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About News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844 | View Entire Issue (July 14, 1842)
took him to his breast. The next moment Casar transferred his caresses to his bride, tior was lie disengaged until he had tho roughly saluted the lady’s face and neck, in token of most entire forgiveness. Rut a las! what a change: From that counte. nance, no longer fair, every rose and lily had departed ; one eyebrow had entirely disappeared, while the other had assumed a very indefinite shape, blending its jet with the marble of the adjoining forehead ! Os course there was no alternative for .Miss Steinker ; she wont into hysterics im mediately ; and, although her performance was very much applauded by tho ladies, it made no great impression upon the Major; he had seen too much. “ Come along, Caesar,” lie said, patting the dog’s head, “ you have taken as big a load off my heart, ye blackguard ! as ye have oir the lady’s cheeks, and that no tliri fle. It’s an awful escape we’ve had, both of us; and 1 would entrato all young la dies, but particularly such as may become candidates for theolfice of Mrs. Major O’- Callaghan, to take warning by the gentle Seraphine, and to remember tho maxim— “ love me, love my dog !” POLITIC A L. “ We publish to-day, in another place in this paper, an article advocating the pre tensions of the Hon. John C. Calhoun to that office, (the Presidency.) We do so that our readers may see what is going on, but at the same time feel ourselves free to ad vocate the pretensions of any one else in preference, should we deem it to the public interest. We have no objection to Mr. Calhoun, and heartily subscribe to every sentiment that is there uttered of him. But we say there is time enough. There are several other gentlemen in the Democratic ranks who have been mentioned by their friends as worthy to be supported for that important office. Mr. Van Buren, Mr. Buchanan, Gen. Cass, Mr. Wright, Colonel Benton, and perhaps others. We trust the whole Democracy of the country will con centrate on one man, and drop all others. Mr. Calhoun is notv the most prominent in this State, and if he is finally nominated we will support him. But let us hear what the Democracy of the other States have to say first.” The above is the true language of a whole souled party paper. It finds super lative merit in all the candidates, although it may fairly be presumed that the peculiar Excellencies of each one can hardly be known to the Editor. He proposes to hear what the Democracy of the other States say first. The Harrison party of Georgia did not wait for the action of other States, but appreciating the virtues, the patriotism and abilities of Henry Clay, they have united on him by acclamation, and him they will support. If we are correctly informed, Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Buchanan were the favor ites at the late Convention at Milledgeville. It will be a most amusing thing to see the Unionists, those who paired off and swore so terribly against Calhoun’s nullification in 1832, chop round and laud his patriot ism. It will be a bitter pill for some of the “ unterrified ”to swallow. Parties usually appear at least to be consistent, but when all semblance of it is lost, what shall we say ? We advise all the Democratic Edi tors to burn up their old files as soon as they sound the trumpet for Calhoun. Their inspection will give them an ague suffi cient at least to shake the consistency out of them. Let tiie time come. We shall be delighted to hold up the mirror and try conclusions with them. Savannah Republican. From the New Orleans Bee. AN ILLUSTRATION. A merchant engaged in extensive busi ness requires the services of a dozen clerks; being unable to give personal attention to his affairs he selects a very able and dis creet man, and appoints him chief clerk, with authority to instruct and keep in the other eleven clerks. Under this salutary arrangement the business of the house thrives, audits books exhibit large annual accessions to its capital, while its credit dai ly gains strength. After a given period, however, the princi pal of the house thinks he can save expense by dismissing his chief clerk and entrusting the management of his affairs to his re maining clerks. He accordingly’ adopts this plan, and what are the consequences ? At the expiration of one year he discovers that eacirone of the eleven clerks, finding himself relieved from all restraint, has been running into all sorts of extravagance, is suing tiie notes of the house without, limit and have thus reduced it to hopeless insol vency. The foregoing furnishes a faithful illus tration ofthe fatal mismanagement of our national currency. The National Bank (the chief clerk,) once exercised a salutary restraint