enquirer and its followers j throughout the country, have stopped the stream of vituperation which they poured on him during the Presidential contest, and have been bedaubing him with the most gross and fulsome flattery. The venerable Ritchie lias constituted himself his con science keeper and adviser, and calls on him in the most pathetic terms to follow his very disinterested advice. The democratic young men’s Convention assembled last May in Milledgeville, promised him their very valuable support and overpowering aid (an irresistible bribe to be sure !) if he would desert his present friends; and in fine the whole Loco foco press from Maine to Georgia in the most dulcet and seductive tones, are singing to him, “ Come, rest in this bosom !” Does that capricious genius, Henry A. Wise, indulge in any of his fantastical ti rades against his own party, how soothing ly do the democrats pat him on the head and call him a nice boy ; so smart and inde pendent too, only let him quit those naugh ty Whigs and be a democrat, and he shall be rewarded, so lie shall ! And if Mr. Wise turns upon them and like a surly bull-dog, bites the hand that fondles him, “ Oh,” say they with a tearful attempt at u grin, “only the liveliness of youth, we’ll make him a first-rate democrat yet,” and so they would if “soft sawder” could do it. One of our Georgia Dcdegation, Mr. Fos ter, votes against the Bank Bill ; straight way the Loco focos discover that he is a “ marvellous proper man,” qualities are developed in him which they hud not ob served before ; although some of them had known him for years. It is astonishing how that single vote has sharpened their eye-siglit! Mr. Alford votes against the Revenue bill ; forthwith all his sins against them are forgotten, and they commence currying down the “ War Horse” with all their might, in hopes that he will range himself in their ranks. They are so unaccustom ed to see any one of their own party voting according to iiis ideas of right and differing from his party, that they cannot but regard it as an unfailing sign of an intention to cut loose from his former connections. They must think these gentlemen great fools in deed, when they try to catch them with such chaff! ! (£r The Florida War, finished for the ninety-ninth time, about the Ist inst., com menced again on the 9th, with tlie killing of an express rider, shooting at a stray pas senger, and robbing a plantation or two. From the Georgia Journal. We publish below, a letter from the lion. E. A Nisbet to the Editor of tlie Richmond Enquirer, together with veteran Ritchie's remarks. Mr. Nisbet, it will be seen, has handled pretty severely Mr. Ritchie for his absurd, false, and malicious charge about a bargain between Kentucky and Georgia. We wonder what bug-bear will frighten the old gentleman next, or rather what bug bear will he attempt to frighten his readers with next ? The speech to which Mr. Nis bet alludes in his letter, was published by us last week. House of Representatives, 29th July. Dear Sir :—ln the Enquirer, ofthe 27th instant, you make commentaries upon the vote of the Georgia Delegation—, upon the resolution to raise a Committee to report up on the operation of our impost laws. You say “ there is no doubt but that our friends there are, in the main, sound on this ques tion—(the Tariff.) But Messrs. Dawson, Nisbet, Habersham, and most of thrgentle tnen from Georgia, voted against us. This looks strange !” You then refer to a bar gain between Georgia and Kentucky ; and warn the people of Georgia that their Dele gation do not bind them “ hand and foot to ‘.lie car of the distinguished Kentuckian,” &c. You farther invite them to “ look at the debate between Mr. YY’ise and Mr. Nis bet ; and with great emphasis, and with latitude of meaning, you ask, “ Does this mean nothing ?” Now, as to the discovery you have made of a bargain between Geor gia and Kentucky, in which you are chari table enough to insinuate, that the delega tion have sold their State and their honor to Mr. Clay, I have one remark only to make; and that is this : “ Were your influence with the Whigs of Georgia a thousand fold greater than it is, your insinuation would so far fail to be believed, that it would excite only indignation and scorn.” The object of this note is to suggest to you, that when you refer to a debate, as proof of a desertion of our principles, justice requires that the debate be publish ed. You refer to the debate, and publish only the concluding part of it, which relates to the Tariff question, and to my own posi tion in relation to it. You assail me and my colleagues, before the Union,and give us no hearing. Is this fairdealing—or like the “ time-honored” conductor of tlie Enqui rer ? In justice to my State, to my col leagues and myself, I therefore request, with all possible respect, that you publish the short speech I enclose to you, which I had the honor to make (on the Tariff reso lution, as you are pleased to call it,) and also, my answer to Mr. Wise’s reply to it. If you had published my response to Mr. Wise, I should not have troubled you with this note. Respectfully, Yr. obd’t. serv’t. E. A. NISBET. Thos. Ritchie, Esq., Richmond, Ya. We publish the above Card—and what is more, Mr. Nisbct’sSpeech (as enclosed.) We copied au abbreviated sketch of the Washington Report of the Debate from a nother paper as we are frequently obliged to razee the proceedings of Congress, to suit the the dimensions of our Columns.