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About News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 27, 1842)
lawyer, with whom I have had a confer ence ; read it yourself.’ It was a petition for a separation, found ed on various acts of ill-treatment and cru elty, which this model of husbands had ex ercised towards his disconsolate widow ; his death had prevented the affair from coming before the public. Madame do Mersaint cast down her eyes, and the phan tom disappeared forever They returned to Paris. Julius opened his house to Frederick, who observed— ‘You have discovered the secret: appari tions are only to be feared in the dark.’ The following extracts are taken from ! tho “Speculations of an American Travel- j ler,” published in Blackwood’s Magazine some years since: And so, too, is the American to be dis-j tinguished from the Irishman. The Irish ; are a gallant, warm-hearted, headlong peo ple ; eloquent, feeling, hasty, and thought loss ; great dealers in the superfluous. So are the Americans. But, then, the feeling of the Irish, like their eloquence, is rich, riotous and florid, while that of the Amer ican is more vehement, argumentative, and concentrated. The declamation of the A merican is often solemn and effecting—of;.', ten too dry for endurance ; generally too cold and chaste for enthusiasm ; and some times exquisitely extravagant. Tho Irishman is a hurrying, Careless, open hearted fellow, as likely to and o wron as right, in a moment of exaltation. But nothing can be more tiresome the./) the pleas antry of an American, wiien | ie fells dis posed to be facetious, . here is nothin 7 of that voluble drollery, tha t uninterrupted flow of sentiment, fun, whi and nonsense in his talking, which we f ix) and in that of an Irishman at such a time.. Tlie chivalry of an Irishman has a head - long fury in it which is irresistable. It is partly constitutional., and often miraculous. But it differs about as much from the chiv alry oi an Americ an, as that does from the deep, constitutional, collected bravery of the Englishman, or the profound strange fervor of the Scot. An American would make a dozen for tunes while a Scot was making one; but then the A merican would often die a poor man, over head and years in debt—the Scot never. An American finds it harder to keep a fortune, a Scot harder to make one. A Scot would do the same thing over and I over again all his lifelong, to obtain a com petency for his children. An Irishman would sooner be shot at once a week at tie distance often paces. An American would j do neither ; but, if there were any new worlds to explore, or serpents to catch that i would “pay well,” he would go to the hot- I tom of the ocean afterthem in a contrivance | ofhis own. Every body has read of Smollet’s Irish man, who dpsired his antagonist, while be knelt down and hammerd the flint of pistols which had missed fire, to “fire away and not be loosing time and every body lias acknowledged, that, whether true or false it was perfectly natural ; but could only bo believed of an Irishman. So, too, it is told of an Englishman, that j his house having taken fire—containing all | that he was worth—finding that lie could be of no use in putting it out, he went and { sat down upon a neighboring hill and took j a drawing of it. Such a story would no- j ver have been invented of an American. And so, too the well known anecdote of | the young Scot, whose coolness, in such an emergency, is a capital specimen of the j moral sublime— ‘Wharf are yegangin,?’ ‘Bock again.’ Nolhingcan be more absolutely Scotch. I would trust to it in the hottest fire of anoth er Waterloo. But I know something of an American quite as characteristic—“ Can you carry that battery, sir? ’ said an American Gen eral to Col. Miller, in the heat of a battle. “I’ll try,” and the battery was immediate ly carried at the point of the bayonet. But, in this answer, there was not a little of that affectation of Spartan dryness which I have often met with in Americans.