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About News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 8, 1842)
PROTEST OF THE PRESIDENT. To (lie House of Representatives : Uy the Constitution of the Unit tit States, it is provided that “every hill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, he presented to the President of the U nited States, if he approve, ho .shall sign it; but if not, he shall return it, with his objec tions, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large upon tho> journal, and proceed to re consider it.” In strict compliance with tho positive oh ligation thus imposed uj>n me by Hie Con stitution, not having been able to bring my self to approve a bill which originated in the House of Representatives, entitled “An act to provide revenue from imports, und to change and modify existing laws imposing duties on imports, and for other purposes, I returned the same to the House, with my objections trf its becoming a law. These objections, which had entirely satisfied my own mind of tho great impolicy, if not the unconstitutionulity of the measure, were presented in the most respectful, and defer ential terms. I would not have been so far forgetful of what was due from one depart ment of the Government to another, as to have intentionally employed, in my official intercourse with the House, any language that could bo, in the slightest degree, offen sive to those whom it was addressed. If, in assigning my objections to the bill, 1 had so far forgotten what was due to the House of Representatives as to impugn its motives in passing the bill, I should owe, not only to that House, but to the country, my-most profound apology. Such departure from propriety is, however, not cotnpluined of in any proceeding which the House has adopt ed. It has, on the contrary, been made a subject of remark, and almost of complaint, that the language in which my dissent was couched was studiously guarded and cau tious. Such being the character of the official communication in question, I confess I was wholly unprepared for the course which has been pursued in regard to it. In the exercise of the power to regulate its own proceedings, tho House, for the first time it is believed, in the history of the Govern ment, thought proper to refer tho message to a select committee from its own body, for the purpose (as my respect for the House would have compelled me to infer,) of de liberately weighing tho objections urged a gainst the bill by the Executive, with a view to its own judgment upon the question of the final adoption or rejection of the measure. Os the temper and feelings in relation to myself of some of the members selected for the performance of this duty, 1 have nothing to say. That was a matter entirely within the discretion of the House of Representa tives. But that committee, taking a differ ent view of its duty from that which I should have supposed .had led to its creation, in stead of confining itself to the objections urged against the bill, availed itself of the occasion formally to arraign the- motives of the President for others of his acts since his induction into office. In the absence of all proof, and as I am bound to declare, against all law or precedent in parliamentary pro ceedings, and at the same time, in a manner which it would be difficult to reconcile with the comity hitherto sacredly observed in the intercourse between independent and co-ordinate departments of the Government, it has assailed my whole official conduct, without a shadow of a pretext for such as sault ; and stopping short of impeachment, Ims charged me, nevertheless, with offences declared to deserve impeachment. Had the extraordinary report which the committee thus made to the House been permitted to remain without the sanction of the latter, I should not have uttered a re gret, or complaint, upon the subject. But, unaccompanied as it is by any particle of testimony to support the charges it contains, without a deliberate examination, almost without any discussion, the House of Rep resentatives has been pleased to adopt it as its own, and thereby to become my accuser before the country, and before the world. The high character of such an accuser, the gravity of tho charges which have been made, and the judgment pronounced against me, by the adoption of the report upon a distinct and separate vote of the House, leave me no alternative but to enter my so lemn protest against the proceeding, as un just to myself as a man, as an invasion of my constitutional powers as Chief Magis trate of the American people, and as a vio lation, in my person, of rights secured to every citizen by the laws and the Constitu tion. That Constitution has intrusted to the House of Representatives the sole power of impeachment. Such impeachment is re quired to be tried before tiie