Newspaper Page Text
lawyer, with whom I have had a confer
ence ; read it yourself.’
It was a petition for a separation, found
ed on various acts of ill-treatment and cru
elty, which this model of husbands had ex
ercised towards his disconsolate widow ;
his death had prevented the affair from
coming before the public. Madame do
Mersaint cast down her eyes, and the phan
tom disappeared forever
They returned to Paris. Julius opened
his house to Frederick, who observed—
‘You have discovered the secret: appari
tions are only to be feared in the dark.’
The following extracts are taken from !
tho “Speculations of an American Travel- j
ler,” published in Blackwood’s Magazine
some years since:
And so, too, is the American to be dis-j
tinguished from the Irishman. The Irish ;
are a gallant, warm-hearted, headlong peo
ple ; eloquent, feeling, hasty, and thought
loss ; great dealers in the superfluous. So
are the Americans. But, then, the feeling
of the Irish, like their eloquence, is rich,
riotous and florid, while that of the Amer
ican is more vehement, argumentative, and
concentrated. The declamation of the A
merican is often solemn and effecting—of;.',
ten too dry for endurance ; generally too
cold and chaste for enthusiasm ; and some
times exquisitely extravagant.
Tho Irishman is a hurrying, Careless,
open hearted fellow, as likely to and o wron
as right, in a moment of exaltation. But
nothing can be more tiresome the./) the pleas
antry of an American, wiien | ie fells dis
posed to be facetious, . here is nothin 7 of
that voluble drollery, tha t uninterrupted
flow of sentiment, fun, whi and nonsense
in his talking, which we f ix) and in that of an
Irishman at such a time..
Tlie chivalry of an Irishman has a head -
long fury in it which is irresistable. It is
partly constitutional., and often miraculous.
But it differs about as much from the chiv
alry oi an Americ an, as that does from the
deep, constitutional, collected bravery of
the Englishman, or the profound strange
fervor of the Scot.
An American would make a dozen for
tunes while a Scot was making one; but
then the A merican would often die a poor
man, over head and years in debt—the Scot
never. An American finds it harder to
keep a fortune, a Scot harder to make one.
A Scot would do the same thing over and I
over again all his lifelong, to obtain a com
petency for his children. An Irishman
would sooner be shot at once a week at tie
distance often paces. An American would j
do neither ; but, if there were any new
worlds to explore, or serpents to catch that i
would “pay well,” he would go to the hot- I
tom of the ocean afterthem in a contrivance |
ofhis own.
Every body has read of Smollet’s Irish
man, who dpsired his antagonist, while be
knelt down and hammerd the flint of pistols
which had missed fire, to “fire away and
not be loosing time and every body lias
acknowledged, that, whether true or false
it was perfectly natural ; but could only
bo believed of an Irishman.
So, too, it is told of an Englishman, that j
his house having taken fire—containing all |
that he was worth—finding that lie could
be of no use in putting it out, he went and {
sat down upon a neighboring hill and took j
a drawing of it. Such a story would no- j
ver have been invented of an American.
And so, too the well known anecdote of |
the young Scot, whose coolness, in such an
emergency, is a capital specimen of the j
moral sublime—
‘Wharf are yegangin,?’ ‘Bock again.’
Nolhingcan be more absolutely Scotch. I
would trust to it in the hottest fire of anoth
er Waterloo.
But I know something of an American
quite as characteristic—“ Can you carry
that battery, sir? ’ said an American Gen
eral to Col. Miller, in the heat of a battle.
“I’ll try,” and the battery was immediate
ly carried at the point of the bayonet.
But, in this answer, there was not a little
of that affectation of Spartan dryness which
I have often met with in Americans.—
Commodores Perry and McDonough gave a
fine specimen of it in their official commu
nications ; probably thinking of Lord Nel- j
sou’s despatch from Trafalgar.
A Northern paper asks the question, if
the expression, “God tempers the wind to
the shorn lamb,” is taken from the Holy
Scriptures? The Boston Courier says that
it is of French descent, as follows:
“A frienn has just informed us that he
has an old French Dictionary, printed in
1750, in which he finds the following: “A
Brebis fondue Dieii mesurelc rent.” Sterne’s
Sentimental Journey was not published tin
til 1768. He wrote it in France, and it
will be observed that he put the saying into
the mouth of “poor Maria,” a French “'<-irl.
