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From the New York Sun.
ENGINES OF WAR.
When an advance is made in any one
department of art, others are sure to follow
in rapid succession. This is peculiarly
true in respect to the modern refinements in
the art of destroying our species. These
succeeded each other so rapidly that one is
scarcely announced before another springs
up to throw it into the shade. The torpe
do, Congregc rocket, percussion bomb, re- j
volving cannon,’ Paixhan gun, will shortly |
besunerceded by the thunder bolts, and
‘battles by sea or land will hereafter rival |
the fabled conflicts of the gods.’ Oneofthe |
most terrible of these peace promoters witli
which the public are at all acquainted, is a
very destructive shell invented by Dr. Al
exander Jone3, a gentleman lately returned
from Europe. This shell is contained in a
small tin case some three or four inches in
diameter, and upon being thrown by the
hand into a sheet of water at a distance of
eighty or ninety feet, it explodes with the
most startling effects not unfequently
throwing the water to a height of over 100
feet. During the month of September last,
Dr. Jones exhibited a series of experiments
at Washington, before the heads of the de*
partinents and several of the officers ot the
army and navy, the result of which were in
the highest degree satisfactory. It was
shown experimentally that the shell might
he so adjusted as to explode the instant it j
comes in contact with the water, when it
is just immersed or not until it has reached
the bottom. It was also shown that they
may be handled with perfect safety, as se
veral of them were kicked abount until the
cases became deeply indented, when upon
throwing them into the water they explo
ded as before. Congress has lately made
an appropriation of 250,000 for construc
ting a floating battery upon Mr. Steven’s {
plan, for the defence of the harbor of New j
York. It is to be of iron propelled by steam
machinery, so placed as to be invulnerable
to the shot ofan enemy. It is to be shot
and bomb proof, the guns arc to be large,
and adapted both to shot and shell. Space
will not admit ofour entering into details ;
it appears, however, that .Mr. Stevens’ plan
is more perfect than any hitherto proposed,
possessing as it does, several obvious and
important advantages over Fulton’s
Scarcely a week passes* but we receive
information of some new warlike invention.
We know of a cannon in this city that
throws 120 balls per minute with the great
est regularity and precision, independent of
tlie direct action of steam or gunpowder.
We know of a submarine machine which
can be propelled with the greatest facility
and made to remain submerged any re
quired length of time. And, finally, we
know of an invention, at once the most
magnificent of the age, in comparison with
which Jones’shell or Steven’s battery would
blush from very shame of mercifulness—
It is to apply electricity in- warfare, and
however novel and preposterous the idea, it ,
has been examined by several magnates of !
science, who have unhesitatingly declared
it to be based on strict philosophical princi- ;
pies and decidedly the most important dis
covery in modern times for purposes of war
fare. The inventor, whose name we arc
not at liberty to disclose, has been engaged
for several years in perfecting this noble
project and if experiment and philosophy
are to be depended on, we may fondly
anticipate that the period is not far distant
when, as a consequence, the term war will
be rejected from our language. We have
given the subject this notice not only from
asenseofthe obligation resting on us to
chronicle all important inventions, but also
to inspire with full confidence those who
erroneously imagine that we are unable to
cope with the first nations of the earth.
HERCULES OUTDONE.
The most stupendous effort of human
strength and endurance ever exhibited or
that ever may be again, was witnessed by
a large auditory on Monday evening at the
Bowery Theatre. It was announced in the
bills that Mons. Paul was to resist the pow
er of two of the strongest horses to be found
in New York, on a wager of one thousand
dollars. ‘l'he animals selected to pull
against him were a pair of large sized Penn
sylvania bred horses, that are in the daily
habit of drawing from two to three tons of
granite at a load, suspended from an enor
mous truck used for that purpose. Paul,
after firing the cannon,weighing 400 pounds,
from his shoulders, and ascendinjjtheJire
man’s rope feet uppermost to the “dies, by
means of his hands alone, and other Her
culean feats, proceeded to place himself
horizontally upon a strong oak ladder, made
for the purpose, in order to make the grand
effort. The horses were led on by their
regular driver, and harnessed to a rope
fastened to Paul’s feet. To this rope was
attached three broad ribbons, or girths, one
of which was drawn tightly over his loins,
and then over each shoulder. The brace
afforded by his feet against the step of the
ladder, the divided power of the girths and
his hold with both hands upon the upper
part of the ladder, constituted his only re
sistance to the immense power he had to
contend against.