— Commodores Perry and McDonough gave a fine specimen of it in their official commu nications ; probably thinking of Lord Nel- j sou’s despatch from Trafalgar. A Northern paper asks the question, if the expression, “God tempers the wind to the shorn lamb,” is taken from the Holy Scriptures? The Boston Courier says that it is of French descent, as follows: “A frienn has just informed us that he has an old French Dictionary, printed in 1750, in which he finds the following: “A Brebis fondue Dieii mesurelc rent.” Sterne’s Sentimental Journey was not published tin til 1768. He wrote it in France, and it will be observed that he put the saying into the mouth of “poor Maria,” a French “'<-irl. It is evidently a French proverb.” Classification. —A married ladv al luding in conversation to the 148th Psalm, observed, that while ‘young men and mai dens, old men, and children,” were express ly mentioned, not a word was said about married women. An old clergyman, whom she wasaddessing, assured lier that they had not been omitted, and that she would find them included in one of the preceding verses under the description of vapours and storms. “I am not an Irishman myself,” said a stump orator recently, while” haranguing a political meeting at the West, where ‘the majority of hearers were Irishmen—“l am not an Irishman myself, I say, but I can safely assert that my ancestors, on both the paternal and maternal side,were extremely partial to the Irish character. Indeed, I can go so far as to say that I had an aunt who was extremely fond of Irish potatoes !” —(Cheers.) What a candid admission ! The trial of Colt for the murder of Mr I Adams, in New York took place on the 10th | •'•“f- We have not vet learned the result 1 * < > 27th Congress* Correspondence of the Savannah Republican. Washington, Jan. 12, 1842. You can form but a very faint idea of tho feeling that pervades the public mind in our large commercial cities at the present J time, in relation to the movement made in tlie Mouse of Representatives, about the re- j peal of the Bankrupt Bill. This is not to | be wondered at. The half million of per- j sons now groaning under hopeless insolven- I cy, and patiently waiting the hour'ef relief, could not see, other than with dismay a ml j horror, their hopes frustrated by an a-ct of inhuman legislation, without “making the | most desperate eflb rts to n.,- e rt the ca’iamity. j those unfortunate debtors whose prospects ! 1 11 “'ere blighted, hy bad legislation on I one hand, and high executive daring on the other, never fora moment dreamed, when tlie condition of things was changed, that the word •oi pr omise should be kept to the ear, only for the purpose of breaking it to their Lopes. Memorials came into the Sen al° ’.rom a’d quarters, remonstrating against ti’.e repent,or even postponement, of that be nign lw, Some of them were couched in the manly and dignified strain of American freomen, while others again appealed to tiie humanity, the justice, and the sympathies of Senators. Mr. Calhoun presented one, accompani ed by a letter, making the strongest appeals I to his sympathies, which he said he felt deeply. These people, he admitted, itad strong claims ; their situation had been su per'induced by Bank circulation and impro per legislation. What was a Bank note but evidence of indebtedness ? and what had they made the circulation but that in debtedness ? and how were debts to be paid other titan by that circulation which had driven out and expelled tlie constitutional currency ? It was in a state of the great est prosperity, that this paper circulation was most increased ; but when tlie opposite came, these notes represented indebtedness only, and the silver to redeem them was gone ; and men who thought they were a massing large fortunes,sometimes in a sin gle night saw themselves in a state of hope less despondency and ruin. Much as lie felt, however, lie could not yield. He be lieved the law highly unconstitutional, and tin; last sympathy for a statesman to in dulge, was for that sacred instrument, the Constitution. He maintained too, that the present law was an insolvent and not a Bankrupt Law, because it was extended beyond the limits of the commercial circle, and Congress had no power to pass any : such law. He saw the progress of all this i proceeding. Here it was proposed bv some j °1 his friends to attach Banks to the provi j sions of tlie Bankrupt Bill, which would j render it ten times more unconstitutional than oefore ; and where was this thins to stop when once commenced ? Bye and bye they would find it stretched to towns and townships, and lastly to the very States themselves. Mi’. Berrien was also charged with the presentation of one of these petitions very numerously signed, remonstrating againsi , the repeal or postponement. Mr. B. said J the memorial was accompanied by a letter j which gave him the assurance that the sub I ject predominated over all party influence. ; Ail agree on the importance of tiiat mcas. ure, said Mr. 8., however they might differ on subjects of national policy. Some of tlie names, too, on the memorial, were those of persons who had been formerly opposed to tlie law. Mr. IS. made a brief but very eloquent and fervid reply to tlie remarks of Mr. Calhoun. It was evident that his feel ings