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About News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 21, 1841)
bly bruised, and one of the bones broke, and j that was all the hurt there was on me. 1 must have gone lengthways right in between two buckets of the water-wheel, and that saved iny life. But this poor leg and foot got such a bruising I wasn’t able to go a step on it for three months, and never got entirely over it to this day.’ ‘ Then your lameness is in the leg and foot both, is it not V said Major Grant, hop ing at this favorable point to get an answer to this question. ‘ Oh, it wasn’t that bruising under the mill-wheel,’ said Mr. Jack Robinson, ‘ that caused this lameness, though I’ve no doubt it caused a part of it and helps to make it worse ; but it wasn’t the principal cause. I’vo had tougher scrapes than that in my day, and 1 was going onto tell you what I s’pose hurt my leg more than any thing else ever happened to it. When I was about 18 years old 1 was the greatest hunter there was within twenty miles round. I had a first-rate little fowling-piece ; she would carry as true as a hair. 1 could hit a squirrel fifty yards twenty times running. And at all the thanksgiving shooting match es I used to pop off the geese and turkeys so fast, it spoilt all their fun ; and they got so at last they wouldn’t let me fire till all the rest had fired round three times a piece.— And when all of’em had fired at a turkey three times and couldn’t hit it, they would say, “ well, that Turkey belongs to Jack Robinson.” So 1 would up and fire and pop it over. Well, 1 used to be almost ev erlastingly a gunning ; and father would fret and scold, because whenever there was uny work to do. Jack was always off in the woods. On” day I started to go over Bear Mnun'ain, about two miles from home, to see if I couldn’t kill some raccoons; and 1 took my brother Ned, who was three years younger than myself, with me to help bring home the game. We took some bread anil cheese and doughnuts in our pockets, for wo calculated to be gone all day, and 1 shouldered my little fowling-piece, and took a plenty of powder and shot and small bul lets, and off we started through the woods. When we got round the other side of Bear Mountain, where I had always had the best luck in hunting, it was about noon. On the way 1 had killed a couple of gray squir rels, a large fat raccoon, and a hedge-hog. We sot down under a large beech tree to eat our bread and cheese. As we sot eat ing, we looked up into the tree, and it was very full of beech nuts. They were about ripe, but there had not been frost enough to make them drop much from the tree. So says 1 to Ned, let us take some sticks and climb this tree and beat off some nuts to carry home. So we got some sticks and up we went. We hadn’t but jest got clev crly up into the body of the tree, before we heard something crackling among the bush es a few rods off. We looked and listen ed, and heard it again, louder and nearer. In a minute we seethe bushes moving, not three rods off from the tree, and something black stirring about them. Then out came an awful great black hear, the ugliest look ing feller that ever I laid my eyes on. He looked up towards the tree we were on, and turned up his nose as though he was snuf fing something. 1 began to feel pretty Btreaked ; I knew bears was terrible climb ers, and I’d a gin all the world if I'd only had my gun in my hand, well loaded. But there was no time to go down after it now, and I thought the only way was to keep as still as possible, and perhaps he might go off again about his business. So we didn’t stir nor hardly breathe. Whether the old feller smelt us, or whether he was looking for beech nuts, I don’t know ; hut he reared right up on his hind legs and walked as straight to the tree as a man could walk. He walked round the tree twice, and turned his great black nose up, and looked more like Ol.d Nick than any thing that l ever sec before. Then he stuck his sharp nails into the sides of the tree, and begun to hitch himself up. I felt as if we had got into a bad scrape, and wished wo was out of it.— Ned begun to cry. But says Ito Ned, ‘ It’s no use to take on about it ; if he’s coming up we must fight him off the best way we can ’ We dim up higher into the tree, and the old bear come hitching along up after us. I made Ned go up above me, and as I had a pretty good club in my hand. I thought I might be able to keep the old feller down. He didn’t seem to stop for the beech-nuts, but kept climbing right up towards us. When he got up pretty near I poked my club at him, and he showed his teeth anJ growled. Says I, ‘ Ned, scrab ble up a little higher ” We dim up two or three limbs higher, and the old bear fol lowed close after. When he got up so he could almost touch my feet, I thought it was time to begin to fight. So lup with my club and tried to fetch him a pelt over the nose. And the very first blow ho knocked the club right out of my hand, with his great nigger paw, as easy as I could knock it out of the hand of a baby a year old. I begun to think then it was gone goose with pa. However, I took Ned’s club, and thought I’d try once more ; but he knocked it out of my hand like a feather, and made another hitch and grabbed at my feet.