Paul’s body when thus disposed, resem
bled that of a malefactor upon the inquisi
torial rack, preparatory to being torn to
pieces. When the colossal horses were
brought upon the stage, and attached to
the feet of the intrepid performer, a sensa
tion of horror seemed lo pervade every part
of the house. It was deemed certain by
those having chbrge of the horses, that lie
would be drawn off the ladder. The word
was given—the harness straightened—the
ladder creaked and strained—the two ropes
by which one end of it was secured to the
stage, stretched and threatened to break ;
the horses, aided by a platform upon the
stage with cleats to brace their feet, strain
ed every muscle and vein,—the well known
voice of the driver—the lash repeated again
and again, all failed to force the enduring
champion from his hold. The shouts of
the audience—the waving of handkerchiefs
and the withdrawal of the horses proclaim
ed his triumph. Paul offered to repeat the
performance and to resist with one hand
and one foot, but the manager very proper
ly would not permit it. The audience was
satisfied with what they had seen, that Paul
is beyond all question the most powferiul
man in existence.
In order to convince the public, that
there was no trick or deception in this ex
traordinary exhibition, Mr. IJainblin invi
ted a portion of the audience behind the
scenes to witness the preparations, and ex
amine every thing connected with the per
formance.
| Mr. Paul takes his benefit this evening,
and pylls against four horses, besides intro
ducing a variety of other new feats.
Mons. Paul attained his eighteenth year
in March last.—JV. Y. Com.
p O L ITIC A L.
| .
From the Georgia Journal.
THE CENTRAL BANK.
The depreciation, which the notes of this
Institution have lately undergone, more
than any thing else that could have hap
pened, has had the evident effect of promo
ting the most anxious enquiry among the
people, as well as solicitude, as to why
this is so ? Its friends, who are many, scat
tered over every section of Georgia, have
been lately led to doubt,- whether in their
former advocacy of the policy of the Insti
tution, they were right—whilst its enemies
—the enemies of a depreciated or unsound
currency, have been loud in their denunci
ations, against a system that has been pro
ductive of results which the people are now
called upon to witness. Not only have the
friends of the Central Bank been led to
doubt the utility of sucli an Institution, or
rather of the policy latterly pursued by its
direction, but many of them have been eon
j vinced, and arc well satisfied, that any oth
j er course than the one. that has been pur
i sued would have been better for the people.
I But, we have said, that a spirit of enquiry
is among the people ; and, why this is so—
why Central Bank money is at so great a
depreciation—atid what has caused the
present difficulties of the Bank ? are ques
tions that we hear on all sides.
To respond to .tlKvse enquiries, is a task
of no great hardship... Central Bank notes
are at their present Depreciation, just be
cause the Balfll!§ggUia4ble.to make such ar
rangements.as will enable it, upon demand,
to redeem its promises to pay. Were the
Bank able to give to the bill holder when
he presents himself at its counter, specie,
or its equivalent, for'its notes, the money of
this Institution would not be below par.—
! This every body knows, or, at least, should
! know. So long, then, as the Bank is una
j ble to redeem its issues, just so long must
its notes beat a depreciation, in proportion
!to the amount it has in circulation. Should
i this circulation which is now somewhere
j about a million atid a half of dollars be in
i’ creased, without means being provided for
[ its redemption, the depreciation will still be
j greater —should it be reduced the depreci
| ation will he lessened.
But we come now to examine into the
causes that have produced the present state
of things, aud in doing so, we shall pursue
the advice of the poet—set not down “aught
in rualice,” but in a plain, unvarnished
manner, present our readers with the truth,
and nothing but the truth. We enter upon
this part of our subject too, the more read
ily, because of an effort which we have
lately witnessed on the part of an influen
tial press in Georgia, to avert the responsi
bility, for the present state of things, from
the shoulders of those who should justly
bear it, and to divide it, between the two
parties in the Legislature. For this, and
for other reasons, we should endeavor to
make a statement, which, we hope, will
conclusively show, what has caused the
present condition of the Bank, and who at e
the parties that should hear all the respon
sibility.