It is evidently a French proverb.”
Classification. —A married ladv al
luding in conversation to the 148th Psalm,
observed, that while ‘young men and mai
dens, old men, and children,” were express
ly mentioned, not a word was said about
married women. An old clergyman, whom
she wasaddessing, assured lier that they
had not been omitted, and that she would
find them included in one of the preceding
verses under the description of vapours and
storms.
“I am not an Irishman myself,” said a
stump orator recently, while” haranguing a
political meeting at the West, where ‘the
majority of hearers were Irishmen—“l am
not an Irishman myself, I say, but I can
safely assert that my ancestors, on both the
paternal and maternal side,were extremely
partial to the Irish character. Indeed, I
can go so far as to say that I had an aunt
who was extremely fond of Irish potatoes !”
—(Cheers.) What a candid admission !
The trial of Colt for the murder of Mr I
Adams, in New York took place on the 10th |
•'•“f- We have not vet learned the result 1
* < >
27th Congress*
Correspondence of the Savannah Republican.
Washington, Jan. 12, 1842.
You can form but a very faint idea of tho
feeling that pervades the public mind in
our large commercial cities at the present J
time, in relation to the movement made in
tlie Mouse of Representatives, about the re- j
peal of the Bankrupt Bill. This is not to |
be wondered at. The half million of per- j
sons now groaning under hopeless insolven- I
cy, and patiently waiting the hour'ef relief,
could not see, other than with dismay a ml
j horror, their hopes frustrated by an a-ct of
inhuman legislation, without “making the
| most desperate eflb rts to n.,- e rt the ca’iamity.
j those unfortunate debtors whose prospects
! 1 11 “'ere blighted, hy bad legislation on
I one hand, and high executive daring on the
other, never fora moment dreamed, when
tlie condition of things was changed, that
the word •oi pr omise should be kept to the
ear, only for the purpose of breaking it to
their Lopes. Memorials came into the Sen
al° ’.rom a’d quarters, remonstrating against
ti’.e repent,or even postponement, of that be
nign lw, Some of them were couched in
the manly and dignified strain of American
freomen, while others again appealed to tiie
humanity, the justice, and the sympathies
of Senators.
Mr. Calhoun presented one, accompani
ed by a letter, making the strongest appeals I
to his sympathies, which he said he felt
deeply. These people, he admitted, itad
strong claims ; their situation had been su
per'induced by Bank circulation and impro
per legislation. What was a Bank note
but evidence of indebtedness ? and what
had they made the circulation but that in
debtedness ? and how were debts to be paid
other titan by that circulation which had
driven out and expelled tlie constitutional
currency ? It was in a state of the great
est prosperity, that this paper circulation
was most increased ; but when tlie opposite
came, these notes represented indebtedness
only, and the silver to redeem them was
gone ; and men who thought they were a
massing large fortunes,sometimes in a sin
gle night saw themselves in a state of hope
less despondency and ruin. Much as lie
felt, however, lie could not yield. He be
lieved the law highly unconstitutional, and
tin; last sympathy for a statesman to in
dulge, was for that sacred instrument, the
Constitution. He maintained too, that the
present law was an insolvent and not a
Bankrupt Law, because it was extended
beyond the limits of the commercial circle,
and Congress had no power to pass any
: such law. He saw the progress of all this
i proceeding. Here it was proposed bv some
j °1 his friends to attach Banks to the provi
j sions of tlie Bankrupt Bill, which would
j render it ten times more unconstitutional
than oefore ; and where was this thins to
stop when once commenced ? Bye and
bye they would find it stretched to towns
and townships, and lastly to the very States
themselves.
Mi’. Berrien was also charged with the
presentation of one of these petitions very
numerously signed, remonstrating againsi
, the repeal or postponement. Mr. B. said
J the memorial was accompanied by a letter
j which gave him the assurance that the sub
I ject predominated over all party influence.