were excited, as lie maintained with more than his usual warmth, not only tlie constitutionality of the law, blit its benigni- ty and humanity. He said when the prop er time came he had the firmest conviction I of his bring able to meet and repel all the ] arguments brought against the constitution- j ality of the measure. Ho replied with great force to the constitutional objections of Mr. Calhoun, placing him entirely hors da combat, in relation to restricting the pri vileges of tiie Bill only to mercantile men. i he exchequer plan was again debated, and no question taken. As soon as a sub j .ject is exhausted by great men, it appears I lhat the smaller fry have to take hold and j consume time. There is a strange propen sity in the American legislature to talk, talk incessantly,without thinking of action One of the letter writers for a New-York paper says, he wished that the Whigs had a plaister of Burgundy pitch over their mouths. Indeed, though a great friend to the liberty of speech, yet sometimes I can not help thinking that it would be a great thing if we could have censors over Con gress-men, whose duty it should be to clap a plaister of pitch over the mouth of every man who did not speak to the purpose, or travelled out of his way for purposes of Buncombe. The time is not distant it seems to me, when something will have to be done with 11 factious advocates,” or the public business will stop. In the House, the Treasury note bill was ! again discussed, if indeed you can cull it discussion, when Members indulge in long political speeches, wholly irrelevant to the matter at issue. It is perfectly well known to every member of the House, that the j I reasury of the United States is in the most deplorable, nay, absolutely pitiable condi tion, and yet hour after hour, and day after day, does this state of things go on until not only the credit, but the very character ol the nation will be sacrificed. Mr. bilimore endeavored to have adopt ed a resolution to take the bill out of Com mittee to-morrow; but that was met by motions to adjourn, on which the yeas and nays were called, and although large ma jorities voted against it, there were cries of “Let us adjourn, —and with this sentence in their mouths, they left the Hall. Where the remedy for the evil is to be found, or the cure to come from, is not for me to say. But i may say that the Lnited States now, and when Mr. Munroe left the Executive Chair, can scarcely be recognised as the same country. Thetrthe nation was pros perous. and the people ha ppy—the credit;of : lhe government Was unlimited—the cur. rency uniform, and received at par in the re.rnotost corners of the earth. Now tho country is plunged in one wide spread ruin and distress—currency no where tho same; public faith imp,ait ed, frauds, perjuries, and plundering evetywhere; the treasury with out a dollar, and if this state of things con tinue, will be without the credit to raise one. , If this be not a melancholy contrast, l know licit where one w ill be found, and the great | est misfortune of all is, that we are compel i led to admit its truth. 1 Washington, Jan. 13, 1542. The fiscal plan was this day referred to a select Committee of nine, without a dis senting voice, as far as I heard. The Com mittee will be named by the Chair on Mon ! day, with Mr. Tallmadge at its head. Mr. Benton made a very long speech, a gainst the whole plan, lie said it was the old Exchequer Bill system of Walpole, which had to be resorted to after the credit of the corporations was crushed in Eng land, and that so far from our government advancing in the science of national probi ty, it was on the retrograde. He insisted, that if the Sub-Treasury had been suffered to have remained in operation, the present state of tilings would not have been. He traced the present enormous public debt of England to the exchequer issues, that be gan small at first, but accumulated under each succeeding reign, until thirty millions were required to pay the interest. The present plan was to commence with fifteen millions, but in the end, we there see the same state of things that was in England. The speech was emphatically a hard mon. ey speech, from the egg to tho apple, and by far the most able, 1 ever heard him make. He denounced the Exchequer Bills as a compound of Lamp-black and rags, made to take the place of tlie currency of the constitution. He closed his long ha rangue, by denouncing the plan as an insult upon the intelligence of the 19th century. When Mr. B. finished, there were cries from all parts of the Senate, “question! question /” and it was at once taken. The Memorials remonstrating against the