Those who are conversant with the af
fairs, or history of the Central Bank, know
full well, that up to the year 1837, this In
stitution suffered no embarrassment, and
was able", at all times, to redeem her notes
with the specie. In the latter part of that
year, 1837, an attempt was made by the
Directors, to distribute, among the people,
seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars.
It must be remembered, here, that in the
early part of the year, the Bank had already
distributed six hundred thousand dollars.
We will not say, what was charged at the
time, that this second distribution of that
year, was gotten up to benefit Goy. Schley’s
election, but this we are authorised to say,
that the Bank was unable to carry out the
distribution, and had to borrow for that pur
pose $150,000.
Now, let it be remembered, that while
all this loaning out of money to the people
was going on—a part of which, to loan, the
Bank was compelled to borrow—the ne
cessities of the Government absolutely re
quired the use of the money—for the Leg
islature of that year had to pass an act au
thorising the borrowing 0f5725,000 to meet
the expenditures of the Government. Had
the distribution not taken place there would
have been no borrowing of money by the
State that year; and as this distribution
was ordered by a “Democratic” Legisla
ture, the responsibility our opponents must, |
of course, shoulder.
The embarrassments, then, of the Cen
tra! Bank began in the fall iff the year 1837,
when it was obliged to borrow mottey to
carry out the distribution, and to defray the
expenses of Government; but its credit
and condition continued comparatively
good, until, in an evil hour, in 1839, an act
was passed by a Democratic Legislature,
authorizing it to issue notes for double the
amout of its capital stock, and to sell the
stocks owned by the State in certain Banks*
Clothed with this power the present Direc
tors of the Bank, proceeded, in 1840, to
make a distribution of $750,000, irredeem
able paper. And here is the true cause of
the money being at its present depreciation.
Had this distribution not have taken place,
the one-half of the present circulation of the
Bank would now be in its vaults. Had the
distribution of 1837 and 1840 not have *a
ken place, the Central Bank would now be
a specie-paying Bank; and the credit of
Georgia would now stand higher than that
of any State in the Union—for the $1,350,-
000 distributed by order of a Democratic
Legislature, in 1837, and the $750,000 dis
tributed in 1840, by the will of the Direc
tors, would make a sum of $2,100,000,
which would be more, by $600,000, than
enough to take up every dollar the Bank
has out.
We are well apprised, that, when we
condemn the distributive system, we ireau
upon rather unpopular ground—at least it
has been viewed ns sucit. Our opinion,
however, is, that ibis very system has pro
duced all the embarrassments of our State
i Government—that it has caused Central
I Bank money to be at a discount of 25 per
! cent, surely no one will deny. If, then,
| this be so ; if we have stated what is capa
i hie of proof, and we think we can prove ev
j cry thing we have stated ; who is to blame
j tor the present state of things 1 Will any
man in his senses say that the two parties
in the Legislature are to share, equally ; in
the blame ? If he dc£S, who will believe
him ? Who then is to hear the responsibil
ity ? The candid of all parties will an
swer, wo feel certain, to our perfect satis
faction, this question; and, in answering,
they will boas certain to fasten it upon the
‘■Democratic” poioers that be, as it is that
the sun shines at mid-day.
Away, then, with these futile efforts to
create a false impression'—to make the peo
ple believe an untruth ? They are unwor
thy of an enlightened, an honest press, and
can have no other effect than to expose the
duplicity of those, who, to sustain a posi
tion, resort to the most contemptible sophis
try, when plain, forward honesty no longer
answers their purposes. It is in vain, how
ever, that those efforts of our opponents are
made. They can no longer deceive the
j people upon this subject, and it is of no use
to multiply words about it.
From the Savannah Republican.
FREE TRADE.
We know of no country better adapted
to the manufacture of cotton yarn, and
coarse cotton goods than Georgia and South
Carolina, and it only wants, at the present
time, a few of our enterprising citizens to
make the start to bring about a considera
ble change in the labor of the State. In
the up-country, where the land is hilly and
healthy, there is water power in the great
est abundance, and the raw materia! on the
spot, which would be brought to the door of
the factory by the planter who raised it,
without freight, insurance, commission, or
other profit being charged on it. Thus the
power is plenty, and for nothing ; and the
raw material cheaper than it can be fur
nished in Manchester, by three to three and
a half cents per pound ; or on our present
low prices 30 to 40 per cent less. Here
then are two of the elements necessary to
enable a manufacturer to make cheap goods
which will not be questioned.