; Ail agree on the importance of tiiat mcas.
ure, said Mr. 8., however they might differ
on subjects of national policy. Some of
tlie names, too, on the memorial, were those
of persons who had been formerly opposed
to tlie law. Mr. IS. made a brief but very
eloquent and fervid reply to tlie remarks of
Mr. Calhoun. It was evident that his feel
ings were excited, as lie maintained with
more than his usual warmth, not only tlie
constitutionality of the law, blit its benigni-
ty and humanity. He said when the prop
er time came he had the firmest conviction I
of his bring able to meet and repel all the ]
arguments brought against the constitution- j
ality of the measure. Ho replied with
great force to the constitutional objections
of Mr. Calhoun, placing him entirely hors
da combat, in relation to restricting the pri
vileges of tiie Bill only to mercantile men.
i he exchequer plan was again debated,
and no question taken. As soon as a sub
j .ject is exhausted by great men, it appears
I lhat the smaller fry have to take hold and
j consume time. There is a strange propen
sity in the American legislature to talk,
talk incessantly,without thinking of action
One of the letter writers for a New-York
paper says, he wished that the Whigs had
a plaister of Burgundy pitch over their
mouths. Indeed, though a great friend to
the liberty of speech, yet sometimes I can
not help thinking that it would be a great
thing if we could have censors over Con
gress-men, whose duty it should be to clap
a plaister of pitch over the mouth of every
man who did not speak to the purpose, or
travelled out of his way for purposes of
Buncombe. The time is not distant it seems
to me, when something will have to be done
with 11 factious advocates,” or the public
business will stop.
In the House, the Treasury note bill was !
again discussed, if indeed you can cull it
discussion, when Members indulge in long
political speeches, wholly irrelevant to the
matter at issue. It is perfectly well known
to every member of the House, that the
j I reasury of the United States is in the most
deplorable, nay, absolutely pitiable condi
tion, and yet hour after hour, and day after
day, does this state of things go on until
not only the credit, but the very character
ol the nation will be sacrificed.
Mr. bilimore endeavored to have adopt
ed a resolution to take the bill out of Com
mittee to-morrow; but that was met by
motions to adjourn, on which the yeas and
nays were called, and although large ma
jorities voted against it, there were cries of
“Let us adjourn, —and with this sentence
in their mouths, they left the Hall. Where
the remedy for the evil is to be found, or
the cure to come from, is not for me to say.
But i may say that the Lnited States now,
and when Mr. Munroe left the Executive
Chair, can scarcely be recognised as the
same country. Thetrthe nation was pros
perous. and the people ha ppy—the credit;of :
lhe government Was unlimited—the cur.
rency uniform, and received at par in the
re.rnotost corners of the earth. Now tho
country is plunged in one wide spread ruin
and distress—currency no where tho same;
public faith imp,ait ed, frauds, perjuries, and
plundering evetywhere; the treasury with
out a dollar, and if this state of things con
tinue, will be without the credit to raise one.
, If this be not a melancholy contrast, l know
licit where one w ill be found, and the great
| est misfortune of all is, that we are compel
i led to admit its truth.
1 Washington, Jan. 13, 1542.
The fiscal plan was this day referred to
a select Committee of nine, without a dis
senting voice, as far as I heard. The Com
mittee will be named by the Chair on Mon
! day, with Mr. Tallmadge at its head.
Mr. Benton made a very long speech, a
gainst the whole plan, lie said it was the
old Exchequer Bill system of Walpole,
which had to be resorted to after the credit
of the corporations was crushed in Eng
land, and that so far from our government
advancing in the science of national probi
ty, it was on the retrograde. He insisted,
that if the Sub-Treasury had been suffered
to have remained in operation, the present
state of tilings would not have been. He
traced the present enormous public debt of
England to the exchequer issues, that be
gan small at first, but accumulated under
each succeeding reign, until thirty millions
were required to pay the interest. The
present plan was to commence with fifteen
millions, but in the end, we there see the
same state of things that was in England.
The speech was emphatically a hard mon.
ey speech, from the egg to tho apple, and
by far the most able, 1 ever heard him
make. He denounced the Exchequer Bills
as a compound of Lamp-black and rags,
made to take the place of tlie currency of
the constitution. He closed his long ha
rangue, by denouncing the plan as an insult
upon the intelligence of the 19th century.