most august tribunal known to our institutions. The Senate of the United States, compos, ed of the representatives of the sovereignty of the States, is converted into a hall of jus tice ; and, in order to insure the strictest observance of the rules of evidence und of legal procedure, tlie Chief Justice of the U. States, the highest judicial functionary of the land, is required to preside Over its de liberations. In the presence of eacli judi catory, the voice of faction is presumed to be silent, and the sentence of guilt or inno cence is pronounced under the most solemn sanctions of religion, of honor, and of law. To such 9 tribunal does the Constitution authorize the House of Representatives to carry up its accusations against any chief of the Executive Department whom it may believe to be guilty of high crimes and mis demeanors. Before that tribunal the ac cused is confronted with his accusers, and may demand the privilege, which the jus tice of tho common law secure to the hum blest citizen, of a full, patient, and impar tial inquiry into the facts, upon the testimo ny of witnesses, rigidly examined, and de posing in the face of day. Jf such a pro eeeding had been adopted towards me, un just as I should certainly have regarded it, x should, I trust, hare met with a becoming I'onstsnrr a #*-fal as raittfyl a.’ ‘* would ha v e been undeserved. I would have manifest ed, by a profound submission to the laws of my country, in perfect faith in her justice; and relying on the purity of my motives, and the rectitude of my conduct, should have looked forward with confidence, to a triumphant refutation in the. presence cl the country, und by the solemn judgment of such u tribunal, not only of whatever char ges might have been Ibrmally preferred a gainst me, but of all the calumnies of which I iiuve hitherto been the unresisting victim. As it is, I have been accused without evi dence, and condemned without a hearing. As far as such proceedings can accomplish it, I am deprived of public confidence in the administration of the Government, and de nied even the boast of a good name-~-U name transmitted to me from a patriot fa ther, prized as my proudest inheritance, and carefully preserved for those who are to come after me, as the most precious of all earthly possessions. lam not only sub jocted to imputations affecting my charac ter as an individual, but am charged with offences against the country, so great and so heinous as to deserve public disgrace and disfranchisement. lam charged with vio lating pledges which 1 never gave ; and because 1 executed what I believe to be the law, with usurping powers not conferred by law ; and, above all, with using the powers conferred upon the President by the Consti tution, from corrupt motives and for unwar rantable ends. And these charges are made without any particle of evidence to sustain them, and, as 1 solemnly affirm without any foundation in truth. Why is a proceeding of this sort adopted at this time? Is the occasion for it found in the fact, that, having been elected to the second office under the Constitution by the free and voluntary suffrages of the people, I have succeeded to the first, according to the express provisions of the fundamental law of the same people? It is true that the succession of the Vice President to the Chief Magistracy has never occurred be fore, and that all prudent and patriotic minds have looked on this new trial of the wisdom and stability of our institutions with a somewhat anxious concern. I have been made to feel too sensibly the difficulties of my unprecedented position, not to know all that is intended to be conveyed in the re proach cast upon a President without a par ty. But I found inyselfplaced in this most responsible station, by no usurpation or contrivance of my own. I was called to it, under Providence, by the supreme law of the land, and the deliberately declared will of the people. It is by these, the people, that I have been clothed with the high pow ers which they have seen fit to confide to their Chief Executive, and been charged with tiie solemn responsibility under which those powers are to be exercised. It is to them 1 hold myself answerable, as a moral agent, fora free and conscientious discharge of tho duties which they have imposed upon me. It is not as an individual merely, that I am now called upon to resist the encroach ment of unconstitutional power. I repre sent the executive authority of the people of the United States; and it is in their name (whose mere agent and servant I am, and whose will, declared in their fundamental law, I dure not, even acre I inclined, to dis obey) that 1 protest against every attempt to break down the undoubted constitutional p 0 ;-prof this department, without a solemn amendment that fundamental law. I am determined io upboiu the Constitu tion