repeal or postponement of the Bankrupt Law, are still on tlie increase. The tables of the Committee on the Judiciary, are lit erally loaded down with them, and the cry is “still they come.” Strong hopes are now entertained, thut tiiis measure of Re peal will be arrested in the Senate. Since the brief, but powerful remarks of Judge Berrien, on the constitutionality of ibis measure, and its benignity, other Sen ators have given an earnest of their inten tion to vote against either repeal or post ponement. A vast majority scout the idea of any bill which is to be limited to tho tra ders of tlie country. Mr. Preston brought in a bill to-day, to abolish the office of Commissary General of purchases. 1 have the supreme satisfaction of inform ing you also, that the Treasury Note Bill was this day reported to the House with its several amendments, after a long and stor my debate, which, considering the crippled condition of the Treasury, should not have taken place. It is now, thank heaven; in that position “that malice domestic” can not touch it further! And to-morrow it will be passed by that branch. The a mendments of Mr. Arnold, to allow as low j an issue as -So ; and tiiat of Mr. Under wood, forbidding these notes to be sold for specie, and to confine them to the creditors of the Government, were lost. Mr. Gilmer offered an amendment, which prevailed, to the effect that any notes issu ed under this Bill should stand as a substi tute for the amount of the loan of twelve millions. If all the speeches made on this Bill j could be garnered up, they would afford a ! choice morceau for the statesman. It was not until 7 o'clock that the Bill was taken out of Committee. It would really seem as though the Loco Focos were in a majority in the House. They almost contest the proceedings—and if they absolutely do not that, they somehow manage to have pretty much their own way, in defeating or de laying the measures of the Whigs. I was struck with peculiar force by the remark of a member from Vermont, viz.: that such had been the immense importations pending the raising of the duties on particular arti cles, and such the drain of specie in conse quence, that there was at least a probable chance of another suspension of specie pay ments it) the great commercial cities of the Fast. Mr. Gilmer was opposed to the Bill in its present form, because he thought that un der its provisions a larger sum might be is sued than was absolutely required by the exigencies of the Government. If it were i made manifest that the public interest im periously demanded the amount, he would cheerfully vote for it; but he was by no means convinced that such was the fact.— The gn at danger to be guarded against was an improvident issue, the process of 1 which was .so easy, that every honest Rep resentative of the people should guard a gainst it by every means in his power.— His speech was an able one, and he probed the conduct of the Administration to the core. Mr. Ingersoll opposed the Bill on the ground that there was no distress, save what was created by the derangement of the cur rency. He said he would not give a fig for the opinion of the House of Prime, Ward & King—they were brokers, and would get as great a per centage as they could on their money. He maintained, also, there was no scarcity of money, that confidence and credit alone were wanting—that tne Government was on the downward course of credit like the States, and that was what had led to the present disastrous results. If that he true, indeed then there should be a union of all parties to right the ship of State and arrest her in her downward course. The fact cannot be denied, that there is a general want of confidence which threatens even the stability of the Govern ment itself. The Senate adjourned over to Monday, j to give the Committees time to attend to the business before them, which lias accumu lated in great masses. Washington, January 15, 1842. Some very spirited resolutions from the Legislature of Kentucky, were presented in tho House yesterday by Mr. Thompson & Mr. Marshall, in relation to the Santa Fe expedition of the Texians, among which were several of our citizens whose lives are in jeopardy. IfSanta Anna desires a nother San Jacinto scene, he will unques tionably have it, if there are any more of those cold blooded murders perpetrated which marked his early career in his war with the Texans. I inclose you a transcript of the resolu tions, that your readers may see how the affair is beginning to work : Resolved bp the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, That the Gov ernment of the United States owes it to its elf, as well as to