When Mr. B. finished, there were cries
from all parts of the Senate, “question!
question /” and it was at once taken.
The Memorials remonstrating against
the repeal or postponement of the Bankrupt
Law, are still on tlie increase. The tables
of the Committee on the Judiciary, are lit
erally loaded down with them, and the cry
is “still they come.” Strong hopes are
now entertained, thut tiiis measure of Re
peal will be arrested in the Senate.
Since the brief, but powerful remarks of
Judge Berrien, on the constitutionality of
ibis measure, and its benignity, other Sen
ators have given an earnest of their inten
tion to vote against either repeal or post
ponement. A vast majority scout the idea
of any bill which is to be limited to tho tra
ders of tlie country.
Mr. Preston brought in a bill to-day, to
abolish the office of Commissary General
of purchases.
1 have the supreme satisfaction of inform
ing you also, that the Treasury Note Bill
was this day reported to the House with its
several amendments, after a long and stor
my debate, which, considering the crippled
condition of the Treasury, should not have
taken place. It is now, thank heaven; in
that position “that malice domestic” can
not touch it further! And to-morrow it
will be passed by that branch. The a
mendments of Mr. Arnold, to allow as low j
an issue as -So ; and tiiat of Mr. Under
wood, forbidding these notes to be sold for
specie, and to confine them to the creditors
of the Government, were lost.
Mr. Gilmer offered an amendment, which
prevailed, to the effect that any notes issu
ed under this Bill should stand as a substi
tute for the amount of the loan of twelve
millions.
If all the speeches made on this Bill
j could be garnered up, they would afford a
! choice morceau for the statesman. It was
not until 7 o'clock that the Bill was taken
out of Committee. It would really seem as
though the Loco Focos were in a majority
in the House. They almost contest the
proceedings—and if they absolutely do not
that, they somehow manage to have pretty
much their own way, in defeating or de
laying the measures of the Whigs. I was
struck with peculiar force by the remark
of a member from Vermont, viz.: that such
had been the immense importations pending
the raising of the duties on particular arti
cles, and such the drain of specie in conse
quence, that there was at least a probable
chance of another suspension of specie pay
ments it) the great commercial cities of the
Fast.
Mr. Gilmer was opposed to the Bill in its
present form, because he thought that un
der its provisions a larger sum might be is
sued than was absolutely required by the
exigencies of the Government. If it were
i made manifest that the public interest im
periously demanded the amount, he would
cheerfully vote for it; but he was by no
means convinced that such was the fact.—
The gn at danger to be guarded against
was an improvident issue, the process of
1 which was .so easy, that every honest Rep
resentative of the people should guard a
gainst it by every means in his power.—
His speech was an able one, and he probed
the conduct of the Administration to the
core.
Mr. Ingersoll opposed the Bill on the
ground that there was no distress, save what
was created by the derangement of the cur
rency. He said he would not give a fig
for the opinion of the House of Prime, Ward
& King—they were brokers, and would get
as great a per centage as they could on
their money. He maintained, also, there
was no scarcity of money, that confidence
and credit alone were wanting—that tne
Government was on the downward course
of credit like the States, and that was what
had led to the present disastrous results.
If that he true, indeed then there should
be a union of all parties to right the ship of
State and arrest her in her downward
course. The fact cannot be denied, that
there is a general want of confidence which
threatens even the stability of the Govern
ment itself.
The Senate adjourned over to Monday, j
to give the Committees time to attend to the
business before them, which lias accumu
lated in great masses.
Washington, January 15, 1842.
Some very spirited resolutions from the
Legislature of Kentucky, were presented in
tho House yesterday by Mr. Thompson &
Mr. Marshall, in relation to the Santa Fe
expedition of the Texians, among which
were several of our citizens whose lives
are in jeopardy. IfSanta Anna desires a
nother San Jacinto scene, he will unques
tionably have it, if there are any more of
those cold blooded murders perpetrated
which marked his early career in his war
with the Texans.