in this, as in other respect, t 0 Ut most of my ability, and in defiance personal consequences. What may hap pen to an individual is of little importance; but the Constitution of the country, or any ofits great and clear principles and provis ions is too sacred to be surrendered, under any circumstances whatever, by those who are charged with its protection and defence. Least of all should he be held guiltless, who, placed at the head of one of the great departments of the Government, should shrink from the exercise of its unquestiona ble authority on the most important occa sions; and should consent, without a strug gle, to efface all the barriers so carefully created by the people to control and cir cumscribe the powers confided to their vari ous agents. It may be desirable, as the majority of the House of Representatives has declared it is, that no such checks upon tho will of the Legislature should be suffer ed to continue. This is a matter for the people and the States to decide ; but, until they shall have decided it, I shall feel my self bound to execute, without fear or favor, the law, as it has been written by our pre decessors. I protest against this whole proceeding of tiie House of Representatives, as ex parte and extra judicial. I protest against it as subversive of the common right of all citi zens to be condemned only upon a fair and impartial trial, according to law and evi dence, before the country. I protest against it, as destructive of all the comity of inter course hetwe-en the Departments of this Government, and destined, sooner or later, to lead to conflict fatal to the peace of the country and the integrity of the Constitu tion. I protest against it, in the name of that Constitution, which is not only my own shield of protection and defence, but that of every American citizen. I protest against it, in the name of the people, by whose will I stand where I do, and by whose authority I exercised the power which I am charged with having usurped, and to whom I am re sponsible for a firm and faithful discharge, according to my own convictions of duty, of the high stewardship confided to me by them. I protest against it, in the name of aU regulated liberty, and all limited Gov ernment, as a proceeding tending to the ut ter destruction o fit he checks and balances of the Constitution and the accumulating in the hands of the House of Representatives, or a bare majority of Congress; for the time being, an uncontrolled and despotic power. And I respectfully ask that this, my protest may be entered upon the journal of the House of Representatives, as a solemn and formal declaration, far all time to come, of the injustice and unconstitutionality of such a proceeding. JOHN TYLER WAssiruror, Aueus* 30, 1842 MARK A. COOPER. The following flattering sketch of the great Mark Antony is from the N. Y. Com mercial Advertiser. There is an error in it in saying that the Hon. Mark is a preach er—Mr. Colquitt is tho only preacher a ntong tho prominent democrats, and his is an unnatural position, there being a sort of instinctive antipathy between that party and all teachers of righteousness. “I shall next introduce to your notice the portrait of the honorable and reverend mem ber from Georgia above named. He is one of two clerical gentlemen elected to repre sent, in part, that interesting State; the Rev. Mr. Colquitt being the other. Mr. Cooper is a tall, erect, rather stately looking and moving person, with a dark complexion, a bright eye, a complacent smirking kind of smile ever playing around his lips, and a voice not very musically at tuned, although hardly ever silent. He rides to the House of Representatives on a very low horse, and makes up for it by rid ing the tall horse when he gets there, upon every suitable and unsuitable occasion. The politics of Mr. Cooper are out-and out Loco Foco. He fancies himself able to cope, in debate, with all comers, having, among his other prominent characteristics, the largest possible quantity of self appre ciation and esteem. No observer can cast a glance at him without detecting this trait; and no listener can hear him say three* words without being sure of its existence as the leading point of his character. In common parlance, Mr. Mark Antony Cooper obviously “thinks no small beer of himself.” Asa legislator, Mr. C. is not the most happy or tactful of all his compeers upon the floor of the House,to which, by the grace of the people of Georgia, he belongs. He has distinguished himself in this capacity, chiefly as a very successful disturber of the regular order of business, when it is not going on exactly to suit himself. This ren ders, him, of course, a very popular and highly respectable member of the House ! One of these occasions may betaken as a specimen of tiie rest, and the manner in which the eloquent Mark Antony deported himself upon the occasion is a very faithful picture of his usual demonstrations, of this kind. It was on a Friday, and the orders of the day, the private calendar, were under con sideration. The Chairman of the Commit tee ofthe Whole had just taken his seat.