The third element which enters into the
calculation, is the price of labor. This we
are all aware depends, in a great measure,
at the present time, on the price of the
great staple in the production of which
nearly all are engaged. It fluctuatesthere
fore; but from present appearances the
price of this staple must l>e very low for a
long time to come. The production has
run ahead of the consumption, even at low
prices, and the stock on hand in the world
is larger than ever known. It is fair there
fore, to calculate the value of labor at a
low rate, in this section, for some time; and
as the price of ordinary provisions is effect
ed also by the low price of cotton, the labor
er can be supported for a small sum.
After considerable inquiry, we have
come to the conclusion that the average
hands needed in a factory, would not cost
more than $75 per annum, to clothe and
feed them and pay the interest and insu
rance on their cost. Some doubt has been
expressed with regard to the adaptation of
this kind of labor to manufactures, blit we
see no good reason why it is not as well
fitted for it as any other. The process, af
ter being learned, is perfectly mechanical,
requiring nothing beyond the lowest gr'ade
of intellect.
With the motive power therefore for no
thing, tlio raw material and labor cheaper
than anv other place, what hinders us from
competing successfully with any other
country. Nothing whatever but a want of
enterprise. And yet, if we had once fairly
started into the thing, no set of people would
go alu ad faster. Look with what facility
labor was changed from indigo and tobac
co to-cotton, and yet the proposed change is
very’little more difficult to effect. One
tenth part of the enterprise and energy
which was required to build our Rail Roads
would eii'ect the change, as far as a neces
sary start is required ; and he who would
doubt the benefit which would arise from it,
must doubt whether such a town as Lowell
would benefit an agricultural district at a
distance from a market by being placed in
the midst of it.
There can be no reasonable doubt, after
taking into view the advantages above poin
ted out, but that we can produce cotton
yarn, especially coarse yarn, which could
be sent direct to the North of Europe and
sold cheaper than it can be furnished in
England. All we want is the machinery
of modern construction and some skilful
hands to teach the others at first, to secure
this result: and surely, both these are eas
ily obtained at present. We are well a
ware of the exertions England is making at
present, to be abie to do without our cotton;
and this is the only mode which presents it
self to our minds of being able to ward off
that blow. That she will be able to rttise
a supply of cotton in India, we have very
little doubt, and the contemplation of such
a contingency dependent on her, as we now
are, is any thing but agreeable.
We say therefore, that Georgia and Car
olina are, at this moment, even more inter
ested than othe'r States in the adjustment of
the Tariff, so as to give some stimulus to
manufacturers. It may enable us to make
the start which is so desirable, nay so ne
cessary, to make us independent of Great
Britain*
From the Athens Banner —( Democratic .)
THE DISTRICT LAW—ITS EXPE
DIENCY.
Now that the law has been passed by
Congress, requiring the elections of its Re
presentaties to bo made in single Congres
sional districts, the first question to be set
tled by the people is, has Congress the right
to pass such a law ? For if it have, then
its enactments should be conformed to until
they can be legally changed, whatever
may be our views as to their policy or pro
priety. This we endeavored to do in our
last number, wherein wo satisfied ourself)
least, that Congress had power over the
whole subject, and had exercised no mote
authority titan had been expressly given it
by the Constitution.
We come now to consider the other
branch of the question—if the law be ad
mitted to be constitutional, is it expedient ?
To do this properly, let us see what are the
advantages and disadvantages of the differ
ent systems proposed.
The advantages of the district nlan are
stated to he, that it is more convenient and
less expensive, especially in extra elections;
that the Representative is more identified
and more intimately acquainted with the
wants and feelings of his constituents ; that
it enables minorities to be represented ; and
that it prevents the probability that the large
States will ever acquire such prepondera
ting power and influence, as to be able to
control and trample upon the smaller ones.
Its disadvantages are that there is a proba
bility that in some cases districts may be so
laid off, as to allow a minority ofthe people
of a State, to elect a majority of members
that there is less opportunity for securing
the best talents of the State ; that it weak
ens the State influence in national councils
because the Representatives sent by it
would probably entertain conflicting views
on many important questions ; and that, as
a consequence of these, the efficiency of
each State delegation may be diminished.