— We scrabbled up the tree, and he after us, till we got almost to the top of the tree. At last I had to stop a little for Ned, and the old bear clinched my feet. First he stuck his claw into ’em, and then he stuck his teeth into ’em, and begun to naw. I felt as if’twas a gone case, hut 1 kicked and fit, and told Ned to get up higher ; and he did get up a little higher, and I got up a little higher too, and the old bear made another hitch and come up higher, and begun to naw my heels again. And then the top of the tree begun to bend, for we had got up so high we was all on a single limb as twere ; and it bent a little more,and crack ed and broke, and down we went, bear and all, about thirty feet, to the ground. At fust I didn’t know whether I was dead or ahve. I guess we all lay still as much as j a minute before we could make out to breathe. When I come to my feeling a little, I found the bear had fell on my lame log, and give it another most awful crush ing. Ned wasn’t hurt much. He fell on of the bear, and the b~ar fell partly on | me. Ned sprung off and goi out of the way 1 of the hear; and in about a minute more the bear crawled up slowly on to his feet, and begun to walk off, without taking any j notice of us. And 1 was glad enough to see that he went rather lame. When I com” to try my legs 1 found one of’em was terri- I bly smashed, and 1 couldn’t walk a step on ! it. So I told Ned to hand me my gun, and ‘ to go home as fast as ho could go, and get ] the horse and father and come and carry me home. Ned went off upon the quick trot, as if ho was after the doctor. But the blundering critter—Ned always was a great blunder er—lost his way and wandered about in the woods all night, and didn’t get home till sunrise next morning. The way I spent the night wasn’t very comfortable, I can tell ye. Jest before dark it begun to rain, and I looked round to try to find some kind of a shelter. At last 1 see a great tree, ly ing on the ground a little ways off, that seemed to be holler. 1 crawled along to it, and found there was a holler in one end large enough for me to creep into. So in 1 wont, and in order to get entirely out of the way of the spattering of the rain, and keep myself dry, I crept in as much as ten feet. I laid there and rested myself as well as I could, though my leg pained me too much to sleep. Sometime in the night, all at once, 1 heerd a sort of rustling noise at the end of the log where I come in. My hair stood light on eend. It was dark as Egypt; I couldn’t see the least thing, but I could hear the rustling noise again, and it sound ed as if it was coming into the log. 1 held my breath, hut I could hear something breathing heavily, and there seemed to he a sort of scratching against the sides of the log, and it kept working along in towards me. I clinched my fowling-piece and held on to it. ’Twas well loaded with a brace of balls and some shot besides. But wheth er to fire or what to do, I couldn't tell. I was sure there was some terrible critter in the log, and the rustling noise kept coming nearer and nearer to mo. At last I heerd a low kind of growl. I thought if I was only dead and decently buried somewhere I should be glad ; for to he eat up alive there by hears, or wolves, or catamounts, 1 couldn’t bear the idea of it. In a minute more something made a horrible grab at my feet, and begun to naw ’em. At first I crawled a little further into the tree. But the critter was hold of my feet again in a minute, and 1 found it was no use for me to go in any farther. I didn’t hardly dare to fire ; for I thought if I didn't kill the critter, it would only be likely to make him fight the harder. And then again I thought isl should kill him, and he should be as large as 1 fancied him to be, I should never be a ble to shove him out of the log, nor to get out bv him. While I was having these thoughts the old feller was nawing and tearing my feet so had, I found he would soon kill me if I laid still. So I took my j gun and pointed down by my feet, as near the centre of the holler log as I could, and let drive. The report almost stunned mo. But when I come to my hearing again, I laid still and listened. Every thing round me was still as death ; I couldn’t hear the least sound. 