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About News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844 | View Entire Issue (June 30, 1842)
POLITICAL. From the Chronicle <f- Sentinel. MR. CLAY AND MII. CRAWFORD. It was not to have been anticipated by tho warmest friends of Mr. Clay, that lie would escape the vituperation of the Loco f'oco organs; we did suppose, however, that no effort would bo made in Georgia, by any one familiar with the facts, to make capital outof his vote in favor of Mr. Ad orns for President in preference to Mr. Crawford, under the then existing circum slanccs, and least of all, did we anticipate such an effort from the Locofoco party, four fifths of whom were most violeut in their op position to Mr. Crawford ; so much so in deed, that he was their last choice. The result, however, provps how little we ap preciated the character of our opponents; for scarcely had the nomination of Mr. Clay been made, ere the Constitutionalist thus al ludes to it, in commenting upon the remarks of the Southern Recorder : “ The editors of the Recorder seem to he very reluctant to recollect the time when Mr. Clay, in several speeches, declared his opposition to Mr. Crawford, and when in stead of using his influence for the choice of that gentleman by the House of Repre sentatives, which he could have effected, he had Mr. Adams, chosen on the first bal lot. Ifthe memory of the editors of the Re corder has not entirely failed them, they will certainly recollect that the conduct of Mr. Clay on that memorable ocoasion, was universally condemned in Georgia as trech erous and unworthy the reputation of so dis tinguished a citizen.” To show with how much justice such an allusion is now made to that event, we co py two letters from Mr. Clay to Judge Brooke of Virginia, written prior to the e lection of Mr. Adams, in which Mr. Clay distinctly stated his determination to vote for Mr. Adams in consequence of the ill health of Mr. Crawford, who was thereby considered out of the question. But it is not alone upon the declaration of Mr. Clay, for the reasons bv which he was influenced that we rely, we have also the declaration of Mr. Crawford to the same effect, which wc heard him utter in Washington, Ga., after his return, and when his health had been partially restored, which was in these words as nearly as we can recollect: lie said “ He had no doubt, but that Mr. Clay would have voted for him in preference to either Mr. Adams or Gen. Jackson, hut for the state of his health,” and he added, “1 regard his vote against me the most fortu nate circumstance that could have befallen me, for had he voted for me, and I been c lected, as I certainly should have been, I should now have been a dead man, for I could not possibly have lived in the climate of Washington City.” This declaration was made by Judge Crawford while he was Judge of the Western circuit, several years after the event when he had ample opportu nity to give the subject the coolest and most deliberate reflection, and proves conclusive ly that in hiscstimaiion, Mr. Clay had done him ample justice. This disclaimer, there fore, of Mr. Crawford, of all improper mo tive to Mr. Clay, and the letters of Mr. Clay, written some time previous to cast ing his vote, to an old and intimate friend, leave no doubt of his having preferred Mr. Crawford, but a sense of duty to the coun try induced him to yield his support to an other. The following are the letters allu ded to: Washington, 26th January, 1825. My Dear Sir : —My position in regard to the Presidential contest is highly critical, and sucli as to leave me no path on which I can move without censure. I have pur sued, in regard to it, the rule which I al ways observe in the discharge of my public duty. I have interrogated my conscience as to what I ought to do, and that faithful guide tells me 1 ought to vote for Mr. Ad ams. I shall fulfil its injunctions. Mr. Crawford’s state of health, and the circum stances under which he presents himself to the House, appear to me to be conclusive against him. Asa friend of liberty and to the permanence of our institutions, I can not consent, in this early stage of tiieir ex istence, by contributing to the election of a Military Chief, to give the strongest guar antee that this Republic will march in the fatal road which hasconductedevery other Republic to ruin. I owe to our friendship this frank exposition of my intentions. I am, and shall continue to be, assailed by all the abuse which partizan zeal, maligni ty, and rivalry, can invent. I shall view without emotion these effusions of malice, and remain unshaken in my purpose.— What is a public man worth if he will not expose himself on fit occasions, for the good of his country ? As to the result of the election, I cannot speak with absolute certainty, but there is every reason to believe that we shall avoid tho dangerous precedent to which I allude. Y'our cordial friend, 11. CLAY. The lion. F. T. Brooke. Washington, 4th February, 1625. My Dear Sir—l received your obliging ‘.otter of the Ist inst. Although my letter, to which it is an answer, was not intended jbr publication, i would rather that it should be published, and speak for itself, than that its contents should appear through the me dium of Mr. Ritchie’s representations of them. With regard to its publication, you will be pleased to do a3 yon think proper.’ All that I feel anxious about is, that the rv’Hi? c 1 oti-'J nc* ar f mwozilcn that it was my intention that it should be published. My condition at this moment is most pe culiar. The batteries of some of the friends ofevery man who would now bo President, or who, four or eight years hence would he President, are directed against me, with only the exception of those of Mr. Adams. Some of the friends of Gen. Jackson, Mr. Cruwlord, Mr. Calhoun, and Mr. Clinton, with very different ultimate ends, agree for tho present, to unite in assailing me. The object now is, on tho part of Mr. Crawford and Gen. Jackson, to drive mo from the course which my deliberate judgement points out, and for the future, on the part of Mr. Clinton and Mr. Calhoun, to remove me, as an obstacle to their elevation. They all have yet to learn my character, if they suppose it possible to make me swerve from my duty, by any species of intimidation or denunciation. But I did not suppose my old friend, Ritchie, would join in the gener al cry. Hcought to recollect that he isstrug gling for a man, I for the country—he to elevate an unfortunate gentleman, worn down by disease, I to preserve our youthful institutions from tlie bane which lias des troyed all the Republics of the old world. I might have expected from the patriotism of Thomas Ritchie, that he would have sur rendered his personal predilections, and joined with me in the effort to save us from a precedent fraught with the most perni cious consequences. lam so far disap pointed, 1 say it with mortification and re gret. But all attempts to make me unite with him—to induce me to give up the de fence of our institutions, that we may elect a sick gentleman, who has been rejected by the great body of the Nation, are vain, and utterly fruitless. Mr. Ritchie ought to a wake, should be himself again, and love Rome more than Cicsar. I observe what you kindly tell me about the future Cabinet. My dear sir, I want no office. When have I shown an avidity for office? In rejecting the mission to Russia, and the Department of War under one Ad ministration. In rejecting the same De partment, the mission to England, or any other foreign mission under the succeeding Administration! If Mr. Adams is elected I know not who will be his Cabinet. I know not whether I shall bo offered a place in it or not. If there should be any offer, I shall decide upon it, when it may be made, ac cording to my sense of duty. But, do you not perceive that this denunciation of me by anticipation isa part of the common sys tem between the discordant confederates which I have above described? Most cer tainly, if an office should be offered to me, under the new Administration, and I should he induced to think that I ought to accept it, I shall not be deterred from accepting it, eitiierby tiie denunciations of open or se cret enemies, or the hypocrisy of pretended friends. With great respect, I am, faithfully, your friend, 11. CLAY. Correspondence United Stales Gazette. Washington, June 9. Letters from various parts of New York Ohio, Kentucky, and someoiher States, re present the pecuniary distress of the people to he beyond any tiling known among them for 25 or 30 years ; creditors forcing sales of property to satisfy their debt, and prop erty selling for almost nothing, breaking up the debtor and not satisfying the de mands of the creditor. When I hear ofthis state of things and look round me, I cannot refrain from recurring to times by-gone; of reflecting what our situation once was, what it now is, and what it might have been. What our situation once. was. —Cast our eye hack some fifteen or twenty years to the period of Mr. Adams’s administration, and just previous ; from 1820 to 1829. We had then a currency not surpassed by any in the world ; a National Bank whose bills were equal to gold not only in every part of the United States, but in London, Paris, South America, China and the East Indies. She had brought order out of chaos; had been the means, by judicious manage ment of bringing the State Banks to the re demption of their notes with gold and silver and of equalizing and reducing the exchan ges of the country down to from a half to one per cent, between the most distant com mercial towns. She furnished iier mer chants and others with such accommoda tion and facilities of collecting their distant debts, that the wheels of business were kept in constant and rapid motion ; enterprise and industry were stimulatedand renewed; labor was in constant demand, and wages high. Shaving-shops were unknown, and no one had uncurrent money to sell. The days of shin-plasters, uncurrent bills, non specie paying banks, and exchange brokers were by-gone, known only in memory, but that memory sorely alive to the multitude of evils that once beset the country, similar to these that now affect the land like the frogs and the locusts of Egypt. ‘But Jesh uron waxed fat and kicked.’ The wealth of the country rapidly increased ; Prosper ity rewarded industry and enterprise ; Con fidence beamed in every countenance; Plen ty emptied her golden horn; Hope beckoned us on ; & Faith looked to a glorious future. ‘But then there came a frost, a killing frost.’ What our situation now is. —But in the midst of this‘full tide of successful expe riment,’ a few politicians handed together to produce a change, and avowed their de termination to ‘put down the administration though pure as angels at the right hand of the throne of God.’ They raised the hue and cry of bargain and corruption, between Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, and reiterated the charge until the people, not then accus tomed to political falsehoods, believed it.— They were told that Mr. Adam’s adminis tration was a ‘federal’ administration ; that it was ruining the country by its extrava gance ; that lie had ‘the east room of the President’s house ‘ gorgeously furnished’ at the people’s expense, and that he had ac tually purchased a billiard table! The people were assured, too, that Gen. Jackson cut on ,; J o!2 , j*i ri nr A]J these things, and a thousand more wore as serted and reiterated, till tho valleys be came vocal, and tho hills and mountains re-echoed the cry. The people, firmly be lieving these falsehoods, fearful lest extra vagance should ruin the land, and honestly indignant that any man should ce defrau ded of his election, became roused to mad ness. They were moreover assured and religiously believed, that tho public offices at Washington and other parts of the coun try wore filled with a sot of fops and drones who lived at tho public expense and did nothing ; and the promise was made that these should be driven away, and honest, industrious hard working men put in their places. Thus wrought upon and deceived the people rushed to the polls, with a uni versal shout of “hurra for Jackson!’ The result could not be doubtful, and is now but too well remembered, by many an honest man who partook of the general phrenzy, and contributed his vote to bring upon us a state of things which he will have abundant time and reason for lamenting. Gen. Jackson came into power upon the mountain-wave of popularity. I will say nothing of the manner in which, contrary to his pledge to ‘destroy the monster, party spirit,’ by making appointments equally from all parties he now avowed his deter mination to‘reward his friends and punish his enemies;’ I will say nothing of the uni versalsweep that followed this declaration; I will say nothing of the justification ofthis course by his friend Marcy, in the Senate of the United States, who avowed the detes table doctrine that ‘to the victors belong the spoils of office;’ l will say nothing of the brawlers selected to fill important stations; 1 will say nothing of the slavish subservi ency of the party to the orders of the ‘chief tain,’ that subserviency which led them to applaud and support whatever he did, right or wrong, and to utter shouts of exul tation over acts of the most daring usurpa tion and high-handed tyranny; I will say nothing of all these, because they did not so immediately affect the business and finan cial condition of the country as other meas ures, though they spread a moral blight upon the nation which time can scarcely remove. But I will speak of other matters equally fresh in the recollection of those who were upon the stage of action, and saw them with astonishment and regret. In Gen. Jackson’s first annual message, there was visible ‘a speck of war’ upon the great money institution of the country. In the meantime she was tampered with and found unwilling to become the political en gine of any party. The ‘speck’ that had been seen, soon grew into a storm cloud, from which came torrents of invective, and the thunder, and lightning ofthe passions.- But I must be brief. The deposites were removed in a most high-banded and extra ordinary manner. Pet banks were selec ted to receive the public funds, and wore di rected to make liberal discounts to mer chants and others, that the public might not be dissatisfied. Hence the spirit of speculation was fastened. Congress pas sed an act to recharterthe bank, by a large majority, Jackson as it was, and then came the veto. Anticipating the expiration of the charter Jackson State Legislatures in corporated numerous banks with large cap itals. In the meantime the bank was char tered by !he Legislature of Pennsylvania, and became a state institution. This in crease of banks flooded the country with bills; encouraged a wild spirit of specula tion ; gave a ficticious value to property ; induced thousands to imagine themselves about to realize their most extravagant gol den visions ; and to indulge in ‘all the pride pomp and circumstance of glorious’ wealth; our importations were swelled to a large a mount, and must be paid for bv the ship ment of specie. At this moment, too, came the celebrated ‘specie circular.’ The banks called upon to redeem their bills soon crip pled—staggered ; stopped. Still went up the exulting shout of‘hurra for Jackson!’ Banks and bank directors were now de nounced as swindlers’ and ‘rag barons,’ amidst the cry of'liurra for Jackson!’ Mean time anew bait was thrown out to the hon est, but unthinking multitude—a gold and silver currency. They should have noth ing but ‘hard money,’ the ‘Benton mint drops,’ the real ‘Jackson money.’ Every poor man was promised a silken purse through the interstices ofwhich should glis ten ‘the yellow boys.’ And again the wel kin rung with the shouts of ‘ hurra for Jackson!’ And now came the war cry of demagogues, ‘the poor against the rich.’— Whatever made the rich richer, was to be destroyed: ‘perish credit, perish commerce,’ was the buggle blast of the party, and the chorus was ‘hurra for Jackson!’ ‘Down with credit!’ ‘let no man who is not rich e nough to do without credit, do business at all,’ ‘all who do business on credit, ought to break,’ ‘hurra for Jackson, the poor man’s friend. ’ Well, we have seen the war upon credit, and the monied institutions of the country, carried to ‘the knife,’ and the knife plunged ‘to the hilt’till both have been laid pros trate in the dust, and in their fall have brought down almost every thing else val uable in tiie community. The rich are laid low, but the poor, where are they? have they exchanged places witli the rich! Cred it, Commerce, business, capital, confidence, all, all have ‘perished,’ and who have been benefitted? Who is now ready to cry ‘bur ra for Jackson? Let those who once did so, turn and survey the ruin that every where surrounds them—the universal distrust, despondency and bankruptcy that pervade the land, and then go and weep bitter tears of repentance, and think of what our condi tion might have been, but for the siroco of Jacksonism that has swept over the land ; spreading havoc and desolation in its course. At another time I may, perhaps, specu late upon what we might have been. (fir The Whigs of Kent County, Dele ware, held a meeting lately, and nominated Henri’ Clay for the Presidency. Deleware, little as she is, will be among tiie foremost in the contest of 1844- She will ‘go the en. ‘ire’ for Ilatry c? the West i MR. MERIWETHER’S LETTER. Washington, 17th June, 1842. To the Editors o f the. Georgia Journal: Your last paper contains some strictures on my course as a member of the Commit tee on Public Expenditures, which I ask permission to notice. So far as relates to my conduct, independent of any connection with that committee it is sufficiently vindi cated, in my remarks on the reduction of the extravagant appropriations for the Navy which you did me the justice to publish a long wttli the attack, and for which accept my thanks. Were it not that so much of your correspondent’s remarks, as apply to me particularly, advising my resignation, &c., were made under the professions of personal friendship, I should not notice them at all. But the tone of his communication —published in a Milledgeville paper—on the very week, and the very day, in which nominations for the station I held, were to be made ; published and circulated, in the morning, before the event took place; shows conclusively, that the profession of friend ship, was hut a veil to cover a motive, which if expressed, would have defeated itself.— But, I shall not stop to complain of such treatment, from one, who calls himself my “personalfriend!” Yet as he has essayed to state facts, in order to censure me the more, he will not take it unkindly, if I should show that his facts, are the fabrica tions of his fancy alone. The committee on Public Expenditures have reported bills for the reduction of all the expenses ofthc Government, and parti, cularly the expenses of the Navy, arid War Department. Your correspondent says, that he “concurs in the view of Mr. Cush ing, that these subjects have not been refer red to the committee on Public Expendi tures.” Mr. Cushing never uttered such a sentiment, or view—and your correspon dent must find someone else with whom he can concur. lie stated, that under the rules of the House he did not think, that ju risdiction of these subjects propqrly attached to that committee. There was no differ ence of opinion on that point, between the committee and Mr. Cushing. In March last, Mr. Adams, asserting that the commit tee had this jurisdiction, called upon them in the House to know, if they would not re port a bill to reduce the army, and was re plied to, that doubting the power, they should not act, unless specially instructed. Shortly after, the House by an unanimous vote, referred memorials to, asking for the retrenchment and economy which the com mittee have promised and reported. Mr. Cushing did not doubt after informa tion as to this fact, whether the committee bad jurisdiction. And he has never yet raised the issue, which your correspondent has put into his mouth ; and it is an act of gross injustice on his part, to place Mr. Cushing, in a position, denying the exis tence oi a fact, which has never yet been