The advantages of tiie general ticket sys
tem, consist in a wider range for the selec
tion of talent, which it admits; in more har
mony of feeling and action among the mem
hers of each Slate delegation ; and in great
efficiency in giving form and expression to
the prevailing opinions ofthe State, taken as
separate sovereignties. Its advantages are
precisely the opposite of'the advantages
claimed for the district system. These, if
tin y do not include all, embrace the more
prominent of the facts and arguments in fa
vor of or against either system. Now let
us examine and compare them.
That in case of the extra elections to fill
■vacancies, it is easier and less expensive to
| call to the polls the people of one or two
districts, than of the whole State, no one
will doubt. The only question is as to the
extent of the convenience resulting from the
division—some will regard it as considera
ble, and worthy of consideration, while oth
ers will look upon it as a matter almost en
tirely immaterial.
That the district plan brings the Repre
sentative nearer his constituents is also tru.
Having a limited extent of territory to re
present, he pan easier visit all its parts, be
come acquainted with the people, learn
their-wishes, and see what afe their neces
sities. Living among them, and almost in
the same neighborhood with all, his own in
terests will be generally identical with
theirs, and in taking care of himself he
will necessarily take care of them also.—
To this it is objected that all the districts
may not furnish men of talent sufficient to
| do our business, or make a respectable fig.
| ure at Washington. But it may be an
j swered that should such be the case, there
] is no requisition that the Representative
j shall be an inhabitant of the district which
be represents, though this would be always
desirable. In looking, however, through
the JState of Georgia, it would be difficult
to point out any where, territory large e
nough for a Congressional district, in which
there does not reside someone who is quali
; tied to act as its Representative ; and if the
districts were laid off, inducements would
be offered to our young men, who are en
terprising, talented and ambitious, to dis
tribute themselves about at different and re
mote points, with a view to meet this very
difficulty. The influence which mind al
ways exerts upon mind would be more fa
vorably felt than now, for education and in
telligence would be more widely diffused.
It enables minorities in the States to be
represented. While.this is strenuously ad
vocated by some, it is strenuously objected
to as wrong by others. To settle its pro
priety we must look to the organization of
the different branches of Congress. It is
well known that the framers of the Consti
tution labored under serious embarrass
ments in agreeing upon any form of Gov
ernment ; some insisting upon giving up no
portion of State sovreignty, while others
thought that State authority, except for mu
nicipal regulations, should be broken down
altogether. The Constitution adopted was
a compromise of these views. Twe Hou
ses were organized—the Senate, in which
the smallest State has equal power with the
largest, representing the States in their
corporate capacity—and the House, repre
senting the people at large according to
population, without reference to the parti
cular States in which they resided. How
was this to be most equitably done? If
practicable, the people would be their own
Representatives—they would all meet to
gether, each man voting for himself as an
individual, and not as the citizen of a par
ticular States. But as this cannot be done,
we agree that we will send one Represen
tative for every 70,680 of our population.
This Representative, then, ought to Repre
sent the majority of that 70,680 —he ought
to have power to do what a majority of them
would do were they met together. If they
contributed to make the laws, directly, their
voice would be heard, and so it should be
through their Representative. But sup
pose you consolidate with this 70,680, an
other district ofthe same number holding
different views, and let the two districts
jointly elect two members, instead of one
by each, the district having the greatest
majority will carry the other with it, and
therefore exert double the influence to which
it is fairly entitled. And the more ofthese
arc thrown together, the less opportunity
have the different sections to bo heard, If
it be true that the House of Representatives
represent the people of the United States,
State lines are matters of little consequence
only as they afford convenient aids in ap
portioning that representation, and the
smaller the districts the more probable will
it be that the people will be fairly repre
sented.
But it is said that by districts, a majority
of the Representatives of a Stato may be
opposed to a majority of the whole State.
This is no more likely than that if we elect
by States, a majority ofthe Representatives
may be in opposition to a majority of the
people of the Union —and this would be
equally wrong, if the above views ofthe pro
per organization ofthe House are correct.
The error is, that we do not divest ourselves
of the idea ot representation, by Slates, in
the lower House, when in truth it could not
have been intended that the States, as such,
sltouiu exert any influence upon that body.