over the local banks, (the under clerks,) checking them in their desire to o ver issue, and keeping them within the bounds of reason and prudence. General Jackson, on his accession to the Presidency in his wisdom decreed it expedient to dis miss the chief clerk of the currency, and not only to stimulate the under clerks to un precedented extravagance, but he likewise multiplied their numbers indefinitely. Being under no restraint whatever, they flooded thecountry with their paper issues, thus stimulating speculation and extrava gance in every form, until the deceptive bubble burst and was followed by a degree of depression altogether unparalleled. The people—the exclusive sufferers by this cruel experiment—seeing the cause of their ruin, made an effort to reinstate the chief clerk of the currency, but they have v.rrn dr-fopied in their endeavors bv the ncr- fidy of one in whom, in un evil hour they had placed entire confidence. A just and righteous doom has however overtaken, this pitiless traitor. Despised by both parties scorned by every man of principle, flattered by those whose approbation is disgraceful, their principles being always in the market ready to bo transferred to the highest bid der, lie desecrates the position once adorned by the illustrious Washington. From the Richmond Whip. FREE TRADE IN REALITY. The acting President, in his “Third Ve to,” takes the position that additional legis lation, though desirable, is by no means in dispensable to the collectionof duties subse quent to the thirtieth day of June last.— We cannot, for a moment be induced to be lieve that any, save possibly one, of the Cab inet officers has advised that there is any law now existing requiring the payment of any duty whatever or any species ofimpor ted goods. Such an opinion may, and pro bably has been given, by the Guard, or some member of it, as we have no doubt the veto was determined on a kitchen consul tation in opposition to a large majority of the constitutional advisers of his accidental Excellency. We do not value ourselves on our legal acumen, but notwithstanding are not willing to place it on a level with that of the whole Guard, the valiant Cap tain included. The compromise act is so plain that those who run may read. We are, to all intents and purposes,without any law tor the assessment or collection of im port duties, as the following extracts from the compromise bill clearly prove. Sec. 3 declares, “That until the 30th of June, 1842, the duties imposed by existing laws as modified by this act, shall remain and continue to be collected.” Sec. 5 declares “that all imports on which the first section of this act may ope rate (all articles above 20 per cent) and all articles now admitted free from duty or paying a less rate of duty than 20 per cent ad valorem before the said 30th of June, 1842, from and after that day may be ad mitted to entry subject to such duty not ex ceeding 20 per cent ad valorem as may be provided by law.” The latter clause of the 3rd section also refer to “such regula tions (for fixing the home valuation) as may be prescribed by law. No language could have been used on the occasion, that could have rendered it clearer than the a bove has done—that we now have no laws requiring the payment of duties on foreign imports. What, then, should be the course of Congress in this strange state of affairs one, probably unparallcd in any civilized Government. So jealous were our immor tal ancestors on the subject of money—a jealousy derived from the W higs of Eng land—that they provided in our Constitution that all Revenue Bills should originate in the House of Representatives, the body di rectly responsible to the people: the Senate even, the body representing the States they debarred from that great power. In our times, however, and under men who have liberty, State rights, the good of the people, ever on their lips, this great controlling power of the Government is in effect trans feredtothe acting President, who if Con gress now yielded to him, will, beyond all question, originate revenue bills. Pass (says that functionary) a bill with such and such provisions in it, and such and such provisions contained in the bill you lately sent me excluded from it, and I will sign it; not ol her ways—ls this be not originating a revenue Bill—wiiafts? Will Congress submit ? If the expense of the Government were fixed, as they should be, at 15 mil lions per annum, we should have no fears hut the apostacies that have occurred with in the last twelve months, coupled with the fact of the extravagant amount, annual ly appropriated for the expense ofthe Gov ernment, and the open corruption that is practiced at Washington, to gain adherents to the cause of Tylerism, almost makes us despair of any thing being done by Con gress that will redound to the honor of the Country, or the good of the People. We have many men there that would do honor to any cause, but whether they compose a majority of both Houses, is a question as difficult of solution as it is important. Henry Clay without any National Conven tion.