questioned in the House of Representatives. Now it is upon the assumption ofthis fact as true, which has never had an existence, but in fancy, that your correspondent lias charged me, with “seeking to give such a scope to the powers of one of the committees as he (I) is evidently attempting”—if he is, what he professes, a “personal friend,” he has taken a most extraordinary course to manifest it. Your correspondent will find it a very difficult matter to prove the facts he has alledged, and he will likewise find U equally difficult to establish the allega tion, that had the Home squadron been “then in service,” “the Creole case cou’.d never have occurred”—for this “squadron at all times is most essential to the protec tion of Southern interests.” And sooner than “attempt or aid its destruction,” he would advise me to resign. Does yourcor respondent know what is the condition, or where this Home squadron is? The Se cretary of the Navy has already advised Congress, that he does not regard it, as ha ving an existence, separate from the Na vy. lam informed he lias ordered two ves sels attached to it, to the East Indies—that will be a very proper station for them for the “protection of'Southern insterestsat all times”—will it not ? I see by a New York paper that one of the steamers has been or dered into ordinary ; that the other is to be placed in the dry-dock, to be repaired, after sailing about one thousand miles, since she has been built. lam informed by an offi cer of the Navy, that these vessels cannot venture far from any of the Northern cities, because they must be near to a port to pro tect them in storms, and they draw such a depth of water, that they cannot enter but very few, if any, Southern ports. Where is the rest ofthis squadron? lying with sails furled, in the Northern ports used for but few other purposes than assembly rooms for parties, and soirees given by their offi cers. This squadron surely will prove a great “protection to Southern interests !” This squadron was put afloat at the ex tra session in anticipation of a war with England, about the McLeod affair, and there is now no use for it. But if the Home squadron would have prevented the creole affair, what was the reason that it was not prevented without it? We had seven ves sels stationed along the Florida coast, at the time, running over along the track of the Creole—we had three revenue cutlers there likewise—and we had the West India squadron, of three vessels, pretending to be watching over our “interests,” at the very time ; and we had a steam vessel whose bu siness is, to sail along the Atlantic coast. Now, if these 14 vessels could not prevent the creole case, how is it probable that 8 vessels, scattered from Maine to New Or leans, would have done it ? Whenever large appropriations are wan ted, for the Navy, Southern men are told that it is for the protection of “Southern in terests!” But the true secret is, that largo expenditures are wanted, to make room for a high protective Tariff. I voted for the Home squadron, because of its then proba ble need. The necessity is past by, and I will today, vote to stop its farther cost to the country. When war threatens us, I will vote all necessary amounts to sustain our honor and interests, but I will not use lessly squander flic public money, to grati fy a host ofNaval officers, in receiving high pay, and doing no service. The cost ot’the Navy, now, is over $0,000,000 per tuinum; as much as it was during > hdhtst war. Un der Mr. Adams’ administration, the cost of the Navy was $3,000,000; this was de nounced as extravagant. Mr. Van Buren doubled this sum, and he was denounced. And now Mr. Tyler proposes un increase, which if allowed, will before his term ex pires amount to $15,000,000 per annum. It is against this ruinous movement, that I have taken a stand, and for it, your cor respondent denounces me. I shall submit to bis denunciations, but I am ready to de fend the vote before the people whosentme here ; and whenever tested, he will find, that there is not one man in a thousand, who will endorse his sentiments. There are, at this time, G 5 captains in the Navy, Mr. Tyler proposes to increase them to 105. Is there any use for them ? I say no; because of the present number, 61, there are 31 who are idle, doing no service whatever, and yet receiving large pay.