As we cannot lay off’ less titan a single dis
trict, a majority in each of such districts
must control the choice of its Representa
tive ; but a larger majority elsewhere has
no authority to deprive such district of its
influence in the national councils.’ The
majority should rule ; but it must be ascer
tained and rule in the mode intended by
our fundamental law, and that his law con
templated election by single districts, we
areclearly of opinion. It is stated, and is
no doubt true, that immediately upon the
adoption of the constitution, every State vo
ted by distiicts, and this has been the prac
tice with a large majority up to the present
time. Does not this fact furnish some in
dication, at least, that our fathers thought
the district system the proper one?
The small States are especially interes
ted in adopting this system. Suppose New
York, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Ohio
chose to vote by general ticket, and should
happen, as would often be the case, all to
elect Representatives ofthe same party.—
Theirinflucnce wouid be irresistible. All
the measures advocated by them would be
adopted, the opposition of a dozen such
States as Georgia to the contrary notwith
standing. They would legislate for the
country —they would control and direct all
its measures—and this, too, often in oppo
sitionto a majority of the people of the Un
ion.
We regret the necessity which compels
us to curtail these remarks, and to offer
them in this crude and undigested form.—
It will be seen that we consider the district
system most in accordance with the spirit
of the Constitution, and with the rights of
the people, especially of the small States.
Its adoption just now is inconvenient, and
may have been forced upon us to increase
the Whig strength in Congress, as proba
bly it will temporarily. But notwithstan
ding tins, we look upon it as important to
provide for a uniform system while we can;
& great as may be the inconvenience now,
or bad as may be the motives which promp
ted the act, we hold it to be the duty and
the interest of the people of Georgia and
the Union to accede to it.
GEN. JACKSON FOR PROTECTION.
In 1824, Gen. Jackson, then a member
of the U. S. Senate, before which a Protec
tive Tariff bill was pending, wrote as fol
lows to Dr. Coleman, of North-Carolina :
“So far as the Tariff before us embra
ces the design of fostering and preserving
within ourselves the means of national de
fence and independence, particularly in a
state of war, I would advocate and support it.
Providence has filled our mountains and
plains with minerals—with lead, iron and
copper; and given us climate and soil for
the growing of hemp and wool. Those be
ing the grand material of our national de
fence, they ought to have extended to the_m
adequate and fair protection, that our manu
factories and laborers may be placed on a
fair competition with those of Europe, and
that we may have within our country a sup
ply of those leading and important articles
so essential in war. Beyond this I look at
the Tariff loilh an eye to the proper distribu
tion of labor and revenue ; and wjth a view
to the discharge of our national debt. I
will ask what is the real situation of the
agriculturist ? Where has the American
farmer a market for his surplus products ?
Except for cotton, he neither has a foreign
nor a home market. Does not this cleat ly
prove, when there is no market either at
home or abroad, that there is too much la
bor employed in agriculture, and that Jhe
channels for labor should be multiplied.
Common sense points out at once the rem
edy. Draw from agriculture this supera
bundant labor—employ it in mechanism and
manufactures, thereby erecting a home mar
ket for your bread-stuffs , and distributing
labor to the most profitable amounts, and
benefits for the country will result. In
short, sir, we have been too long subject to
the policy of British merchants. It is time
we should become a little more Americanized.' 1
A correspondent of the New York Jour
nal of Commerce attributes the rainy and
cloudy weather which has prevailed so
much during the present season, to the pro
sence of the immense masses of ice which
are afloat in the Atlantic. The icebergs re
ported by vessels arriving from sea have
been both numerous and extensive. An ac
tual measurement has shown that two thirds
of each iceberg are under the surface of
the water—so that if it exhibits an altitude
of3oo feet above the surface, its entire
measurement from top to bottom is 900 feet.
This writer says—
In 1738 one of the British Cruisers mot
several large icebergs South ofthe equator,
in very low latitudes, and which icebergs
were near 1000 feet high, reckoning the
portion under water by that above the sur
face. These had come from the Antarctic
Pole. Some of the icebergs have vegeta
tion upon them, and when met with large
streams of water course down their sides.—
The ice the present year came down very
early from the Arctic Seas. Vessels ar
riving early in April, reported meeting with
them. Ice, when dissolving, gives off much
of its water it) vapour, which in most cases
surround the bergs with a dense
These fogs are driven by a wind produce-,
by a local change of temperature, into war
mer latitudes, and they produce abundance
of rain. Hence the great quantity of rain
which is now almost continually fallings
and which will continue to fall while the
ice continues in such abundance near our
shores.
From the Savannah Repulican. -
UNITED STATES AND MEXICO.