— A large pile of private bills, referred to the Committee by the House, were lying on the Clerk’s table ; those which had been long est there being on the top, and the more re cently referred being, of course, nearer the bottom. Among these last, and rather far down the list, was a pet bill of Mr. Coop er’s, touching some dead horses, or militia volunteers, orCherokee squatters, in which Georgia had a deep and vital interest. Now it is the usual custom to pass such bills of this kind, us shall give rise to no discussion, those which are to be debated being formally “objected to,” as it is called, and then laid aside, till the unobjectionable ones shall have been passed. But Mr. Oouptsi illuM have up (Jttroi gia bill, and he moved to supersede all the others for that purpose, and to this selfish course objection was made, in several quar ters. Mr. Cooper, thereupon, raising his nose and his voice in-his usual supercilious style, remarked that he should object to everj r bill that should be called, until he came to that he desnC-d to have taken up! And so he did : and so great 9 head ofinlignant steam, did he get on, in the operation, that he could not “bring up,” even when ii€"ot to bis own bill, which he actually “objected to,” as he had done to the rest! Imagine, ifyou can, reader, the outbursts of laughter which, (in addition to the honor and credit of having spoiled an entire day’s work, to humor his own whim) was the on ly trophy of this valiant display of the Hon. and Rev. Mark Antony ! But this is not the only case, by a great many, in which he has rendered himself a laughingstock to all auditors and readers. . 1 shall not here recapitulate the circum stances so minutely detailed to you, the other day, connected with his being called upon by the Governor of Georgia to go to the Executive, and demand the payment of that State’s distributive share of the Land Fund, v\ liich he himself, (Mr. Cooper,) had so often said his State would disdain to re ceive, bribe as it was, from the hands ofthe General Government. I will content my self with giving you, by way of a concluding dash of the brush, an extract from one ofhis speeches on the tariff question a few weeks ago. It will let you into the man’s char acter much more surely and satisfactorily than any elaborate description from my pen could possibly do. Mr. Cooper was discussing the policy of a general retrenchment of all expenditures by the Government, as tending to lessen the necessity for the enactment of a high tariff. In the course of his remarks he came to the army, and, said he, (I clip the passage fiom the copy printed under the author’s own eye, that you may have it in your power to assure your readers that it is no invention of mine.) “Your army, too. why not reduce it, and insist on your policy? You will reduce here, expecting the Senate to reverse what you do. Then, at their instance, you will recede. In this way you are relieved of responsibility. It so happened that, on the day you agreed to reduce your army, I call ed to see Lord Ashburton. After conver sing on various topics—tariffs, English and European ; Virginia and Georgia lands, &c.—he asked me whether the House had adjourned, and what we had done that day. I told him we had reduced the army great ly. “Right sir—you are right; I see no neod you have for an army; we are as much afraid of you without an army as with one; we know your strength.” This was his reply. In it, lie exhibited the frankness and urbanity of the English gentleman, as described to me.” Who over thought my grave Lord Ash burton was such a quiz? How completely his waggish lordship had detected his man in five*minutes talk with him! The bold cat possiblequizzery swallowed at a gulp as an exhibition of “the frankness and ur banity of the English gentleman!” From the N. F. Courier and Enquirer. When we published exclusively on Tues. day and VFednesday last, the Treaty re cently concluded between the United States and Groat Britain, we expressed the be lief that on Friday we should be able to publish the Correspondence between the negotiators, which preceded it. Wc are disappointed to a certain extent, being now only able to give the heads of the corres pondence from recollection. We believe nothing of importance has been omitted, and arc certain that what is given is correct. When the letters themselves appear, we think it will be found that those of Lord Ashburton are remarkable for their sim plicity and clearness and an apparent inge niousness and openness of purpose. Those of Mr. Webster are, we need scarcely say, able