1 crawled back a few inches towards the mouth of the log, and was stopt by something against my feet. I pushed it. ’1 would give a little, but I couldn’t move it. I got ray hand down far enough to reach, and felt the fur and hair and ears of some terrible animal. ‘ That was an awful long night. And when the morning did come, the critter fill |ed the holler up so much, there was but very little light come in where I was. I tried again to shove the animal towards the month of the log, but I found ’tvvas no use; I couldn't move him. At last the light corns in so much that I felt pretty sure it was a monstrous great bear that I had kill ed. Hut 1 begun to (eel now as isl was bu ried alive; for 1 was afraid our folks wouldn’t find me, and I was sure I never could get out myself. But about 2 hours after sunrise, all at once I thought 1 heerd somebody holler “Jack.” I listened and I heerd it again, and I knew ’twas father’s voice. I answered as loud as I could hol ler. They hept hollering and I kept hol lering. Sometimes they would go further off and sometimes come nearer. My voice sounded so queer they couldn’t tell where it come from, nor what to make of it. At last, by going round considerable, they found my voice seemed to be somewhere round the holler tree, and bime-bv father come along and put his head into the holler of the tree, and called out, “ Jack, are you here ?” “ Yes I he,” says I, “ and I wish you would pull this bear out, so I can got out myself. ’ When they got us out I was about as much dead as alive ; but they got moon the horse, and led me homo and nurs ed me up, and had a doctor to set mv lec again ; and it’s a pretty good leg vet.’ Here, while Mr. Robinson was taking a nother sip from his tumbler, Major Grant j glanced at his watch, and looking up to j Doctor Snow, said, with a grave, quiet air, | ‘ Doctor, I give it up ; the bet is yours.’ j the proper treatment of INFANTS. Widely different is the physical state of an infant from that of an adult ; the newly formed hones of the former are soft and flex ible, and may easily be made to assume any form, especially when the body is in a diseased state. This accounts for the com J mon origin of such irregularities of form as arc not congenital, but occur at an early period of life. In proportion, therefore, to the delicacy of the infant, will he the care required in its rearing. Much has been ef fected in this way by constant and perse vering attention ; and many weakly un- j promising children have byjudicious treat ment, been raised to maturity, aud have passed through life in the enjoyment of a considerable share of health and vigour A finely formed body is favourable to the enjoyment of sound health. Every one is struck with the commanding figure, the graceful appearance of a person so formed, hut few inquire into the reason why all are not so gifted. If parents would have their offspring free from personal defects, if they would have their limbs moulded into the form indicative of grace, activity and strength, they must commence their ntten i tion to them from the time of birth ; and al though they may not always succeed in se curing for them the highest state ol physi i cal perfection, yet they will generally be |'able to effect such an improvement in their 1 | constitution, as will form the basis of future j health. Children should not be too early j set upon their feet, but should rather be | placed on their backs upon the floor, that I they may exercise their limbs with freedom I the former practice is a frequent cause of malformation in the lower extremities.— Especial care should bp taken that the spi al column, so tender in young children may not take a wrong direction. The manner in which, a child and especially a delicate one, is suffered to sit on the nurse’s arm should be very carefully attended to ; and until it has acquired sufficient strength to keep itself erect, its back ought to receive proper support. By being suffered to sink into a crouching posture, with the head and shoulders inclined forwards, and the back projecting, a bad habit is soon contracted, which often leads to distortion of the spine. Neither is it in the arms alone, that this at tention is required ; the effect is not less in jurious, if the child be suffered to sit upon a chair, as, when fatigued, it will natural ly adopt that position which at the moment affords most ease. Here it may not be ir relevant to notice the very common and re prehensible practice of raising a young child by its arms, in such a manner, that the sides of the chest being pressed by the hands, or rather the knuckles of the nurse, its cavity is diminished, the sternum or breast bone pushed out, and that deformity produced in delicate children, commonly called “pigeon breasted.”— Dr. Hare. NEWS AND GAZETTL WASHINGTON, GA. THURSDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1841. “The Will of the Nation uncontrolled bv the Will of ONE MAN : one Presiden llAL TERM, A FRUGAL GOVERNMENT, AND NO Suß- Treasuky, open or covert, in substance or in fact : no Government Bank, but an insti tution capable of guarding the People’s treasure and administering to the People's wants.” oGovernor McDonald has issued his Proclamation offering a reward of Three Hundred Dollars for the apprehension of the Laniers, who murdered Jernigan, in Greenesboro’. The relatives of the de ceased have also offered a reward of Five Hundred Dollars, as will be seen by their advertisement in our columns. (Kr - Those of our readers whose busi ness calls them to Augusta, will find the United States Hotel, kept by Mr. Wm. M. Frazer, whose card we publish to-day, an excellent slopping place for