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About News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 6, 1842)
• ADDRESS. BY THE JION. JOHN M< PIIKRSON BERRIEN, To the People <>f Georgia. (Cone fudetl from our last ) HOME POLICY. Before closing dsis address, I desire for a little while to commune with you, in the spirit which more appropriately belongs to the recollections ol home. lam not a po litical aspirant. The station with which your confidence has honored me, has grati fied me, as well because it testifies ol the past, as because it lias enabled mo to con tribute my mite to the advancement of your interests with which my own are in dentified. Ido not effect to be indifferent to the approbation of my countrymen, but on the contrary acknowledge that it is a cherished object of my ambition. Advan cing years majy have rendered me less co. vetous of popuiar applause, but I would prefer, if 1 may be permitted to do so, to trace this and the increasing desire which T feel to preserve the consciousness of ser \in*T you faithfully, to an awakened sense My term of active service must ii. n'diiiary cone,- of events, soon pass a v Before it do s. ! desire to present ..f the reflections, which have - . while engaged in your ■ . ... ;> bespeaking for them a ■ -v. i :h-y may not be en titl, 1. i-• liev may be received .*, tii- in wiiii i :iic-y are offered. In the prc. >n .. -ey of ihe great father of his country, tie injunction to avoid sec tional divisions, and the.animosities which they engender, n.upies a conspicuous place. We are in agricultural, commer cial and manufacturing people, inhabiting an extensi’ a country, characterized hv di versity of soil and climate, as well as of po sition! This difference of condition, seems necessarily to beget, diversity, if not contra riety of interests, and the feeling which re sults from it, cannot be without its influ ence in the councils of the Union. I have felt the force of this consideration, and look ing at the subject hastily, amid other and and more engrossing pursuits, have perhaps sometimes yielded too much to its sway.— A more deliberate scrutiny of the subject, induces me to suspect this, and inclines me to believe that we have in this great coun try, diversified as it is, interests which are common to the whole, the advancement ol which will best promote those which more immediately concern each part of it. I do not hesitate to avow a change of opinion to this extent. Why should I ? lam not yet I trust, 100 old to learn, and I am admon ished by experience, that my happiness here, and my hopes of it hereafter, are the result of a thorough change of opinion, on the most important question of my life—l am constrained therefore to believe with the poet, “If man were born coeval with the sun, The patriarch pupil would be learned still. And dying, leave his lesson half unleavn’d.” The difference in our condition in the South, and that of our brethren in the Eas tern and Middle States, has been with nip a subject of much anxious reflection. The passing traveller cannot fail to be struck with the higher degree of cultivation, ini pravement, and general prosperity, exhibi ted in those States, over the whole face of a country, to which nature would serm to have been less bountiful than to ours.— With a richer soil, and more genial climate we combine an intelligence, energy and spirit of enterprise, which may compare, without detriment, with those of our breth ren. Yet those States advance much more rapidly in the career of improvement than we do, and while a dense, thriving and prosperous population gladden the land which they inhabit, much of ours is still in a wilderness state, and much which has been reclaimed, is subjected to an imper fect, and speaking generally, a compara tively unprofitable cultivation. Whence this diversity in our condition? With equal advantages of soil and climate, of intelli gence, energy and the spirit of enterprise, why’ do we linger in ‘he race? We have i been prone to think. I have thought, that protection affonfod, as we suppose at our cost, to the product, v ■ industry ofour breth ren, is thc> chief, ■ t thr only source of this difference 1 ekiag into our politi cal and comm.. : ! -.itistics, we are struck however ‘ ■ ii.