—Our neighboroftlie Richmond Whig expresses the conviction that there will be no necessity for a National Convention to nominate the Whig candidate for the Presi dency. We fully'concur with the Whig, we regard Mr. Clay as already’ in nomina tion. He has been placed in nomination by the spontaneous and irrepressible expres sion of Whig sentiment throughout the Un ion, and a National Convention to nominate a candidate would be a work of complete supererogation. Besides this, we are a gainst giving the wire-working politicians tiie slightest opportunity of exercising their juggling arts. The People have already nominated their candidate, and selfish aspi rants must consent to support him or “walk out of Court.” Our Loco Foco neighbois will need a National Convention. Discord is the order ot the day in their camp, and they will be more fortunate than we think they will be, it even, with the aid of a Convention, they can reconcile the conflicting claims ofVan Buren, Buchanan, Cass, and Wright, to say nothing ofGovcrnor Dorr, who is fast gaining upon the affections of his Loco Fo co companions. P. S. We have almo^forgot to mention Mr. Calhoun, as one who will strenuously urge his claims to some of the “benefits in uring” from Loco Focoism. — Petersburg Intelligencer. RHODE ISLAND. Gov. King has given notice that no furth er arrests will be made under the existing martial law, “except upon application to the Executive or his Council.” He has also, by virtue of a resolution ofthe General As sembly, issued his Proclamation appointing Thursday the 21st of July as a day of pub lic Thanksgiving and Praise. From the Southern Recorder Crawford County, 20th June, 1842. To His Excellency Charles J. McDonald. Dear Sis —These lines will inform you that inyselfand other political friends wish to hear from you respecting some election eering reports which are in circulation, and urged against the Central Bank. I was in Macon on the 10th inst., and was informed by some of the Harrison or Clayites, that the Central Bank money was obliged to comedown. One of their reasons among many others was this: It was affirmed by many of the Macon merchants that you had in your official arrangements, deposited in the hands of some brokers in Augusta, six ty thousand dollars of Central Bank Bills to raise ten thousand dollars of specie funds to pay a demand against the State for freight on Rail Road iron. And they say further that the broker lias sold the sixty thousand dollars ofCentral money for what lie could get for it, and the State is now bound for sixty thousand dollars, to raise ten thousand dollars, which is a sacrifice of fifty thousand dollars in that one case.— Another is this: that three citizens of Ma con went to the Central Bank twelve months ago, and made three notes for ten thousand dollars each and indorsed for each other, and that they say, the charter of the Bank does not authorize the directors to loan any such amounts. Therefore one of these men now declures himself determined not to pay one dollar of these debts, and they argue that the other two will do the same, and therefore the bank will lose thirty thou sand dollars in that case. Another is. that a gentleman by the name of Sinclair man aged to get in debt to the bank to the a mount of one hundred thousand dollars, and that his endorsers were by the name of Hodges, citizens of Twiggs county. That Sinclair is dead, that his endorsers went forward and tendered to the bank, property to pay the debt, but the Directors did not want the property, and contended for the money, and that.theendorsers are now run away, and Sinclair’s estate is perfectly in solvent, and the Bank will lose the debt en tirely. Now the fifty thousand dollars, say they, sacrificed by you, and the thirty thou sand loaned to the three citizens of Macon, and the hundred thousand dollars lost by Sinclair, makes one hundred and eighty thousand dollars. With these arguments, and many others, they contend the Bank cannot hold up, and that the planters had best put it down at once, &c. I want you to understand that my opin ion is, that these arguments are all raised to impress the minds of the people with the necessity of such a currency as they say will answer our purpose anywhere ; there fore, now give Mr. Clay your support for President, and then, say they, we will get a United States Bank that will answer any man’s purpose and the times will be cer tain to be better. Baing myself a private man, I was not prepared to reply. I want to hear from you, if you think