I inclose you a transcript of the resolu
tions, that your readers may see how the
affair is beginning to work :
Resolved bp the General Assembly of the
Commonwealth of Kentucky, That the Gov
ernment of the United States owes it to its
elf, as well as to those unfortunate citizens
to use the most prompt, vigorous, and effi
cient means to restore to liberty and their
country those men, and to vindicate to Mex
ico, and the world the proud declaration
tiiat American citizenship is a shield a
gainst wrong and oppresssion throughout
the Globe.
Be it further Resolved, That Kentucky
will sustain in any manner which shall
be deemed necessary, with her full strength
the most energetic action of the General
Government to right the wrong, both indi
vidual and national.
Resolved further, That, in the opinion o£
this Legislature, it is the duty of the Gov
ernmeut of tiie United States to demand an
require the Government of Mexico, in the
future progress of the war with Texas, to
observe the usages of civilized nations in
the treatment of prisoners.
Resolved further, That the Governor be
requested to forward a copy of tlie forego
ing preamble and resolutions to the Presi
dent of the United States, and toeaeh of our
Senators and Representatives in Congress.
On motion of Mr. Marshall, a call has
been made on the Executive, for any infor
mation in his possession, touching the cap
ture of American citizens near Santa Fe in
Mexico, and what steps have been taken in i
relation to the same.
At the suggestion of Mr. Wood, the reso
lution was so amended as to include a call
concerning those American citizens now
| field as prisoners in Van Dieman’s Land.
The Bankrupt Law.
There was quite a disorderly scene in the
j House for near six hours, in an attempt, not
vet successful, to repeal the Bankrupt Act
The Loco Focos associated with the Ken
! tucky Whigs succeeded so far as to get in
a report from the Committee on the Judici
ary, repealing the law. The violation of
all rule by which this report was forced in,
was stated by some prominent Whigs, in
the course of debate, to have exceeded eve
ry thing of the kind since the memorable
New Jersey contest.
The subject comes up again on Monday.
OtT - The following is to be the mode of
proceeding underthebankruptlaw,as adop
ted by the Judge of the District Court in
New Y T ork, should that law be not repealed
before the Ist of next month. The New
York Tribune is the authority for this
statement:
Ist. The bankrupt will present, through
his counsel, his confession of his bankrupt
cy, in the form of a deposition, which will
state the name of each creditor; the amount
due to each ; the place of each creditor’s
residence, and a schedule of the debtor’s
property. To this will be annexed the
bankrupt’s affidavit that this statement is
true.
His counsel will thereupon ask the Court
to enter the bankrupt’s confession of bank
ruptcy in a decree upon the records of the
Court. This is judgment by confession,
and all the bankrupt’s property immediate
ly passes, by this decree, into the hands of
such assignee as the Court may appoint for
that purpose.
2d. The next step in the proceedings is
for the Court to fix a day for the creditors
and bankrupt to appear before some com
missioner, to be named by the Court, to ex
amine the bankrupt, &c. An order, there
fore, will be entered, directing the notice
to be published in several papers, and a
printed or written letter to he sent to each of
the creditors, notifying them when and
where to appear, which notice must be pub
lished seventy days before the bankrupt is
examined before the Commissioner.
Thus it will be seen that there will be no
more difficulty in the Court receiving the
confession of judgment and petition of one
thousand bankrupts in one day than there
would be in entering up so many confes
sions of judgments in other eases in other
Courts. The proceeding is one of mere
form.
3d. The Court will appoint as many
commissioners as shall, be found necessary
to take down all the testimony in writing,
which testimony of the bankrupt and such
witnesses as the creditors shall from time
to time introduce, will be returned to the
Court for examination, and, finally, like
proceedings in Chancery, be placed on file
in the Clerk’s office for examination for all
time to come. Thus, if a dishonest bank
rupt escapes and obtains a discharge, it will
be the fault of the creditor ; for every word
is to he taken down it) writing, and kept as
reference for the benefit of the creditor.—
So that even should a dishonest man obtain
a discharge, the creditors have an everlast
ing opportunity to set it aside, if they shall
establish an act of fraud 1
4th. In carrying this act into effect, the
Judges do not receive one dollar for the la
bor that will devolve upon them. Not one
dollar, directly or indirectly, and the offi
cers of the Court will receive no compen
sation that will benefit them. So that all
the ,bor of the Court and officers will he
the same to them as other gratuitous duties.