- discordant fact, that our own pi- m-not been great est, when that pr* <.mi wa lowest—and that its periodical r--lti< iion under the act of 1*33, has been attended 5y a progres sive diminution in the price of our great staple, and in ‘.he value ofour property. — This therefore would seem to be an insuffi cient solution ol’ the mystery. We must look elsewhere for it. Does the difference result from the fact, that we employ slave labor? I know that opinion is general, hut 1 do not think it is correct. At any rate, Ido not believe that the difference of condition of which I speak is the direct and necessary consequence of the employment of that species of labor, since under the management of a humane and intelligent master, it is undoubtedly the cheapest. In my judgement the differ ence arises not from the kind of labor which we use, but from the manner in which we employ it. The true cause of our embar rassments is, I think, the want of a proper division of labor. With inconsiderable ex ceptions (let us speak of our own State) the whole productive industry of Georgia, is employed in the production of two great staples—is chiefly devoted to the produc tion of one. When these are produced in a bundance, and at the same time find a pro fitable market, (a concurrence of circum stances which however is rare,) compara tive prosperity gladdens the whole land.— When these fail, either in product or in price, a corresponding embarrassment is the consequence. We are like gamesters who stake their fortunes on tiie hazard of a oast, instead of dividing their stakes. The pcrmAftpnt prosperity of a pgo pip is best secured by such n division of labor, by such an application oftheir productive industry, as that the failure to product, or a sudden and sensible fall in the price ot uny article produced, may not materially a fleet all the individuals of the community. Ifin Geor gia, one halfof (belabor which isemployed in the production of cotton and rice, could find other employment, besides the in creased value which it would give to that which remained, would afford sensible relief, in seasons of the failure of those ar ticles, either in product or in price. In addition to this, my observation bore, 1 think, enables me to affirm, that the per manent policy of the Government, with or; without our assent, will be to give a certain j degree of protection to manufactures. — They have sprung up tinder the pressure of necessity, and have been so long cher ished that the various interests which they combine, are destined to predominate. — Even as Southern men, wc agree that this protection may bo legitimately afforded, with the limits of revenue, and the increas ing Wants of the Government will, in all likelihood, make that an adequate protec tion to the manufacturer. This subject of protection is becoming, in one view, less interesting to us in Georgia, since, at the present price ofour principal staple, which causes, steadily operating, will probably continue to depress, we shall not find it a profitable culture, while it may yet con tinue to be moderately so, in the rich and fresh soils of Alabama, Mississippi, Louis iana, Arkansas and Texas. If then, a division of our protective labor would conduce to our prosperity —if, in ma ny parts of our Slate, cotton will probably soon cease to be an.objecl of profitable cul ture —if, with, or without our consent, pro tection to manufactures, at least within the limits of revenue, is likely to become part of the permanent policy of the country, will not a due regard to our own interests re quire us to prepare for the change in our condition, which the state of the world, the exhaustion of great portions of our land, and the probable permanent policy of the Government, will subject us to ? II the increased rate of duly, which is necessary to give protection to the manufacturer, will be givep, whether we will or not, and is, in fact, a bounty, why should we refuse to share it ? If, without being so, it renders us comparatively independent of foreign i nations, and affords a profitable employ- ‘ ment to capital and labor, in that branch of domestic industry, why should we not par- ■ ticipate in it ? Have wc the means to do this ? Can we not convert the least valuable part of our cotton into bagging to cover the rest, in its transit to market? In tho establish ment made for that purpose, having the raw material at hand, unfailing streams and cheap labor, can we not profitably manu facture cotton cloths, confining our earlier efforts to the coarser fabrics ? Can we not convert the iron ore, which abounds in our mountains, into farming utensils, and