these accusa tions against you are such as deserve your notice, and to learn the facts in answer to such charges. My own opinion is, that these fabrications are taking hold upon the minds of many persons. You are prepared, I have no doubt to explain satisfactorily the transaction with the Broker. And I wish you to consult the Bank Directors and an swer me in full to all of them, as you are equally blamed for the acts of the Direc tors. Please favor me with an answer, direct ed to Bateman’s store, Houston county. With due respect I remain yours, &c. CL AI BORN BATE MA N. Milledgeville, 2nd July, 1842. Sir: Y T ours of the 20th June, has been received. You say, you have been inform ed, that in a transaction with a Broker, in the city of Augusta, for the purpose of pay ing a debt contracted for the freight of Rail Itoad Iron, I had sacrificed sixty thousand dollars Central Bank notes for ten thousand dollars specie funds ; and you, as one in terested in common with the whole commu nity, in the credit of the Central Bank, res pectfully inquire of me if such is the fact. To this question you are entitled to an an swer. There is nothing more untrue. I have had no transaction with a Broker at all, nor have I paid one dollar for freight on Rail Road Iron ; nor have I either had the power of drawing, nor have I drawn from the Treasury', the sum of sixty thous and dollars for any such purpose. The Legislature placed at my disposal for the payment ofthe public debt, all money com ing into the Treasury from other sources than taxation. At the time the Treasurer last reported tome, which was two or three weeks ago, the amount which he had re ceived that was subject to my control, a sum but little exceeding fiftv thousand dol lars had been paid into the Treasury, and from this amount I have paid a debt con tracted for the purchase ofiron of more than forty one thousand dollars. I have not paid more than the current rates for exchange, and what I have obtained, has been from Banks and not from Brokers. The reports concerning the Central Bank are equally destitute of truth, unless I am misinformed by those at the head ofthat In stitution. They say, that not a paper, pur chased or discounted for persons at Macon, will be resisted by the makers or endorsers on the ground that the Bank had no author ity to make the negotiation. If such a de fence were made, it would result in little else but cost and trouble to the parties who make it. The transactions of the Bank for the last year, including tho Sinclair affair, were investigated by a committee ofthe last Legislature, aud their proceedings can be seen upon reference to the Journal of the Senate, pages 164 165. The report ofthe committee was rejected by the Legislature, and the report ofthe minority adopted in lieu of it, which will be seen by referring to the Journal of the House of Representa” tives pages 435 to 442. At page 165 ofthe Journal ofthe Senate, you will find that the Committee states the amount of thedebt of Sinclair, and that it was considered good. That the endorsers have smcc runaway, is no fault either of the Legislature or the di rectors of the Central Bank. It is not known, what the extent of the loss in this case will be. It is presumed, there will be some, though the Bank is engaged in ef forts to collect the debt. I have heard of no offer to settle the case by the surrender of property in payment by the securities or any one else. 1 can say with truth, that no Bank has been managed with more safety than the Central Bank, and that none will sustain such few losses in proportion to tho capital and the amount of business done. That it will escape without any loss, from the gen eral calamities ofthe country, is not to be expected. It has had the burdens of the Government to bear ; and it has sustained itself admirably under them. It is now, measurably relieved from these, and its notes will necessarily become better. This improvement will be gradual, but it must be certain. 1 believe your conjecture is true, that the cause of these unjustifiable misrepre sentations, is to force upon the people a Bank ofthe United States. This effort, it is to be hoped, will be fruitless. The very best paper money is but a poor representa tive of gold and silver. The experience of the country has proven, that the paper of tiie late Bank ofthe United States was a mongst the poorest of these poor representa tives. That Bank was guilty of fraud and corruption of all sorts. It loaned money on (usull'mient security, to editors of news papers and members of Congress, to secure their influence fora renewalof the charter. Immense sums have been lost in this way. Money, to a considerable amount, was placed in the hands of its late great Presi dent, whose vouchers shewing its mode of expenditure were burnt, so as to prevent an exposure of its improper application.