— The idle captains will bo paid this year for doing nothing, $77,500. Now would it not he as well for Mr. Tvler to put these men to work, as to appoint 40 other captains, costing the government $140,000, that these may continue to do nothing ? But it is pro posed to increase proportionably the num ber of commanders, lieutenants, and mid shipmen, so that the number of officers, who will do nothing, during the year 1842, will receive from the Treasury, pay to the amount of $350,000 ! Now, do the people of Georgia, who are taxed in nearly every article of necessity which they use, think that I am censurable for resisting such a waste of money, and payment to men, of such large amounts, for doing nothing ? I was struck with the extent to which this a buse has gone, In looking over the records, I find several officers who have not render ed one hour's service in the last five years, who have received pav to the amount of $12,500 each ; many who have rendered no service for the last ten years, who liavy received $25,000 each, and many who have rendered no service for fifteen years, and who have received $37,500 each. Now, I have proposed to reduce the number of of ficers to the number necessary, making a proper allowance of a sufficient surplus to meet any unexpected contingency, and those who are to he stricken off', are those who have been idle so long, and getting such large pay. I wish the idlers put out, and when promotions are to be made, let it be those who have been the working men of the Navy, and not those men, always i dle, enjoying life, getting large salaries, and doing no service. This is the attack which I have made upon the Navy, and it is the one I shall continue so long as I am here, all the censures of your correspon dent to the contrary. The press at all the Navy Yards north have poured their unmeasured vitupera tion and abuse upon me, for my course ; so that your correspondent is not alone. I have seen several articles condemnatory of the reform proposed, published in the Geor gia papers. They are given as evidence of the state of public opinion against it, but every press from which they are extracted is under the control of the Navy, and may be expected to sustain and justify every ex travagance. I have now before me an ar ticle highly condemnatory of any interfe rence with the Navy, except to increase it. This no doubt will shortly be republished as another evidence of “ public sentiment against reform.” Upon enquiry, I find the editor is a preacher, stationed at the Navy Yard at Philadelphia,writes political squibs during the week, and preaches to the sea men on Sunday, and gels SI2OO for it from the Government. He is one of the drones, who will be turned out of the public ser vice, if the proposed reform should take place. Yet his interested motives are to be received as a candid exposition of public sentiment. Your correspondent seems to think that because the Navy Committee knows more about Naval Affairs, that therefore no re duction of the Navy should be made with out their concurrence. Here is the testi mony of an officer against a reduction, and ought not his evidence to be still higher au thority ? But I have now before me state ments from the oldest officer in the Navy, one who has served forty-four years, borne the flag of his country over every sea, and in the late war won the proudest laurels which crowned our country’s fame—he too is in favor of reduction, and says that the number of officers ought to be just one third less than 1 have proposed. YVho ought to know the most about the wants of the Naval Service, the Committee on Naval Affairs, or the oldest and noblest Commo dore of the Navy ? I have received verv many letters from officers of the Navy, well known to fame, urging on the consumma tion of the retrenchment. They ‘say that its honor cannot be sustained under the pre sent system of abuses now existing. The whole working officers of the Navy are cla morous for the change, but those who are always strutting about hotels, or agonized from gout, produced by high living—who have not rendered an hour’s service in ten years, but received high pay notwithstand ing—these are the men who see ruin to the country unless the Navy is not only con tinued at its present size, but greatly en larged. They see the prospect of either going to work, which is too vulgar for them, or of losing their places altogether. My opposition to the appropriation for the Home Squadron, was based upon the fact, that the money had already been appropri ated, and was in hands to be used hereafter. This fact was denied on the floor upon the assurances of the Secretary of the Navy to many gentlemen of the House, But a large majority agreed in opinion with me, and voted for my amendment. When the bill went to the Senate, notwithstanding all the denials, made upon his authority—when concealment could avail no longer, the fact was admitted, that the money was in hand, and that there was the very error existing, which was changed to exist. The Secre tary’s friends acquiesced in the admission, and in the Hous , I presume they will give up their support of ms former statements.— But yet I am censured, and for no other rea son, than that I was right, and the Secre tary was wrong. With regard to the reduction of the Army 1 have a few remajks to make. In 1838, on account of the Florida War, the number was increased 5000 man. But at no time has the Goverment enlisted the w hole a amonnt, because they were not needed.