those unfortunate citizens to use the most prompt, vigorous, and effi cient means to restore to liberty and their country those men, and to vindicate to Mex ico, and the world the proud declaration tiiat American citizenship is a shield a gainst wrong and oppresssion throughout the Globe. Be it further Resolved, That Kentucky will sustain in any manner which shall be deemed necessary, with her full strength the most energetic action of the General Government to right the wrong, both indi vidual and national. Resolved further, That, in the opinion o£ this Legislature, it is the duty of the Gov ernmeut of tiie United States to demand an require the Government of Mexico, in the future progress of the war with Texas, to observe the usages of civilized nations in the treatment of prisoners. Resolved further, That the Governor be requested to forward a copy of tlie forego ing preamble and resolutions to the Presi dent of the United States, and toeaeh of our Senators and Representatives in Congress. On motion of Mr. Marshall, a call has been made on the Executive, for any infor mation in his possession, touching the cap ture of American citizens near Santa Fe in Mexico, and what steps have been taken in i relation to the same. At the suggestion of Mr. Wood, the reso lution was so amended as to include a call concerning those American citizens now | field as prisoners in Van Dieman’s Land. The Bankrupt Law. There was quite a disorderly scene in the j House for near six hours, in an attempt, not vet successful, to repeal the Bankrupt Act The Loco Focos associated with the Ken ! tucky Whigs succeeded so far as to get in a report from the Committee on the Judici ary, repealing the law. The violation of all rule by which this report was forced in, was stated by some prominent Whigs, in the course of debate, to have exceeded eve ry thing of the kind since the memorable New Jersey contest. The subject comes up again on Monday. OtT - The following is to be the mode of proceeding underthebankruptlaw,as adop ted by the Judge of the District Court in New Y T ork, should that law be not repealed before the Ist of next month. The New York Tribune is the authority for this statement: Ist. The bankrupt will present, through his counsel, his confession of his bankrupt cy, in the form of a deposition, which will state the name of each creditor; the amount due to each ; the place of each creditor’s residence, and a schedule of the debtor’s property. To this will be annexed the bankrupt’s affidavit that this statement is true. His counsel will thereupon ask the Court to enter the bankrupt’s confession of bank ruptcy in a decree upon the records of the Court. This is judgment by confession, and all the bankrupt’s property immediate ly passes, by this decree, into the hands of such assignee as the Court may appoint for that purpose. 2d. The next step in the proceedings is for the Court to fix a day for the creditors and bankrupt to appear before some com missioner, to be named by the Court, to ex amine the bankrupt, &c. An order, there fore, will be entered, directing the notice to be published in several papers, and a printed or written letter to he sent to each of the creditors, notifying them when and where to appear, which notice must be pub lished seventy days before the bankrupt is examined before the Commissioner. Thus it will be seen that there will be no more difficulty in the Court receiving the confession of judgment and petition of one thousand bankrupts in one day than there would be in entering up so many confes sions of judgments in other eases in other Courts. The proceeding is one of mere form. 3d. The Court will appoint as many commissioners as shall, be found necessary to take down all the testimony in writing, which testimony of the bankrupt and such witnesses as the creditors shall from time to time introduce, will be returned to the Court for examination, and, finally, like proceedings in Chancery, be placed on file in the Clerk’s office for examination for all time to come. Thus, if a dishonest bank rupt escapes and obtains a discharge, it will be the fault of the creditor ; for every word is to he taken down it) writing, and kept as reference for the benefit of the creditor.— So that even should a dishonest man obtain a discharge, the creditors have an everlast ing opportunity to set it aside, if they shall establish an act of fraud 1 4th. In carrying this act into effect, the Judges do not receive one dollar for the la bor that will devolve upon them. Not one dollar, directly or indirectly, and the offi cers of the Court will receive no compen sation that will benefit them. So that all the ,bor of the Court and officers will he the same to them as other gratuitous duties. They nevertheless, are willing to discharge the duty, from a just conviction of the im mense importance of this law to the moral as well as pecuniary interestsof the people. —i w.iuf—n—cthw wiwwui.i 1 JHW> h^wwwwt— nr i1 NEWS AND GAZETTE. WASHINGTON, GA. THURSDAY, JANUARY 27. 