— Widows and orphans whose estates were vested in its stock, have been plundered of all they possessed and left penniless u pon the world. This is true, as suffering thousands can now attest. And yet, this is the institution that is to be restored to the country to heal the distresses ofthe times. Should it be es tablished, it will be the fiery flying serpent for whose venermous bite there can be no cure. Its corruption will reach every nook and corner ofthe couutry. There is no brazen serpent that those whom it may afflict with its venom, can look upon and be relieved. Should such a curse be again put uponthecountry, its fatal influence will be felt in increased taxation to sustain it, and perhaps in the eventual loss of popular liberty. Its infamous attempt to force it self on the Government, as a necessary ap pendage is known to the nation ; and my word for it, if it is once more rivited upon the people, it will control their destinies.— It is said by those who wish to escape the strong argument furnished by the fatal ope rations and disgraceful end of the United States Bank of Pennsylvania, that that was a State institution. It is true. But it was incorporated with the same stockholders, save the Government of the Union, of the old Bank ofthe United States, which held its charter from Congress, and had the identical capital, save the revenue of the country, and was placed under the man agement ofthe same pure, enlightened and patriotic officers. I do not choose to have my public acts misrepresented as a means of forwarding the efforts of those who wish to entail such an evil on the country, and therefore taking great pleasure in correcting the reports which you state to me are circulated. I hope also this communication will have the effect of preventing in your neighborhood an unjust depreciation of Central Bank notes to the injury of those who hold them. I have the honor to be Y r our obedient servant, Charles j. McDonald. Claiborn Bateman, Esq., Bateman’s Store, Houston Cos., Ga. The following are the reasons assigned by President Tyler, why he ought not to have signed the apportionment bill : THE EXPOSITION. “In approving this Bill, I feel it due to myself to say, as well that my motives for signing it may be rightfully understood, as that my opinions may not be liable to be misconstrued, or quoted he ,- eafter errone ously, as a precedent, that I have not pro ceeded so much from a clear and decided o pinion of my own, respecting the constitu tionality or policy of the entire act, as from respect to the declared will, of the two Houses of Congress. “ In yielding my doubts to the matured o pinion of Congress, I have followed the ad vice of the first Secretary of State to the first President of the United States, and the example set by that illustrious citizen, up on a memorable occasion. “ When I was a member of either House of Congress, I acted under the conviction that to doubt the constitutionality ofa law, was sufficient to induce me to give my vole against it; but I have not been able to bring myself to believe that a doubtful opinion of the Chief Magistrate ought to outweigh the solemnly pronounced will of ihe Represen tatives of the people and the States. “ One of the prominent features of the bill is that which purports to be mandatory on the States to form districts for the choice of Representatives to Congress in single districts. That Congress has power by law to alter State regulations, respecting the manner of holding elections for representa tives is clear ; but its power to command the States to make new regulations, or alter their existing regulations, is the question upon which I have felt many and strong* doubts. I have yielded those doubts, how ever to the opinion ofthe Legislature, giv ing effect to their enactment as far as de pends upon my approbation, and leaving questions that may arise hereafter, if un happily any such should arise, to be settled by full consideration of the several provi sions of the constitution and the laws, and the authority of each House to judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members. “Similar considerations have operated with me in regard to the representation of fractions above a moiety of the representa tive number, and where said moiety exceeds thirty thousand ; a question on which a di versity of opinion has existed from the foun dation of the Government. The provision recommends itself from its nearer approxi mation to equality than would be found in the application of a common and simple di vision to the entire population of each State, and corrects, in a great degree, those ine qualities which are destined at the return of each succeeding census, so greatly to augment. “In approving the Bill, I flatter myself