weary and hungry travellers. It possesses a great ad | vantage over the other Taverns, in being nearer the centre of business, the servants are attentive, the landlord obliging and I keeps every thing in apple-pie order. oThe trial of John C. Colt, for (lie murder of Mr. Adams, in New-York, was postponed to Monday next. The evidence is purely circumstantial, but is of the stron gest kind. We think that Colt will be hal tered. The Veto Power. Some of our Whig cotemporaries are joining with their opponents in condemna tion of that portion of the Address of the Whig members of Congress, which declares their opposition to the Veto power vested in the President. They profess so fear that if the power should be taken away from the Executive, a majority in Congress might enact some very bad laws, that their unre strained will might he more dangerous titan the power,which the President now possess es, of defeating every measure, whether for the good of the country or otherwise. It had always been said, before the pres- j ■ ent days of new light and knowledge dawn j ed upon the world, that to constitute a re , public, the will of the people as expressed by their representatives, should be sovc- J reign and supreme. We may be behind ! the age, but we still think such a rule is t essential to a republic. Can our govern ment, then, be with any propriety called re publican where the popular will can at any time be defeated by the will of one man, who may be induced to exercise it by per sonal pique, by ambition, or many other sinister considerations ? It seems to us to be as well to confer all the law-making power upon the President, for the danger of I his enacting bad laws is not much greater than exists, in his present power to prevent the enactment of good ones. Some very acute persons have supposed that the Veto would be a shield to the South in case Congress should happen to pass a law abolishing slavery. But this idea is chimerical. When the Veto forms the on ly defence for Southern institutions, it will be time to resort to other means of defence . than Legislation. The following able article on this sub ject has appeared in the Charleston Courier: The Veto Power —only used by the Kings of England to keep the colonies in order. Jl, (Kmg George the Third) has refused h.s assent to laws the most wholesome and necessa ry lor the public good.” —Declaration if Inde pendence. It has been most ignorantly contended that the veto power was not burrowed from the British Constitution, and is not a royal prerogative. It is not only a Kingly pow er, but a despotic one. The progress of liberty in Europe has rendered this power obsolete. It exists only in name in the most liberal monarchy of the old world—the British empire. The Kings of England dare not put their single will against the wisdom and will of the law making power— the two houses of Parliament. This was true in 177(i, when our fathers complained of the exercise of it upon them, and it has been true since and is now. In the lan guage of Jefferson, it has not been exerted as to the legislation of England, upon Eng land, “ for several ages past.” Let it bo noticed in passing, that Alexan der Hamilton, the great advocate and de fender of this high prerogative power, de fended it upon the ground that it would be used only in extreme and palpable cases, and pointed to the example of the British Kings, as warranting and justifying ihe spe culation, that it would be so delicately, cau tiously and sparingly used. This veto power has not been exercised by the Brit ish Kings once since 1776. and had not been exercised before for several ages. Y’et Hamilton, the strong government man, (the monarchist, as he lias been called,) only justified the giving this power to the Presi dent, on the ground that the President of a republican people would have at least as much respect for the immediate represen tatives of the people—the law making pow er—as a King of England for the will of Parliament. How utterly his anticipations have been falsified, and how completely the reverse of all he imagined has come to pass the events of our own time are but too strongly in proof. The British Kings have not exercised this power, again to quote Jefferson, for “several ages,” —John Ty ler, a mere chance inheritor of power, has exercised it twice in two months / But again, Hamilton contended that, the President would not dare to use it, but in cases of palpable unconstitutionality. Yet this same President vetoes a law, unani mously and twice approved by theSuprrme Court of the United States, and declared to be clearly within the sound discretion of Congress. He vetoes an institution which has been a regular portion of the machine ry of government for forty years. An in stitution which we venture nothing in de claring to have had the positive sanction of seven out of eight of all the wise men who fianied the Constitution itself. We hazard nothing in asserting,that if it could have been dreamed by the republican sages, who met in convention to propose a fundamental law for the government