those ! which are necessary to our domestic es- ; ’ tablishments, confining ouselves, in the first i instance, to articles of the most simple kind? Can we not raise within ourselves, the va rious kinds of stock, which we use by em ploying a portion of our slave labor in pro. ducing the grain which is necessary to sus tain them ? tshal Iwo longer look beyond our own State for the bread stuffs which we require ? Adverting to the great proba- > bility of a permanent and protective duty on wool, and to the adaption ofour country ; for the rearing of sheep, ought we not to , turn our attention to this stock ? If every [ planter, having even a few hands, would furnish himself with but one hundred sheep and those of larger force in proportion, they would soon be tempted to increase their stock —and, besides, finding a ready market for their wool, to be sent in tiie first instance, to the manufacturing States, the aggregate product would contribute largely to the prosperity of Georgia. In a very short time, too, woolen manufactories established in our own State, would afford a market at home. We are stimulated to these efforts by the necessities of our situation, and encouraged to make them by the advantages of our po sition. To those, which I have enumera ted, is to be added, the probable comple tion of our great line of commifnication from Ihe mountains to the seaboard, in a very short time, thus furnishing the means of interchanging commodities, and affording a market for many, which are now almost valueless. With these views, I should have been glad if the revenue hill, recent ly adopted, had been so framed as to enable mo to vote for it. You are aware that, ac cording to the general, and probably the better opinion, the right of the Government to levy duties on imports, ceased on the 30th June last. In anticipation of this, Con gress passed an act, authorizing their col lection until the Ist of August, and coupled with it a provision, intended to leave the proviso to the distribution act, in the same situation on the latter day as it was on the former. This bill was met by a Presiden tial veto. Meantime, the general revenue bill was in progress in the House. When it came to the Senate, and was referred to the committee of finance, I sought to obtain certain amendments, some of which were adopted and reported by the committee.— When the bill came to be considered by the Senate, however, the apprehension which was entertained, that, if sent hack to the House, it might fail, induced the friends of the measure to resist all amendments, and each one in succession, was consequently voted down. Among them, was one which proposed to strike out the 27th section, the object of which was to repeal the proviso of the distribution bill. As this bill was thus pressed through the Senate, without deciding the several amendments on their respective merits—and especially, as,while it retained the 27th section, looking to the recent veto of the President, it could not become a law, I considered the proceeding on it as a mere useless legislation, and de termined not to participate in it. I stated these views to the Senate, but at the same time expressed my readiness to unite in framing any bill which could become a law. I declined, therefore, to tuke any part in this proceeding,- and did not vote on that bill —My expectations were realized. It was returned with a veto, and u new one was framed. I sought to obtain, and did obtain some amendments to that bill—but others, which I deemed important, were re jrcted On the question of its final passage, 1 voted against it, considering that it was insufficient as a revenue bill, and that it car ried protection beyond proper limits. Yet, some revenue measure was so indispensa ble to protect the Government from the dis grace of bankruptcy, that 1 had resolved, (fit had failed, to move its reconsideration, j which would have placed it in a condition | to receive such amendments as might have I enabled me, and those who thought with me, to vote lor it. I have thought this brief explanation was proper, in relation to a measure so full of interest. There is a political consideration of no minor importance, which belongs to the sub -1 jeet of the proper division oj labor, from which this explanation has diverted the.