We should be glad had we space to puV
lish the entire correspondence between Mr.
Webster arid our Minister at Mexico, sig
nally vindicating our country from asper
sion. It seems the Mexican Secretary of
State had addressed a letter of complaint to
Mr. Webster, as to the non observation of
neutrality by the United States, in permit
ting aid to Texas, to which he replies
through our Minister there, Mr. Thompson.
On ihe mode of communication, Mr. Web
ster remarks—
“ The Government of the United States
sees, with regret, the adoption, on this oc
casion, of a communication quite unusual
in diplomatic intercourse, and for which no
necessity is known. An envoy extraordi
nary and minister plenipotentiary of the
United States, fully accredited to the Gov
ernment of Mexico, was at that moment in
its capitol, in the actual discharge of his
functions, and ready to receive, on behalf
of'his Government, any communication
which it might he a pleasure of the Presi
dent of the Mexican Republic to mako to
it: and it is not improper here to add, that
it has been matter of regret with the Gov
ernment of the United States that while, be
ing animated with a sincere desire at all
times to cultivate the most amicable rela
tions with Mexico, it has not failed to main
tain near that Government a mission of the
highest rank known to its usages, Mexico,
for a long time, has had no representative
near the Government of the United States.
We subjoin one of the letters and the re
marks of the National Intelligencer, on the
subject :
Mr. Webster to Mr. Thompson.
Department of State,
Washington, July 13, 1842.
Sir : After writing to you on the Bth in
stant, I received, through the same chan
nel as the former, Mr. de Bocanegra’s se
cond letter, and at the same time your de
spatch of the 6th of June, and your private
letter of the 21st. This last letter of Mr.
de Bocanegra was written, as you will see,
before it was possible for him to expect an
answer to his first, which answer is now
forwarded, and shows the groundless na
ture of the complaints of Mexico. The let
ter is highly exceptionable and offensive.
It imputes violations of honor and good
faith to the Government of the United States
not only in the most unjust, but in the most
indecorous manner. You have not spoken
of it-in terms too strong in your circular to
the members of the diplomatic corps.
On the receipt of this, you will write a
notetoMr.de Bocanegra, in which you
will say : That the Secretary of the State
of the United States, on the 9th of July, re
ceived his letter of the 31st of May ; that
the President of the United States considers
the language and tone of that letter derog
atory to the character of the United States,
and highly ollensive as it imputes to their
Government a direct breach of faith ; and
that he directs that no answer be given to
it than the declaration that the conduct of
the Government of the United States, in re
gard to the war between Mexico and Tex
as, having been always hitherto governed
by a strict and impartial regard to its neu
tral obligations, will not be changed or al
tered in any respect or in any degree. If
for this the Government of Mexico shall
sec fit to change the relations at present ex
isting between the two countries, the re
sponsibility remains with herself.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
DANIEL WEBSTER. ‘
To Waddy Thompson, Esq.
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United
States, Mexico.
We said, the other day, that we should
like to see. Mr. Webster’s answer to the
Mexican Minister’sgratuitous and offensive
letter. We like it better, now that we
have got it, even than we did in anticipation.
But the subject is entitled to great no
tice.
The perusal of the despatch of Mr. Web
ster will impart to readers of all parties the
same deepfelt admiration which Senators
of all parties cordially expressed in regard
to it, afterits reading was finished yesterday
in the Senate. It is high praise, but not
too high, to say, of this masterly document,
that it is an honor even to tha< Department
of the Government which is adorned with
the intellectual achievements of Edmund
Randolph, of Jefferson, of Madison, of John
Quincy Adams, and ofClay. Theencofn
iums so unanimously bestowed'on it in the
Senate were spontaneous tributes to its abil
ity, and were felt by all who were present
on the floor, or in the galleries to be fully
merited. Its superior ability, its just tone,
and masterly style, its proper spirit, tem
pered by dignity and moderation—all put
forth with grace and propriety, were elo
quently depicted and applauded by Mr.
Preston, and other Senators who expressed
their sentiments on the subject.
“* ■ jA\
London, according to a. late authority,
now measures 71 miles in length from east
to west, by a breadth of 9 miles from north
to south. Its circumference, allowing from
various inequalities, is estimated at thirty
miles, while the area of the ground it cov
ers is considered to measure no less than
18 miles square.