and powerful, but they have a certain air of showiness and straining for effect a bout them, which will strike rather grating on a critical ear. The first letter of Lord Ashburton is up on the subject of the North Eastern Boun dary. He professes a deep interest in the welfare of this country, and an earnest de sire to preserve peace between the two na tions. In proof of which, he refers to the fact that lie had sought strenuously to pre vent the last war between England and the United States, and that he has since anx iously watched whatever passing clouds have arisen, to threaten an interruption of the harmony between the two nations. He adduces also the circumstance of his un dertaking this mission at his advanced age. as evidence ofthe existence of those friendly sentiments, when his tasts and inclinations would have suggested peaceful retirement. Mr. Webster replies, acknowledging the friendly feelings of his Lordship, stating that the President was aware of all his ef forts in favor of peace, and invites his Lord ship to begin the talk —to which his Lord ship replies, waiving all advantages which might be derived from declining to make the first move, and openly and frankly sta ting his case, drives at once in medias res. He endeavors to avoid the discussion ofthe question of right, saying that there can be no hope that either party will be convinced that the right of the question is not with himself. , Mr. Webster replies, but goes fully into the matter which’ his Lordship had desired to avoid ; the arguments used by Mr. Web ster are, however, familiar to all who have paid any attention to the subject. This matter of tiie boundary is fully dis cussed ; several long and able documents from the Maine and Massachusetts Com missioners lollow, the substance of which we cannot undertake to state. Lord Ash nuitoii evinces an intimate knowledge of the subject, and handles it ably. The re sult is, a proposition by Mr. Webster, which is nearly that finally agreed to. Then comes the subject of the African Slave Trade, which is disposed of without difficulty, in the manner the treaty shows. There is some correspondence with Com mander Paine and other naval officers, who have been stationed on the African Coast, &c. &c., not now of such interest-that w.e have burdened our memory with it. The Creole Case is presented in strong terms by Mr. Webster in a letter, (which, when published, will bring all the anti slavery people, about his ears,) to which Lord Ashburton replies, that as the news of the matter of the Creole had reached Eng but shortly before his departure, and as it had not, previous to that time, been presented to the notice of the British Gov eminent, by Mr. Everett, he was not em powered to treat upon the subject. He states, however, that the laws of Great Britain recognize as free, every slave who sets his foot upon British soil, as much as do the laws of Massachusetts, recognize as free every foreign slave when he lands in Boston ; and that they cannot be alter ed. But he promises that directions shall be given to the Governors and other officers of the English W. I. Islands, to do nothing in this respect, when it can bo properly a voided, that may tend to the disturbance of “ good neighborhood” between them and the United States. The matter of the right of search and im pressment, is also proposed by Mr. Webster. To this also his Lordship replies, that he has not authority to make any stipulations upon that subject. That the peculiar ne cessities of England in regard to this mat ter, growing out of her maritime situation ; the immense emigration of her people to this country, and the fact that every native, of Great-Britain, always and perpetually owes to her, the duty of serving her in war, to gether with the similarity of appearance and identity of language of the people of the two countries, creates a necessity,which forbids entering into any treaty upon the’ subject—at least at present. The case of the Caroline is then present ed by Mr. Webster, and the whole matter, with its awful details, are stated in the well and forcibly written letter of Mr. Webster to Mr. Fox, in the spring of 1841, which is copied and referred to, anew. To this Lord Ashburton replies with much ingenuity stating, that inasmuch as the authorities on this side made no attempt to restrain or molest, the people on Navy Island who were firing upon the inhabitants on tlie Canada shore, and as the Caroline was in the employ of those people, the Brit ish authorities were compelled by the ne cessity of self-defence to invade our terri tory for the purpose of destroying her.