—*,, At this time, the number of recruits wanted is 1400. The Secretary at War asked Congress to provide money for all theTWto be recruited, and, to increase the Army two regiments. The increase has been scouted by every one, and the House refused the ap propriation for the recruits by an almost u nanimous vote. They reduced the Army, as the present enlistments expire, to 8,000 men. The obvious necessity of this meas ure, and the unpopularity ofthc Army, oil account of its shameful waste in the Flori da war of public money, has produced a pretty general acquiescence that all was well done. More sympathy is felt for the Navy, because the officers who wish the number increased are here, begging against the law, and with all their family influ ence and friends to sustain them. Besides the theatre of their extravagance is at large cities, and the people know less about them, than they do of the army ; hut they have spent the money as wastefully as the army ever did. Those who arc in favor of re trenchment have to oppose the power of the Army and Navy, and the treachery of the President, who has gone father than any one ever did go before him. But I trust we shall succeed. We propose to bring the permanent and ordinary expenses of the Government down to $8,000,000 per an num, and 1 apprehend that the whole peo ple, and not a “ small fraction” of them, will approve my course, notwithstanding your correspondent should censure me. JAS. A MERIWETHER. 1 From the Baltimore American. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. A complete edition of Hamilton’s wri tings, including his letters, many of which have never been published, is about to be issued in New York. One volume has al ready appeared. It has been the fate of this distinguished man to suffer from misrepresentation even beyond the usual lot of public men. One of the wannest and most devoted friends, and certainly the ablest advocate that con stitutional freedom ever had among the statesmen of this country, Alexander Ham ilton has been denounced as a monarchist and a foe to liberty. No one labored more zealously, or more successfully in estab lishing our present constitution. There is not a conservative element in that great character of freedom which he did not main ly plant there. Whoever reads his wri tings illustrative of the principles of the con stitution before the formation of the govern ment, and his state papers as Secretary of the Treasury afterwards, will observe with wonder the far-seeing sagacity of his mind, the comprehensiveness of his views, and that admirable combination of faculties which enabled him to embrace within the scope of his observation both the general and the particular, principles and details, theories and facts. The New York Evening Post—a paper ultra democratical—speaking of the vol ume which has recently appeared, quotes a passage from one of his earlier productions in which Hamilton disputes the right of the British Parliament to legislate for the colo nies, and-thus bears testimony : “Hamilton’s essay breathes the spirit of an enlightened patriotism throughout, his sympathies seem to be strongly with the people; he insists upon their natural and inalienable right to constitute government according to their own notions of happiness; and closes his argument with this startling paragraph, which in the original work is printed in large type: ‘The sacred rights of mankind are not to be rumaged for in any old parchments and rusty records. They are written as with a sunbeam in the whole volume of human nature, by the hand ofthe Divinity itself; and can never be erased or obscured by mortal power.’” Hamilton differed from his great rival Jefferson not in attachment to liberal prin ciples, for they were both patriots ; but in having more common sense and better judg ment. He was not misled by names. He reverenced Liberty as a practical reality founded upon rights,not abstract,but actual rights involving duties. Those wild no tions of freedom which tiie French republi cans indulged in, without regard to tho (acts of human nature and human experi ence—ideas founded upon a fancied equal ity and an imaginary perfection in the hu man species, and particularly subversi> all government by making each man a)’ r>v unto himself, and giving predominance to animal impulses and vindictive and selfish passions—such notions of license under tho name of liberty found no entertainment in the clear well-balanced mind of Hamilton. The time is coming, and perhaps now is, when the character of this illustrious states man and true patriot may be likely to meet a more just appreciation than has been awarded to it generally since the termina tion of his political career. The prejudi ces of party spirit cannot last always ; nor can the influence of them prevail in the end against the power, slow but certain, of truth and reality. Brief and to the Point. —Mr. Sevier, of Arkansas, recently addressed the Senate on the subject of a private claim, and his speech on the occasion is so unlike the usu al run of Congressional speeches that wo can publish the whole of it without burden ing ourcolumns, or fatigueing our readers which cannot be said of many speeches in either House. Here it is entire:— “Mr. President:—l hope the senate will indulge me in taking up a bill that has pas-, sed the House five times, and the SenatAi seven. I, is for tiie relief of an old man itS Arkansas, who is in feeble health, and htX