They nevertheless, are willing to discharge
the duty, from a just conviction of the im
mense importance of this law to the moral
as well as pecuniary interestsof the people.
—i w.iuf—n—cthw wiwwui.i 1 JHW> h^wwwwt— nr i1
NEWS AND GAZETTE.
WASHINGTON, GA.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 27. 1842.
“The Will of the Nation tAcontrolled
by the Will of ONE MAN : one Presiden
tial TERM, A FRUGAL GOVERNMENT, AND NO SUD-
Theasury, open or covert, in substance Olt
in fact : no Government Bank, but an insti
tution capable of guarding the People’s
treasure and administering to the People’s
wants.”
Ejection.
Returns from all the counties, (except
the county of Glynn in which the election
was illegal) show the following result.
Dougherty, 30,668
Gilmer, 30,410
W right, 30,336
Cooper, 32,425
Colquitt, 32,199
Black, 31,872
Coopers majority over Dougherty, 1,757
—Black’s majority over Dougherty, 1,204.
About 8000 fewer votes cast, than at the
October Election. The Whig vote has de
creased about 3000, tlie Loco Foco 5000.
McDonald’s official majority was 4144.
Taxes.
Tiie Loco-foco papers announce that Go
vernor McDonald will not sign the Act re
ducing the Taxes 20 per cent. So they are
to remain as htavroflne Tnus, doth tne
humbugs bv which the Loco-foco party
n-ained the last October Llcction, having
served their turn, are now cast aside as
useless. They have neither affo:dvd the
promised Relief,” nor have they reduced
the taxes in the least.
Though it has been, probably, long
known to the Loco-foco Editors and others
in his confidence, that the Governor would
not sign the tax law, yet it has been care
fully concealed until after tlie Congression
al Election. Had it been more generally
known, the result would probably have
been different.
Congress.
The bill for the repeal of the Bankrupt
Law, has passed the House by a vote of 126
to 94. It is thought doubtful, if it passes
the Senate, if so it is supposed that the Pre
sident will veto it, we should bo sorry to
see the odious veto power resorted to again,
though if used in the case it would be in the
cause of humanity.
The sudden opposition displayed by some
members of Congress, to a law which they
zealously advocated only six months ago is
difficult to account for. Some of the New
Y'ork papers we see give out strong hints of
bribery, but we must believe their suspi
cions to be unfounded. Both parties are
becoming more dissatisfied with the pres
ent Congress, and the repeal of the Bank
rupt act will call down upon it a storm of
indignation from all parts of the country.
Mr. Mark A. Coojrer.
In the last “Christian Index,” we notice
an “ unvarnished tale” exhibited by the
person whose name heads this article, con
tradicting, in very vituperative and bitter
language, our statement made, some weeks
since, that he opposed the location in this
place of the literary institution under the
patronage of the religious denomination to
which he belongs—on account of the im
moral character of the people.
Whether our assertion was corrector
not, was a matter of no great moment, not
even to Mr. Cooper himself, had he not
wished to serve some ulterior object in his
contradiction—that object we shall ex
plain : In the mean time, to vindicate our
selves from the charge of having wilfully
made a groundless attack upon him, we
must beg leave to state that It was the com
mon report in and about this place, that
Mr. C. did oppose the location of the Col-
lege here, on account (among other rea
sons,) of the immorality of the people. We
had it from those whose disinterested words
in this matter we are bound to believe, rath
er than Mr. C’s. evidence in his own favor.
But the respected Editor of the “ Index”
comes forward to endorse Mr. Cooper’s con
tradiction, and from that circumstance we
are induced to believe we were in some
measure mistaken. That we, and our in
formants, were not wholly so—that there
were some grounds for the report, appears
from the admissions of Mr. Cooper himself.