that a disposition will be perceived on my part, to concede to the opinions of Congress in a matter which may conduce to the good ofthe country, and the stability of its insti tutions upon which my opinion :s not clear and decided. But it seemed to be due to the respectability of opinion against the constitutionality of the Bill, as well as to the real difficulties ofthe subject, which no one feels more sensible than 1 do, that the reasons which have determined me should be left on record. JOHN TYLER.. Washington, June 25th 1812. AII S C E L L A IS E OIJS. CHARACTER OF THE FRENCH. I should say without hesitation, that what 1 have most admired among the French, lias been their obliging good nature, and the simplicity which characterizes many of their actions. Yes, I repeat it—their siir. plicity. We arc apt to imagine, because wc are, more blunt—perhaps because we are more vulgar in England, that we must bp more simple. Y'et there is certainly a species of vulgarity—that of pretension— from which the Frencli are comparatively exempt. In France, a peasant is a peasant, a shopkeeper a shopkeeper, and consequent ly a gentleman a gentleman. I do not mean that the last two, or even the first and the last, are incompatible ; but I mean that they are never farther from being so, than when men are ashamed to appear what they really are. In France, too, there ex ists a degree of moral courage, which might put our country to shame, and which con sists in daring to be poor—in dressing and living according to their means, when those means are extremely limited. This is what I call simplicity ; and when this is found in connexion with the influence of Christian principle, how much does it adorn the char acter of those whose profession is one of meekness and lowliness of heart! The greatest defect 1 have observed in the French character, as compared with the English, is a want of strict regard to the truth ; and in this remark I would be un derstood to refer merely to that limited por tion of France which has fallen under my immediate observation. Even here I am willing to grant, that half the falsehoods told are invented for the sake of amusing, or giving pleasure ; but if the license to speak what is known to be untrue be once admitted, no human power can stem the tide of evil thus let in, or say for what selfish or mean purpose this license mav not be em ployed. The want of truth is consequently one which neither amiable feeling, nor bril liant intellect, can possibly supply ; and if, as a nation, the English have more re gard for truth in their social and domestic intercourse, than their neighbors on the oth er side ofthe channel, long may t hey cher ish a distinction which forms the only true basis of national and individual greatness. Mrs. Ellis. JOHN JAMES AUDUBON. A few years ago there arrived at the ho tel erected near the Niagara Fails an odd looking man whose appearance and deport ment were quite in contrast with the crowds of well-dressed and polished figures which adorned that celebrated resort. He seem ed just to have sprung from the woods ; his dress, which was made of leather, stood dreadfully in need of repair, apparently not having felt the touch of the needle-woman for many a long month. A worn-out blank et, that might have served for a bed. was buckled to his shoulders ; a large knife hung on one side, balanced by a long rusty tin box on the other ; and his heard uncrop ped, tangled and coarse, fell down upon his bosom, as if to counterpoise the weight of the dark thick locks that supported them selves on his back and shoulders. This strange being, to the spectators, seemingly half civilized, half savage, had a quick glancing eye, an elastic, firm movement, that would no doubt cut its way through the brakes,both of the wilderness and of society. He pushed his steps into the sitting-room, unstrapped his little burden, quietly looked round tor the landlord, and then modestly asked for breakfast. The host at first drew back with evident repugnance, at the ap parition, which thus proposed to intrude its uncouth form among the genteel visitors, bat a few words whispered in his ear spee dily satisfied his doubts ; the stranger took his place in the company; some staring, some shrugging, and some even laughing outright. Yet, readers, there was more in that sin gle man, than in all the rest of the throng. He was an American woodsmau as he call ed himself; he was a true genuine son of nature, yet who had been entertained with distinction at tiie tallies of princes ; learned societies to which the like of Cuvier belong ed, had bowed down to welcome his en trance; kings had been complimented when he spoke to them ; in short, he was one whose fame will be growing brighter when the fashionable who laughed at him, and many much greater even than