— Such a distribution of tire labor of our State, as that which 1 have suggested by assimi lating our interests to those of our fellow citizens in other States, and thus avoiding occasions of collision between us, would in crease our relative weight in the councils of the Union, and secure to us a more just and equal participation in the benefits which flow from it. So long as Southern Repre sentatives are supposed to represent an an tagonist interest, which can only be over come by the combined action of those with J whose interests it conflicts, their influence in the legislation of the country, must be i necessarily lessened. I announce to you, thus briefly, a truth, which the experience of every Southern Representative will con firm—l will not dwell on these suggestions. They are submitted to you, in the belie! that your intelligence may deduce from them some practical and benefical results. A brief reference to the political condition of the country, and to the duty which it im poses, shall close this address. CONDITION OK THE COCNTItY. ; It will nol be questioned that the condi tion ofour country is anomalous, full of j embarrassment; and without a parallel in j its former annuls. Throe successive ad ! ministrations of the Executive Department, conducted on similar principles, and closing j on the 3d of March, 1841, had met the re probation of a large majority of the Amer i ican people. The ‘'evolution of 1840, pla i ced in the Executive chair a patriot states ! man, who lived hut to devote himself to his j country’s service, and under his guidance, ; “We looked with cheering hope to the resto ration of the purer days of the Republic.— A mysterious Providence (wise we know it to be, though its hidden purpose is veiled from our imperfect vision,) called him from us in the very outset of his career. Os his i successor, I desire to speak with the respect which is due to the Chief Magistrate, with j the forbearance which I owe to myself, ft | suffices to say that lie has not realized the ; expectations of those, by whom he was in ; vested with power and that the result is the ; anomaly of which I have spoken. The | party bv whom be was chosen, still retains 1 its ascendancy in the halls of legislation, : but without confidence in, or conceit with ! the Executive Magistrate, it is doomed to i encounter tire active and vigorous opposs j tion of the friends of the late administration. ! who differing among themselves on various ■ questions of public policy ; still unite with j rare exceptions, in opposing all the mcas -1 ures of the majority. Such is the condi tion of the General Government. If you direct vour attention to the States, there too you behold the activity of political strife. The citizens of each State, are tolcd off in hostile divisions approaching so nearly to equality, as to give a party warfare, an in creasing energy and bitterness of spirit.— Meantime, the country languishes. Its foreign commerce is diminished —its pro ductive industry is paralyzed—its morals are corrupted. The remedy for this, so far as human means may afford it, is with you, and our Whig brethren throughout the Lfnion. The Representatives of the Whig party were called into power, by a decisive expression of public opinion in 1840. You and they felt tiiat the country was suffering under multiplied grievances, which it was neces sary to redress. They entered upon the task which was assigned tltem with honest I hearts, and with determined purpose.— Hitherto their efforts have in a great degree been frustrated by the combined resistance of a disciplined opposition part}’, and of the Chief who by a mysterious Providence, now commands. CONCLUSION, Fellow.citizens of Georgia ! (suffer me to speak plainly to you, for they are words of truth and soberness which I utter,) it is your apathy, and that ofour Whig brethren throughout the Union, which has nerved the arms of our opponents—it is your des pondence which has presented the great ob stacle to our success. I admit that there is in your situation much to discourage. The inspiring hope, the confident expectation which were awakened by the elevation of the patriot Harrison, were blighted by his untimely death. You looked in the suc cessor to his station, for an exhibition of the manly virtues, and a cordial support of the cherished principles of the departed chief. Your expectations have not been realized —your confidence has been violated. But ponder, I pray you, the words which follow. You have turned in disgust from a conduct so foreign to your own honorable feelings, and by declining to mingle in what has