of a great people, that at the close of half a con fury, any man born in America, or out of Asia, could, from any motive whatever, conceit or levity, so wantonly pervert the whole intention and purpose of this power, as to be more conscientious than Washing ton and Madison—more learned in the law than the selected expositors of the law, the Supreme Court—more soundly discreet than five Congresses of the United Slates— if it could have been conceived possible that such an outrage could have been com rnitted upon a free people, not one SOLI TARY vote uould have been given for a power which might enable one man thus to Lord it over the living and the dead, and to convert a republican constitution into a monarchical despotism. Hamilton himself, lover as he was of a strong Executive, would have been the last man to erect up on the free soil, just wrested from monar chical domination, a throne, which would cast the thrones of Flu rope into shadow, and to impose upon a republican people the fraud of a President, more a King than the King, they had resisted unto blood. If Pat rick Henry could have been armed with tho experience, of these hitler days, the veto power would never have survived its natur al death in the British Constitution. Ham ilton would have plead in vain, and in vain have held up the example of the Kings of England, who, in the language of Mr. Jef ferson, “ FOR SEVERAL AGES PAST HAVE MO DESTLY DECLINED THE EXERCISE OF THIS POWER IN THAT PART OF THEIR EMPIRE called GREAT Britain. If Patrick Hen ry could have seen what we have seen, a President, not the choice of the people, flip pantly setting aside the judgment of the u nanimous decision of the law expounding power, the Supreme Court—overruling the opinion of five Presidents, Washington and Madison among the number—reversing the discreet decision of five Congresses, the law-making power—counting for naught the will of the people, the primal source of all just authority,—if the great orator of the revolution could have presented such a picture of monstrous license to the grave men of the republic, what a mockery would Hamilton’s whole argument have been, and how the power would have been scouted, which was 10 become such a RESERVE of LEGALIZED, CAPRICIOUS, WANTON DESPO TISM. The veto power never would have been put in the constitution, or the constitu tion itself would have been rejected by a people above all things jealous of the man who wields the purse and the sword—who, with the glittering bribes of office, sub stantial REWARDS for FAITHFUL PERSONAL devotion, can PURCHASE adherents, corrupt opinion, and thus defeat the will : of the people, and the honest legislation of . their representatives. What has in fact this veto power brought us to ? Fifty-two sage Senators, and two hundred and fifty immediate Representa tives of the peoph the carefully selected legislators of a free people themselves de nied the exercise of their proper constitu tional office, waiting with all patience and utter wonder, for a revelation of legisla tive wisdom, from a confessedly weak Ex rcTiTivF. Magistrate ! The majority of the people and their representatives are to take what this one man commands, or nothing ; they are to pass the law which, at the point of the veto, he commends to them, or to have no law. What a spectacle is tiiis for the monarehs of Elurope to chuckle at I What a condition for a great people, to be legally, constitutionally bound to accept the wisdom of John Tyler as the highest wis dom. To one great body of the people lie says that the sub-treasury is “ inconvenient and oppressive.” To another lie says the national bank is unconstitutional, and ho vows never to con cede it. To a third, he remarks, that the State banks are not to be thought of—“ they are out of the question.” What portion of the people has he not ve toed ? Has he not by, the velo, this instrument of lawless domination, denied the wish and the will of all parties and all men in the country ; and not only defeated the will of Congress, but usurped the whole legislative power to himself. Will any one contend that a power which makes one man—a weak man, perchance, as in the present case— absolute —which an nihilates Congress, sets at naught the su preme Court; denies the will and the wish of every man in the nation, and brings Con gress and the people to the feet of the liX ECUTIVE, for law —is a republican pow er ? It may bo any tiling else —but it is not republican. Define a despotic power—and you must define the veto —define the veto and you must define despotic power. It is a perpetual dictatorship. The people of •South Carolina, who cheerfully submitted themselves to the Dictatorship of John Rut ledge, for a time during the exigencies of the Revolution, would not bear even from him, when he was Pres’l. of the Commonwealth, the exercise of the veto. The Legislature of the State refused to vote any supplies, & he was compelled to resign .