— That had the case been reversed, we would not have hesitated to pursue the same eou rse. He regrets that the matter was not urged, and redress sought, nt an earlier period, and soon after the event took place. He declares the high sense on the part of G, Britain, of our claim tousacred inviolabil ity of Territory*; but urges at the same time, the existence, In this case, of the “ im mediate und urgent necessity, admitting of no delay”—spoken of by Mr. Webster as alone justifying an invasion of our Territo ry ; that there was no other mode left of destroying tho vessel ; that the expedition left the Canadian shore for the purpose of destroying her at Navy Island; that not finding her there, there was no time for de liberation or delay, &e. He doubts wheth er any person or persons were sent in the boat over the Cataract; that she was tow ed into the stream to prevent injury to the buildings and inhabitants ofSchlosscr ; that it it is not known that any person was kil led by the expedition. But repeats again a respectful acknowledgement by tho Brit ish Government, of the sacredness of our neutral rights, and expresses deep regret that any necessity should have made ne cessary the invasion of our territory. He then complains ofthe treatment of tho sol diers engaged in that expedition whenever caught on this side, protesting against the doctrine that soldiers are accountable to a ny but their own Government, for the con sequences ofobeying the orders of tiie offi cers of their Government. Mr. Webster’s reply, recognizes tho cor rectness of the ground assumed by Lord Ashburton in regard to tho accountability of men so acting under orders ; states, how ever, that such is the nature of our laws, such tiie delay in the trial of causes, and such the apparent conflict of jurisdiction between the courts of the States and of the United States, that some difficulty in the cases of such arrests, cannot be avoided. Mr. Webster then, “as directed by the President,” gives the British Government a full discharge from all further blame on account of the Caroline, “inasmuch” as they have apologized, and “inasmuch” as no better reparation from the nature of the case can be had, and inasmuch as they have expressed so much respect and regard for the inviolable and sacred character of our neutral rights, &c. MEWS AND GAZETTE. WASHINGTON, GA. THURSDAY. SEPTEMBER 8, 1842, FOR PRESIDENT, Democratic Pledges. The Georgia Democrats attempt to justi fy their wanton violation of the pledges t lu.y 4 * lw loot, ftaaie. lifi mUaml ing the charge upon the Whigs. If we, say they, did not fulfill our promises in re gard to reduction of taxes and relief, neither did the Whigs fulfill theirs made in 1840. Thus they attempt to excuse their own wrong by charging wrong upon others ! But the cases of the two parties are en tirely dissimilar. The Whigs pledged themselves to effect a reform in the admin istration of the Federal Government, to re trench its lavish expenditure, and to carry out a system of policy which would produce prosperity and a renewal of confidence and credit among the people. These were to be the consequences of General Harrison’s administration, and such would have been its results had that venerable patriot lived, whose death the people find every day new and greater causes for lamenting. But he died, and from that time the Government ceased to be Whig. John Tyler mortga ged himself, body and soul, to the Demo crats, in consideration of being their candi date for a second term, who arc now about to cheat him out of the price of his treache ry. He disconnected himself from the Whigs, and they refused to consider him one of themselves and formally turned him out of the party. Having thus become a Loco-foco, he took every opportunity to thwart the course of the Whigs ; the mea sures proposed in Congress to carry out the system of policy advocated by the Harrison party during the canvass, were successful ly opposed by him. The Whigs did every thing in their power to fulfill the pledges ascribed to them, but were prevented by the dead) of one President and the treachery of another, botli which events were equally unforeseen. How was it with the Democrats ? They went into power in this State, last year, up on pledges distinctly and unequivocally made ; they promised a reduction of taxes and relief of the distresses of the people by the State Government. They had a large majority in the Legislature and a Demo cratic Governor; there appeared nothing to prevent them from fulfilling their promi ses. Have they done so ? Ask any one who has paid his taxes, if they are not at least equal to those of last year. 1 hey made but a very slight effort to reduce the taxes ; their schemes of relief were aban doned, the moment they had served their purposes, and now their presses and politi cians are entirely silent on tho subject— they do not even condescend to give a rea son for this flagrant treachery, and with their usual unblushing offrontery they are calling on the people to give their suffrages again to their candidates! They