seemed to you to be an inglorious strife, you have strengthened your opponents, and paralyzed the efforts of your Representa tives. While under the influence of this fatal apathy, you stood aloof from the polls, and suffered successive elections to be car ried by your ancient foes, each one was liailed as their triumph, and as your defeat —as the evidence of their strength, and of your weakness. A disciplined minority in the halls of Congress united more closely —and that One man who stands between you and the accomplishment of your wish es, whose single voice can defeat uny mea sure however essential to your prosperity, mistook the consequences of your disgust, for the evidences of your approbation ot Ins most extraordinary course. Undeceive him. Undeceive your ancient foes . Nothing is requisite but awakened enci gy, and united action. The gallant Har rison is no more. Rut the same glorious Whig party, who rushed to victory under his spotless standard, still lives in all its pristine vigor—in all its physical and mor al power. Let those who then rallied un der that standard, now arise in their strength. Whigs of 1840, once more to the rescue!— Prove that to the impetuous valor which snatches victory in the hour of battle, you add the indomitable courage which pursues and grasps it amid protracted warfare! It is thus not permitted to you to stake your fortunes upon a single cast—to win the prize for which you will contend by a sin gle blow. Prove then, that with a courage as untiring, as it is ardent, you can conquer in detail; the obstacles which impede the accomplishment of your wishes! Let each successive election find you at the polls, an imated by the same spirif, which swelled in your bosoms in the struggle of 1840! Speak through the ballot bolt! Speak in language respectful, but firm—as freemen mindful alike of your constitutional rights and du ties. Speak in memorial and remonstrance, to the assembled Representatives of the na tion—to that adventurous man. who holds your fortunes In his grasp; that he may unclutch it, and leave you to the enjoyment of your constitutional rights and privileges, and the abounding prosperity which will follow in its train ! I am, respectfully, Your friend and fellow.citizen, jno. McPherson reriiien. Washington, Bth Sept., 1842. NEWS AND GAZETTE. W ASHINGTON, GA. THURSDAY, OCTOBER 0, 1842. FOR PRESIDENT, Old Wilkes all Right again. Last Monday’s Election terminated in fa vor of the Whigs in this county, and the result shows a gain of about 95 since last vear; then our county Ticket was beaten by a majority of 24 (between Senators,) this year the difference in our favor (the same gentlemen being candidates) is 71. The vote is something larger than that of last year, the Whigs, taught wisdom by the had beating they experienced at the last e lection, very generally came to the polls. The following is the result: For the Senate, George W. Carter, (Whig) 429 James D. Willis, (Deni.) 358 Whig majority, 71 For Representatives, Robert A. Toombs, (Whig) 440 William Q. Anderson, “ 421 Lodowick M. Hill, “ 399 Lewis S. Brown, (Dem.) 365 Henry P. Wootten, “ 381 Richard I. Halliday, “ 316 For Congress, Richard W. Habersham, 447 Roger L. Gamble, 448 Thomas Butler King, . 444 Richard H. Wilde, 449 Absalom H. Chappell, 446 Augustus 11. Kenan, 441 j Hamilton P. Smead, 440 Augustus R. Wright, 438 Edward J. Black, 367 Mark A. Cooper, 370 Hugh A. Haralson, 373 John B. Lamar, 372 John Millen, 373 John H. Lumpkin, 369 Howell Cobb, fl] I . 370 William H. Stiles, 372 Court 407 No Court 93 Taliaferro County. Habersham, 354 Black, 02 Gamble, 352 Cobb, 60 King, 350 Cooper, 65 Wilde, 353 Haralson, 63 Chappell, 352 Lamar, 57 Kenan, 350 Lumpkin, 61 Sinead, 351 Millen, 61 W right, 351 Stiles, 61 Senate, Stephens, 295 Moore, 102 Representatives, Alexander, 288 > , Morris, 202 s eeC “ Anthony, 188 Court 294 No Court 31 Warren County. Habersham, 459 Black, 317 Gamble, 462 Cobb, 317 King, • 460 Cooper, 318 Wilde, 461 Haralson, 318 Chappell, 459 Lamar, 318 Kenan, 464 Lumpkin, 316 Smead, 458 Millen, 316 Wright, 456 Stiles, 312 Senate, J. S. Jones, 482 Kitchens, 326 Representatives, Darden, 4301 Jones, 416 Blount, 456 > elected. Shivers, 328 Wilson, 419) Bishop, 15 Court 113 No Court, 544 Lincoln County, Habersham, 206 Black, 125 Gamble,* 204 Cooper, 126 King, 205 Haralson, 124 Wilde.’ 205 Latnar, 124 Chapp'el, 205 Millen, 127, Kenan, 203 Cobb, -• 126 Smead, 204 Lumpkin, 124 Wright- ‘203 Styles, 125 Senate, Moore, (elected.) 