* Yes, South Carolina, who had sufficient confidence, in John Rutledge, to elect him to a temporary Dictatorship, stopped the wheels of govern ment, when he, as President of the State, assumed to be wiser than the Legislature, and put his will and his wisdom in opposi tion to the law making power. Our repub lican fathers were as jealous of this one man power, whether ho was called King or President, and hated the veto exercised by John Rutledge, their own President, as much as when used by their recent sove reign George the Third. Their Constitu tion is an abiding monument of their con demnation of the veto —the march of liber ty had stricken this prerogative from the actual powers of the Kings of England, over the laws of England ; the people of South Carolina would not give it a place even in name in their constitution ; they would not tolerate the shadow, and the veto has no existence for the Executive of South Caroli na. If their constitution is violated, there stands their Judiciary to say so. Sei ing that this power was adopted into our Federal Constitution, upon the express ground that it would be used with exlrem caution and in palpable cases, and that the President of the United States, would take patern after the Kings of England, who have not exercised it for ages; forced to contem plate the fact that this power intended only as a negative and conservative, has been used, and now used to draw all legislative power to the executive, and to enable him to dictate law to the law making power; see ing that in its very nature it is despotic, ri •ling alike over Congress, Judiciary and the People ; considering that the hand which wields this sweeping sceptre, holds too a still more resistless power and in the purse of the nation, can command the ready in struments of ignorant, capricious or tyran ic rule ; beholding the sorry spectacle of a great nation, through its use, distracted, pa ralyzed, dilapidated, subdued to the unli censed yet legal control ofone weak man ; ho wever we consider it, in whatever aspect its origin, abuse, nature, and. positary,or fruit; it justifies thehatrid of our fathers to all despotic power ; it imposes the sternest jeal ousy upon the dangerously powerful hand that wields it; it forces the question wheth er so much despotic power is essential to preserve in health a free Constitution ; whether a power, which binds the hands of Cong ress and seals the lips of the Judicia ry, and puts the people under foot, can be safely lodged in the iiands of him who also wields the sword and purse ; and if this power be indeed necessary and can be used as it has recently been used by President Tyler, whether our Judiciary, and our Le gislature, and our carefully contrived gov ernment machinery, are not then the mere mask and curtain and deceitful drapery of a monarchical despotism, and our republi can institutions a farce. E’LOYD. *See Jefferson’s works—lstvol. page 110— Remonstrance to the King of England on the is sue of the veto. fSee Carolina Gazette, 1778. FEDERALISM AND DEMOCRACY. We extract from the Philadelphia United States’ newspaper, the following just re marks upon the use of these terms : “ General Jackson, who still partici pates in the partisan strifes of the day, when we think that he would exhibit quite as much dignity by following the examples of Jefferson and Madison, and keeping a loof from them, has written a letter to a committee of a ward meeting in New York in reply to some resolutions which they had sent to him, commending the veto messages ofthe President; and in this letter he de signates the political party now in favor of a national bank by the term Federalism. — We have nothing to say at preasant about General Jackson’s political opinions, or the particular views ofthe party which he thus designates. But we object to the longer application of this term to any of our polit ical parties. Used thus, it has long been a misnomer. In its genuine signification, it is strictly national, and therefore should be no longer desecrated by an exclusive ap plication to any party. The term originated during the session of the convention which devised the Federal constitution. One party afterwards called federalists, objected to the national govern ment as 100 weak ; another party, after wards called democrats by the federalists, and republicans by themselves, objected to the National Government as too strong.— The first thought that the State did not sur render enough, the second that they sur rendered too much. lit nee the second had the best right to be called federalists, they insisting upon the federal or confederative union of the Independent State sovrcigtu v ties, while their opponents were more in fla vor of a national consolidation. But the first party yielded first, and took the consti tution as better than none ; and as it was a federal and not a consolidated or national constitution, they made a merit, and justly of their adhesion, and called themselves federalists. The second yielded also, and took the constitution; but as they still feared its tendency to consolidation and aristocra cy, they continued to contend for State rights under the name of republicans, and as