they, shall be utterly perished. From every hill top, and every deep shady grhve, the birds, those living blossoms of the air, will sing his name. The little wren will pipe it with her matin hymn about our houses; the oriole carol it from the slender grasses of the meadows; the turtle-dove roll it through the secret forests ; the many voiced mock ing bird pour it along the air ; and the im perial eagle, the bird of Washington, as he sits in his craggy, ome) f ar up t i, c blue mountains, will sc cam j t t 0 ,| IC tempest and the stars. He „ as John J. Audubon, the ornithologist. NEWsWGAZjfTr WASHINGTON, GA. THURSDAY, JULY 14, 1842. FOR PRESIDENT, For Congress, RICHARD W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson. THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn. RICHARD If. WILDE, of Richmond. ABSALOM 11. CHAI'PELL, of Bibb. AUGUSTUS H. KENAN, of Baldwin. H. P. SMEAD, of Talbot. AUGUSTUS R. WRIGHT, of Cass. ID’ We are requested to announce Cap*. A. S. Wingfield and James Harris, Esq. as candidates for Justices of the Inferior Court, at the election to be hoiden on the first Tuesday in next month. 05” We publish the letter of Gov. Mc- Donald as an act of justice to him, notwith standing tho Gov. has taken occasion to di gress entirely from a vindication of himself to an electioneering argument against the U. S. Bank. The hackneyed and futilear guments that he uses are not worthy of an answer, they have been refuted times with- t out number. It is strange that the Govern or cannot even write a private -letter with out having something to say about the Uni ted Slates Bank or about the Bank of that name chartered by Pennsylvania, alt hough the Governor well knows that the latter in stitution was no more a United States Bank, than the Central Batik of Georgia is. E ven his messages to the legislature are full of the same electioneering slang. The Governor must be afflicted with monomania on the subject ofa National Bank. Oir’ We have received from the office of . the “New World,” an Extra containing the whole of anew novel called “The * Lottery of Life,” published at the very low ( price of 12$ cents per copy. The enter prizing publishers are about issuing in the same form anew work called “ The Lives and Times of the United Irishmen,” which cannot fail to interest the countrymen of those noble patriots, & will form a valuable and much needed addition to the library of , the reader of history. The terms will be for single oopies, 25 cents ; five copies for sl. Address, post-paid, J. Winchester, 30 Ann-street, New-York. (Sir Petty Spite. —The Loco-foco District Judge has withdrawn the advertisements under the Bankrupt Law from the Savan nah Republican, because that paper has de- . dared itself in favor of Henry Clay for the Presidency. The Federal Union and Sa vannah Georgian, are the only papers in the State authorized to publish the Bank rupt notices. 05” The Address of the Democratic Con vention to the people of Georgia is publish ed. It consists chiefly of abuse of the U nited States Bank, and of Henry Clay; praise of Mr. Van Buren’s administration, cuts at tie Whig Address, quotations from Jefferson's writings against a Bank, knock down arguments against a tariff, with here and there a sprinkling of Latin and “Ler nean Hydras.” It finally winds up by re spectfully requesting its readers to go “to | the rescue,” hut what they are to rescue, or where they are to go to, tho address don t say. 05” The correspondent of the Boston At las, writing under date of June 25th, says the following about that very important personage Mark A. Cooper, whose fac tious conduct in objecting to every pri vate bill offered in the House, is calling*, forth reprobation from all parts ofthe coun- 1 try : “ More than an hour was shamefully wasted, this morning, by Mr. Mark Antho- | nv Cooper, the renegade Georgia Loco, whose outrageous conduct, I spoke of in my letter of yesterday, in a pretended wish to have the Journal corrected, but in reality to improve the opportunity to hear his own f delightful voice. He professed a great $ deal of indignation because Mr. Clark, Chairmain of the Committee, had oueyed the directions given to show up Mr. Coope” to the world in the light his factious and reprehensible course deserved. He made a long, false and contradictory account of the affair, which, even as he told it, was highly reprehensible. Mr. Clark niade a brief rejoinder, which perfectly excoriated him—and immediately the whole subject was laid upon the table, without a division.” 05” The elections on the 4th inst. ini'?, r Orleans, resulted in favor of the Whigs.— f Their ticket for the legislature was elected, J the candidate for Governor, received about M 300 majority, and White the candi date for Congress, received about the same £ majority. g