— We have not published Mr. Wise’s reply to Mr. Nisbet’s original Speech, for we had not room for it; And that portion of Mr. Wise’s remarks, to which Mr. N. refers, is noticed by Mr. W. himself in a card in the National Intelligencer, to be incomplete and incorrect. We publish Mr. Nisbet’s Card without note or comment. With all respect we submit the acts of the Georgia Delegation, during this extraordinary Extra Session, to the impartial judgement of the proper tribunal, their own Constituents. — We wish most sincerely that Georgia and Virginia shouid cordially co-operate in all great principles for the good and glory of our country. The Loco Focos pretend to be horror struck at the bare idea of duties on. Tea, Coffee, Sugar and Molasses, &c. They charge upon the Whigs these duties, as an uncalled for oppression and a grinding im post. Do they suppose the people so igno rant as not to know what has made a resort to increased ditties a matter of necessity t)d not of choice ? If they do, they will find themselves mueii mistaken. Tlie pco pie are not to be duped by a charge so pre posterous. The very outcry will oply serve to remind them that it is Loco Ft to extravagance and misrule, which has made a resort to higher duties necessary, as the only alternative, rather than National bankruptcy. If Loco Foco misrule had not been tlie means of wasting the public rev enue and had not run the country into debt, full well do the people ofthis country know that this tax would have been, as the Jjocos now style it, unnecessary. They know, and they feel too, they have to thunk the Loco F'ocos for having created tlie debt which they now denounce the YVhigs for attempting to pay off’. They know, moreo ver, that so far from the YVhigs wishing the public debt to be permanent, that is the very thing they are striving to prevent; and they can see with half an eye that if the Loco Focos could but have things their own way, the National debt would not only be per manent, but also permanently on the in crease ! Boston Atlas. Singular similitude of opinion bettveen the Loco Focoism of the U. S. and the Toryism of Great Britain. —The Liverpool Mail, a Tory paper of the most violent stamp, spea king of Mr. Webster’s letter to Mr. Fox, says : “ W e cannot soon forget, however, the impression which the contents ol that letter produced on our minds ; for a more jesuit ieal production, or a more contemptible ef fort of special pleading, containing an un der-current of hypocrisy and insult, never was addressed by a foreign minister to the British government.” Thus, Mr. Webster suffers both at home and abroad-at home, lor being insulted by the British ; abroad, for insulting the Brit ish. N. Y. Express. There is an innate impudence in Loco Focoism, such as we do not believe dwells in the bosoms of any ofthe people upon the face of this earth. The latest specimen is about the most beautiful. Taking their cue from that lovely creature Kendall, they speak ofthe Loan Bill as an act to borrow twelve millions of dollars, for the purpose of creating a National debt! Now they know, if they know any thing, that these twelve millions of dollars were raised to pay off the debt ofthe late Loco Foco Ad ministration. Create a debt, forsooth ! it will go but little way towards squaring off the debts which wc were loaded when the present administration came in. YVe shall want a good part of it, indeed to pay off Mr. Levi YY ; oodbury’s actual notes of hand.— There are Treasury Notes enough out-stan ding to absorb a very large part of this loan and yet these people are brazen mouthed enough to talk about our “creating” a debt. YVe have in the first place to borrow mon ey to pay their own scandalous squander ings, and then be twitted of it by the spend thrifts themselves. Such Turks ought to be put upon tread mill.— N. Y. Cour. & Enq. United Stales Loan for 1841.—The N. Y. Coin. Advertiser of Friday says:—Some of the newspapers have been indulging in speculations upon the fact that the Secreta ry of the Treasury had offered a portion of the loan, authorized by the late act of Con - gress, to capitalists in this city. Only one million, we believe, was offered, the Secre tary hoping to obtain it at five per cent.— But the application at that rate, was unsuc cessful. Mr. Morris Ketchum, however, of the house of Ketchum, Rogers & Bement —the gentlemen authorized to act in be half of the government—immediately of fered the money at five and a half per cent.; but we understand that the Secretary de clined the offer to an extent greater than 0000,000 dollars. Mr. Ketchum therefore has taken the loan to the amount. Our im pression is, that this half million will be the best bargain within the power of the Treas ury. The loan is of too short a duration for a five per cent stock ; and we doubt whether the residue can be negotiated short of five and three quarters to six. The intelligent editor of the Cincinnnatti Chronicle has been examining the six re turns of the census, taken at intervals of ten years each since the adoption of the Con stitution. The investigations show some curious facts : 1. The population of the United States increases exactly 24 per cent, each ten years. This law is so uniform and perma nent, when applied to the population of 1790, and brought down to the present time it produces nearly the very result as shown by the census of 1840. And thus we may tell with great accuracy what will be the census of 1850. It will be nearly twenty three millions. 2. But though this is the aggregate re sult, it is by no means true of each partic ular part of the country ; for New England increases at the rate of 15 per cent, each ten years, while the North Western States increased 100 per cent, in that period. 3. The Slave population increased at 30 per cent., but since at less than 25 per cent. The free population have, however increasd at the rate of 30 per cent. At this rate, therefore the difference between the free and slave population is constantly increasing. 4. Another fact is that the colored pop ulation increases just in proportion to the distance south ; and that slavery is cer tainly and rapidly decreasing in the States bordering on the free States. This states of things continued would in half a century extinguish slavery in these States,and concentrate the whole black pop ulation of the United State on the Gulf of Mexico, and the adjacent States on the Southern Atlantic. ; Religious Statistics. —The number of Baptists in the United States is estimated to be 4,000,000 ; Methodists, 3,000,000 ; Pres byterians, 2,000,000; Friends, 220,000 ; Roman Catholics, 1,300,000 ; Episcopa lians, 1,000.000.