1842. “The Will of the Nation tAcontrolled by the Will of ONE MAN : one Presiden tial TERM, A FRUGAL GOVERNMENT, AND NO SUD- Theasury, open or covert, in substance Olt in fact : no Government Bank, but an insti tution capable of guarding the People’s treasure and administering to the People’s wants.” Ejection. Returns from all the counties, (except the county of Glynn in which the election was illegal) show the following result. Dougherty, 30,668 Gilmer, 30,410 W right, 30,336 Cooper, 32,425 Colquitt, 32,199 Black, 31,872 Coopers majority over Dougherty, 1,757 —Black’s majority over Dougherty, 1,204. About 8000 fewer votes cast, than at the October Election. The Whig vote has de creased about 3000, tlie Loco Foco 5000. McDonald’s official majority was 4144. Taxes. Tiie Loco-foco papers announce that Go vernor McDonald will not sign the Act re ducing the Taxes 20 per cent. So they are to remain as htavroflne Tnus, doth tne humbugs bv which the Loco-foco party n-ained the last October Llcction, having served their turn, are now cast aside as useless. They have neither affo:dvd the promised Relief,” nor have they reduced the taxes in the least. Though it has been, probably, long known to the Loco-foco Editors and others in his confidence, that the Governor would not sign the tax law, yet it has been care fully concealed until after tlie Congression al Election. Had it been more generally known, the result would probably have been different. Congress. The bill for the repeal of the Bankrupt Law, has passed the House by a vote of 126 to 94. It is thought doubtful, if it passes the Senate, if so it is supposed that the Pre sident will veto it, we should bo sorry to see the odious veto power resorted to again, though if used in the case it would be in the cause of humanity. The sudden opposition displayed by some members of Congress, to a law which they zealously advocated only six months ago is difficult to account for. Some of the New Y'ork papers we see give out strong hints of bribery, but we must believe their suspi cions to be unfounded. Both parties are becoming more dissatisfied with the pres ent Congress, and the repeal of the Bank rupt act will call down upon it a storm of indignation from all parts of the country. Mr. Mark A. Coojrer. In the last “Christian Index,” we notice an “ unvarnished tale” exhibited by the person whose name heads this article, con tradicting, in very vituperative and bitter language, our statement made, some weeks since, that he opposed the location in this place of the literary institution under the patronage of the religious denomination to which he belongs—on account of the im moral character of the people. Whether our assertion was corrector not, was a matter of no great moment, not even to Mr. Cooper himself, had he not wished to serve some ulterior object in his contradiction—that object we shall ex plain : In the mean time, to vindicate our selves from the charge of having wilfully made a groundless attack upon him, we must beg leave to state that It was the com mon report in and about this place, that Mr. C. did oppose the location of the Col- lege here, on account (among other rea sons,) of the immorality of the people. We had it from those whose disinterested words in this matter we are bound to believe, rath er than Mr. C’s. evidence in his own favor. But the respected Editor of the “ Index” comes forward to endorse Mr. Cooper’s con tradiction, and from that circumstance we are induced to believe we were in some measure mistaken. That we, and our in formants, were not wholly so—that there were some grounds for the report, appears from the admissions of Mr. Cooper himself. He admits that when arguing against the location of the institution in Washington, he did maintain, that “ when removed from all town and village influences, its morals could be best protected. How easy was it lor itis auditors, (hearing this argument enforced) in doubtless much stronger terms in his speech than he has used in his con tradiction ; —how easy was it for them to infer, tiiat, when arguing against the loca tion of tin College ill Washington, and thus reflcculi; ■ i. illy upon the moral char acter of all town, and villages, lie was opposed to ilie Inca• ion of :lie College horror on account of the immoral character