will tell us, perhaps,'that they did attempt to make a reduction of the taxes. But did their proposed reduction come up to that they bad promised. Instead of the one hundred per cent, diminution, which they promised, tiicy passed a law reducing the taxes one-fifth! This did not fulfill their pledge, and was so shallow a d*k;c to gull the people into the belief that wished to keep their promises, that it deceiv ed no-body. Every one could see that their practice did not square with their profes sions, and every one believed that they pass, ed the law knowing the Governor would veto it, and that without that knowledge they would not have passed it. Had they been sincere in their desire to reduce the taxes, why do they still support and follow Governor McDonald, who pre vented that favorite measure ? When John Tyler thwarted the measures of the Whigs and prevented them from carrying into ef fect their policy, they renounced and cast him from them ; they gave to the world a spectacle suclt as the world never saw be fore ; a great party, with one mind and a3 one man, renouncing a favorite leader after having raised him to the first place among the rulers of the earth. Dispenser as he was of immense power and patronage, with the wealtli of a vast nation in his grasp, he was too poor to bribe any but a pitiful and contemptible remnant of his former host of friends to follow him in his traitorous de sertion. They surrendered up the fruits of hard-won victory without a murmur, rather than be parties to John Tyler’s flagrant breach of pledges. Not so the Democrats. Governor McDonald refused to sanction a partial performance of their pledge—did they desert him ; did they denounce him ; did they disavow his future acts ? Not at all; he is still the oracle—the great “Joe Smith” of his party ; nothing that he does is not right, and any idea of condemning him for his measures is as far from them as ever. But deception cannot always flourish ; tiie people are beginning to understand these faithlessLoco-foeo politicians, and will soon visit with stern condemnation these unwor thy servants. Doiigrcss. The Senate passed the tariff bill, with a mendments, which the House concurred in, and the President has sanctioned it, contra ry to the expectations of many. Tile bills authorizing the issue of Treas ury Notes—to'repeal that section of the dis tribution bill which provides that distribu tho <1 uty> AU • > !np ported article is over 20 per cent, and to provide for the taking of evidence in con tested elections, were also passed—but the President having neglected to sign the two latter, they will not not become laws. The President sent to the House of Rep resentatives the protest, which wc print in another column, against tlie report of the committee of 13, to whom was referred his last Veto. The only precedent to be found for this proceeding is the protest of General Jackson against the proceedings of the Sen ate in 1834, which was then denounced by John Tyler, in the most violent terms.— This is another instance of the imbecility and inconsistency for which Tyler has be come notorious. The House treated this production as it deserved, adopted resolu tions declaring that the protest was a breach of privilege of the House, that the President . had no right to send it, and refused to per. mit it to be entered on the Journals. Congress adjourned sine die on Wednes day the 30th ult. after a session of nearly nine months, the longest since the forma tion of the government, and one of the most laborious and important. It has been pro tracted beyond the usual length by the ob stacles which the opposite party were con tinually throwing in the way of useful le gislation, by the arbitrary conduct of the President, vetoing laws which did not hap pen to he in accordance with his sovereign will and pleasure, and compelling the Whigs to modify and remodel their meas ures to suit his views. His conduct during this sessjon of Congress has shown how e 2? sily, under a President of higher intellect, wielding the tremendous veto power, our republic might become a despotism, and has awakened an anxious wish in all true Democrats to impose some restraint upon that prerogative of the President so danger ous to our liberties. A modification of the veto power, (not its abolition, as is falsely said by our opponents,) a seperation of the legislative and executive departments of our Government has become a fundamental principle of the Whig party, and in its ud. vocacy they must now stand or fall. That this principle will find favor with the peo ple, we have no doubt; for the spirit which excited our fathers to resist tyranny and op pression, has not yet wholly departed from the laud. Mr. Calhoun was expected to * ’ his electioneering for the President§f\ l -a i barbacue to he given in Nc-idi Carolina on I the Ist inst