they were decidedly democrats, as the French revolutionists were then raging, and filling Franee with crime and blood in the abused name of democracy, and as ma ny really patriotic members of the federal party through that democratic institutions could not be maintained, the writers of the federal party attempted to cast upon them the reproach of French fraternity in politics and called them, in reproach, Jacobins and Democrats. The two parties being thus or ganized, and both satisfied with the federal constitution, they confined to quarrel about a national policy, and to abuse each other as all Anglo-Saxon parties ever have, and we fear, ever will ; the federalist calling their opponents jacobins, democrats, level lers, disorganizers, sans-cullottes, and by various other opprobrious epithets, and the republicans retorting upon them such epi thets as federalists, aristocrats, tories, rag barons, (in allusion to the paper money sys tem which they supported,)nobility, British partisans, and various other vituperative adjectives. Thus federalist and democrat continued to be terms of reproach till the close of the late war, when the federal party, which had been a minority from the first election of Mr. Jefferson to the Presi dency in 1801, disbanded as a party. Since this dissolution, most intelligent and candid men have admitted that both parties were assentially republican and es sentially patriotic, that the fears of most federalists about the weakness of the nation al government were dispelled by the trial of the late war ; and that the people of the United States were, in the language of Mr. Jefferson in his first inaugural address, “all federalist and all republicans, federalist in wishing the union of independent States, and republicans in wishing institutions that secured natural and equal lights.” They have also admitted that the fears of the re publicans about the consolidating tenden cies oftiie federal constitution were ground less, and that the system could not be es sentiallv improved. Such being the history of the terms fed eralism, republicanism and democracy as partisan designations, and the parties which once bore them as parties having been dis solved, we object to their continued use as partisan terms, and insist upon the restora tion of their original and worthier mean ing. They are national terms, character izing our political institutions, and there fore should not be desecrated by any exclu sive appropriation by parties; and there fore we insist that any attempt to continue them as terms of partisan reproach, for the purpose of showing any connection or simi larity between ancient and modern parties, ought to be steadily resisted bv all inde pendent men. Any party may call itself republican or democratic; for every Amer ican party will profess to be both, and every party now on the stage appropriates both terms. We are willing to let all parties claim them indifferently, but are unwilling to let any party claim them exclusively, or deny them to any of its opponents, unless such opponents really profess aristocratic, monarchial or despotic principles, which we have not yet witnessed in any party. — And while unwilling to let any party claim them exclusively, much less are we willing to let any parly cast them upon any oppo nents as terms of reproach. Republican ism and democracy must not be mentioned disrespectfully by Americans. We say the same of federalism. As evey party now on the stage profess attachment to the federal constitution, all such parties are federalists, and therefore none can appro priate it exclusively. And as it designates that union of independent sovreignties, that federative or federal principle which is the only safe foundation for large republics, ir must not be used as a term of reproach.— Hence we censure General Jackson for ap plying it as a term of reproach to any party now in favor of a national bank. If he re ally thinks that such institution is aristo cratic, and tends to consolidation, to accu mulation of power in the federal goverment he contradicts himself id calling its advo cates federalists. As they apprach consol idation, do they depart from federalism. The Americans are democrats in conten ding forequality of rights ; republicans in contending for political institutions secu ring and promoting the common good, or good of the public, or whole ; and federal ists in contending for a federal & not a con solidated republic, an union of indepen dent States in a confederacy, and not an a inalgamation of provinces into one para mount, all-controlling national government. If General Jackson wishes to cast terms of reproach upon opponents, let him not select thosi which every American should regard as sacred. Every American ought to be a democratic republican federalist”. < Receipt for the ladies.- When your stock ing has a hole in it, draw it down and tie a string around it at the toe; it saves mending. When your face gets dirty, cover it over with wheat flour; it saves washing and pro “ sents a very enticing appearance to hungry beau?. .