oLf ” J people. W■> think all who hrard ( would haw made the same inference. | He professes to consider our remark direct appeal fur political purposes “ td sectional portion of a religious denornin tion.” They are nothing of the kind—atm none but a cunning politician, determined to take advantage of every thing that can possibly be perverted for his own benefit, would ever consider them such. We ad dressed ourselves, not to the Baptist denom ination—not to any “ sectional portion” of tiie citizens of this community, but to the whole people of Wilkes county. His as sertion, therefore, tiiat we presumed “ up on the supposed weakness and prejudice of Baptists as such,” is gratuitous and wholly false. There existed no necessity 4br o.ur attempting to induce tho members of that influential and intelligent denomination to vote against Mark A. Cooper. Such an attempt, on our part, would have been su pererogatory. Tin y remembered his con duct in relation to tlie College—there was no necessity of reminding them of it. But we considered that the People of Wilkes owed him some measure of retribution (“evil for evil,” if this political theologian will have it so,) for his influence, which ho confesses he exerted, in having the College, which would, without doubt, have benefited’ this county much, removed to another place. His lecture upon retributive justice, we passover—nothing appears from it except that after all we have done bin. ■•- ■'".i-'a Lj- _r*emjning to influence people to vote against him, for it would have been no O • •• evil” for him to be beaten—it would not have even damaged his sensibilities in the least. Oh, no ! Mark A. Cooper was not a candidate for Congress “to serve himself, but to serve the people,” wdiom no one but Mark A. Cooper can serve half so well ! Disinterested Patriot! Manifold and im mense are the obligations the people of Georgia owe to him ! Coming generations will reward him with their gratitude, and make futurity resound with his name; the pres, nt generation will only repay him with eight dollars per day and mileage ! W. regret that any thing pertaining to the sacred subject of religion, should bo dragged into a political controversy —and all who read the article which called forth this angry and intemperate reply from Mr. Cooper, will bear us witness that it is not our fault. Had that reply been couched in any thing like prop r language, we should not have noticed it farther than, if we were wrong, to have done him the jus tice which we are willing to render even to a political foe. So far from attempting to arouse the members of his own church a gainst him, we did not even mention the name of the denomination of which he is a member, nor of any other—our remarks, as wo said before, were addressed to the whole people of Wilkes, without distinction of sect. We believe that the pure gar ments of the religion of peace never should be stained with the combats of the political field. Mr. Cooper seems to think other wise—professing to be a Christian, ho writes, and publishes in a religious paper, a piece most unchristian in its temper and language. We had no object in arraying his brethren of the church against him, wo could have gained little by it—he on the contrary, in his pursuit of future political aggrandizement, might gain something by holding himself up to them as a specimen of injured innocence, an inoffensive sufferer in their cause —the opportunity was an ex cellent one for him to curry favor with them. It was for this reason, that he took j the pains to contradict an electioneering squib, which no more required an answer,/ than a hundred others published against him by every Whig paper in the State. j What other reason can ho have in bringing up to his support what was said and writ ten to him by that venerable and pious mat whose recent decease struck our who! community with sorrow ? What/ias it j do with this dispute, that “ Wi (M. A Cooper,) had from him (Mr. Mercer) whi/t we were at Washington, the iviost gratif ing assurances of implicit confidence in do rectitude and integrity ofour political couse then, (mark that “ then*’—it means befrev the Harrison contest,) by a letter volutta rily written by his own hand, ano now fled with hundreds of others of our (Mr. (fs.) old political friends, equally approbato|y- What, we ask, has this to do with the cfies tion, whether he made use of the observa tions we imputed to him or not ? Notkiog . All this is told for no otty/r purpose kut to gain political influence among the Baptist denomination, through the veneration which they and all v. ho knew him, paid to the o pinions of that venerable man. —If f