He admits that when arguing against the
location of the institution in Washington, he
did maintain, that “ when removed from
all town and village influences, its morals
could be best protected. How easy was
it lor itis auditors, (hearing this argument
enforced) in doubtless much stronger terms
in his speech than he has used in his con
tradiction ; —how easy was it for them to
infer, tiiat, when arguing against the loca
tion of tin College ill Washington, and thus
reflcculi; ■ i. illy upon the moral char
acter of all town, and villages, lie was
opposed to ilie Inca• ion of :lie College horror
on account of the immoral character oLf ”
J
people. W■> think all who hrard (
would haw made the same inference. |
He professes to consider our remark
direct appeal fur political purposes “ td
sectional portion of a religious denornin
tion.” They are nothing of the kind—atm
none but a cunning politician, determined
to take advantage of every thing that can
possibly be perverted for his own benefit,
would ever consider them such. We ad
dressed ourselves, not to the Baptist denom
ination—not to any “ sectional portion” of
tiie citizens of this community, but to the
whole people of Wilkes county. His as
sertion, therefore, tiiat we presumed “ up
on the supposed weakness and prejudice of
Baptists as such,” is gratuitous and wholly
false. There existed no necessity 4br o.ur
attempting to induce tho members of that
influential and intelligent denomination to
vote against Mark A. Cooper. Such an
attempt, on our part, would have been su
pererogatory. Tin y remembered his con
duct in relation to tlie College—there was
no necessity of reminding them of it. But
we considered that the People of Wilkes
owed him some measure of retribution
(“evil for evil,” if this political theologian
will have it so,) for his influence, which ho
confesses he exerted, in having the College,
which would, without doubt, have benefited’
this county much, removed to another
place.
His lecture upon retributive justice, we
passover—nothing appears from it except
that after all we have done bin. ■•- ■'".i-'a
Lj- _r*emjning to influence people to vote
against him, for it would have been no
O •
•• evil” for him to be beaten—it would not
have even damaged his sensibilities in the
least. Oh, no ! Mark A. Cooper was not a
candidate for Congress “to serve himself,
but to serve the people,” wdiom no one but
Mark A. Cooper can serve half so well !
Disinterested Patriot! Manifold and im
mense are the obligations the people of
Georgia owe to him ! Coming generations
will reward him with their gratitude, and
make futurity resound with his name; the
pres, nt generation will only repay him
with eight dollars per day and mileage !
W. regret that any thing pertaining to
the sacred subject of religion, should bo
dragged into a political controversy —and
all who read the article which called forth
this angry and intemperate reply from Mr.
Cooper, will bear us witness that it is not
our fault. Had that reply been couched
in any thing like prop r language, we
should not have noticed it farther than, if
we were wrong, to have done him the jus
tice which we are willing to render even
to a political foe. So far from attempting
to arouse the members of his own church a
gainst him, we did not even mention the
name of the denomination of which he is a
member, nor of any other—our remarks,
as wo said before, were addressed to the
whole people of Wilkes, without distinction
of sect. We believe that the pure gar
ments of the religion of peace never should
be stained with the combats of the political
field. Mr. Cooper seems to think other
wise—professing to be a Christian, ho
writes, and publishes in a religious paper, a
piece most unchristian in its temper and
language. We had no object in arraying
his brethren of the church against him, wo
could have gained little by it—he on the
contrary, in his pursuit of future political
aggrandizement, might gain something by
holding himself up to them as a specimen
of injured innocence, an inoffensive sufferer
in their cause —the opportunity was an ex
cellent one for him to curry favor with
them. It was for this reason, that he took j
the pains to contradict an electioneering
squib, which no more required an answer,/
than a hundred others published against
him by every Whig paper in the State. j
What other reason can ho have in bringing
up to his support what was said and writ
ten to him by that venerable and pious mat
whose recent decease struck our who!
community with sorrow ? What/ias it j
do with this dispute, that “ Wi (M. A
Cooper,) had from him (Mr. Mercer) whi/t
we were at Washington, the iviost gratif
ing assurances of implicit confidence in do
rectitude and integrity ofour political couse
then, (mark that “ then*’—it means befrev
the Harrison contest,) by a letter volutta
rily written by his own hand, ano now fled
with hundreds of others of our (Mr. (fs.)
old political friends, equally approbato|y-
What, we ask, has this to do with the cfies
tion, whether he made use of the observa
tions we imputed to him or not ? Notkiog .
All this is told for no otty/r purpose kut to
gain political influence among the Baptist
denomination, through the veneration which
they and all v. ho knew him, paid to the o
pinions of that venerable man. —If f