221 Ross, 14 Representatives, Hardy, ) „ 179 Ilagerman, y 182 • Eubanks, 124 Court, 76 No Court, 97 Baldwin County. Habersham, 308 Black, 320 Gamble, 304 Cobb, 322 King, 304 Cooper, 320 Wilde, 306 Haralson, 326 Chappell, 301 Lamar, 326 Kenan, 345 Lumpkin, 320 Smead, 306 Millen, 318 Wright, 303 Stiles, 319 Senate, Thomas, 269 McCombs, 307 Representatives, Brown, 293 Buchner , 296 Daniel, 267 Hammond, 301 Richmond County, The Augusta Chronicle ot the 4th inst. says : “ The election yesterday has ter minated, we believe, in the success of A. J. Miller, for the Senate, and Jenkins, Crrwford, and Lamar, for the House. The contest has been a very close one for the third man, hut we think Jenkins has suc ceeded, which will he ascertained to-dav, when the complete returns are received from the precincts. The election of Lamar is an unexpected result, and but for the disaffection of the Whigs upon a mere local question, never could have occurred. The Whig Congres sional ticket will have a small majority. Morgan County, A slip from the office of the Madison Miscellany says : “The Election for Members of Congress and for Senator and Representatives of the County in the State Legislature took place yesterday, the 3d instant. Owing to die dissatisfaction of some in reference to the regular nomination of the Whig Party, a mixed ticket was sustained by the Demo crats and such of the Whigs as did not fa vor the regular nomination. The election for members of the Legislature was closely and spiritedly contested, as will be seen by our table below. The day was fine, and passed off as quietly as could be expected. The following is the result : For Congress, ’ Chappel, 403 Cooper, 341 : Gamble, 404 Black, 335 i Habersham, 407 Cobb, 334 Kenan, 397 Stiles, 332 King, 402 Haralson, 335 Smead, 397 Lamar, 332 Wilde, 403 Millen, 328 Wright, 393 Lumpkin, 333 For Senator, N. G. Foster,* 350 John S. Colbert,t 342 For Representatives, lsham S. Fannin, y 374 John Burdin, 356 Thomas Noland,* 339 i William O. Saffold,*, 839 Robert Fretwell,f 336 Joseph B. Slack,* 293 j Court, -26 I No Court, 73 j It will be seen that there is a tie between ■ Messrs. Saffold and Noland. Anew elec tion will, therefore, be held for the choice of one Representative. * Those marked with a * are the regular nominated Whigs; those with a f are Inde pendent Whigs, and those in italics are Democrats. The democrats have “ given us Bringers in the Counties heard from.— We have lost 3 members of the Legislature in Baldwin, 2 in Morgan, 1 in Warren, and lor2 in Richmond—we have gained 4 in Wilkes. In most of these counties howev er, our Congressional ticket has the major ! ity, but is doubtless beaten in the State.— Now for some more democratic government. We have uo full return from Elbert county we hear however that Messrs Craft, Bar rett and Adams, (Whigs) were elected representatives, and the Whig majority in is smaller than usual, because no election was held at one of the strongest Whig pre cincts. That miserable apology for a Presi dent, John Tyler, has removed almost the only Georgia Whig who holds a federal of fice, Mr. Calhoun, Consul at Ilavannah, and appointed one Campbell, one of the silk stocking Loco focos of the Empire of South Carolina in his place. fitT News have been received of the sur prize and capture ofSan Antonio, by 1300 Mexicans under Gen. Wall. Santa Anna if this news is true, has at length commen ced the invasion of Texas with determina tion and energy. He is about to despatch the Mexican fleet, lately augmented by the addition of an English steamer, on an expe dition against Texas. A severe storm caused great injury to the town of Galveston. The sea over flowed the business parts of the town, and destroyed several buildings. The damage is estimated at $50,000. O tT John C. Colt, the murderer of Mr. Adams in New York, is about to have jus tice done him. He is to be hanged on the 18th November fob TIIE NEWS & PLANTERS* GAZETTE. Mr. Editor, —Your fair correspondent Venus, wiiii all her refinement, and bril liancy of intellect, has condescended to give ißJAthc desired information; and perhaps it may he satisfactory to those, who, have en joyed like privileges with her; but to me it is rather cold comfort. From the ardor of feeling, which she lias manifested, in her expositions of the customs of Wilkes, I would infer, that she was some peevish, fretful old maid, who never had an oppor tunity to marry, or has rejected too many good offers; and consequently may bo, “sieklied o’er with the paiecast of thought.” She thinks “VViregrass must be green”— in that she is mistaken, for the Piney Woods people generally have a hardy, yellow, complexion, and if I were to guess at the complexion of this fair advocate, of flour alias cosmetics, I should say she was while. She wonders if I am not “the redoubtable author of skool rools and .” You have waked up the wrong passenger Venus, and if has reference to the humble pedagogue in Dooly perhaps, who made his Algebra class, at a public examination, re cite the multiplication table I say, still I am not the man. Now Mr. Editor, if this “Public Kissing Society” was established merely to teach such geniuses as myself, howto perform the operation, “ properly and decently”—l would say, they had better be otherwise en gaged—for I took a lesson, some time since at a quilting frolic, and would bet ginger bread, that I can do better bussing than I have seen recently—and Venus shall be one of the judges. I must confess, that I was a little saft, to admire females for their fresh, rosy complexion, instead of dough faces; and upon this part of the subject, I join issue with “Venus,” and contend that it must be flour, and my reason is, that the tax on cosmetics would be too great for the people to bear. In relation to the hustle inquiry—she seems to get as mad, as if I had stepped in upon her carpet, with a pair of square toed brogans, and says “He must be, a perfect boor not to admire the appearance of a lady when so manifestly improved,”—my de fence can be learned from some of the I’o ets, who says that Woman, is adorned most when least adorned. I have often thought of the folly in females freighting themselves down, with earbobs, necklaces, etc.; but, I find that an article whose consistency is bran or straw, in the shape of half a horse collar, now crowns the height of fashion, ns the statue in Hartford will show. If Ve nus will leave her card with you, Mr. Edi tor, I will call on her, and procure the arti cle and exhibit it to the Piney Woods “gals” this winter, for lam su' - e it would be a bet ter show than the Monkeys. I will endeav or hereafter, to inform myself; and trust Venus will suggest a proper course of read ing for mo, until llien I shall read the Bible to learn to be just, and Crocket’s Almanac for the fashions. WIREGRASS. From the Chronicle <§■ Sentinel. GEORGIA RAIL ROAD. We take great pleasure in laying before the numerous friends of this Road, the fol lowing gratifying evidence of its success, which evinces a progressive increase in its business as cheering as it is profitable to tlie Stockholders. The total number of bales of cotton trans ported over this Road during the month of October, 1840, was 539—in the same month in 1841,2,900, while this year, in the month of September, it was3;6o7. The amount of Freights received on Sat urday, October Ist, for Cotton, Merchan dize and passengers, was 1710 dollars. From Fennel’s Herald of the 25th. Coming Elections. —Elections take place in the following States at the dates men tioned : Georgia, Michigan & ‘Arkansas, Oct. 3rd Maryland, Oct. sth Pensyl vania and South Carolina, Oct. 10th New Jersey, Oct. 10th & 11th Ohio, Oct. 11th New York and Dela ware, Nov. Bth Mississippi, Nov. 7th and Bth Massachusettes, Nov. 14th The above is a fair average specimen of the intelligence and accuracy of “the great” ‘ Napoleon,” especially on political topics. Michigan holds her election, not on the 3d October but the 7th of November ; Penn sylvania holds hers on Tuesday the 11th intead of Monday the 10th of October, and NewJersey on the 11th and 12th instead of the 10th and 11th. The readers of the Herald should take an American paper to correct its blunders by. Tribune. “Honest John Davis.”— The Governor of Massachusetts lias the proudest title which the world can give a man. He is known fa rand near, not as “the late Senator and Representative in Congress,” not as “the Governor of the old Commonwealth of Massachusetts,” titles which pride and vanity might court, but by the higher and more enviable title of “the honest man.”— Aristides, the just, was the noble distinction given to the brave and good Athenian; and ns proud a title as this, and for the same reason, is the Governor of Massachusetts distinguished as “an honest man,” to whom the world adds, “the noblest work of God. —2V. Y. Express
