Newspaper Page Text
From the Lexington Observer.
MR. CLAY’S SPEECH,
And Occurrences on the Delivery of an Abo
lition Petition to him at Richmond, Indiana.
On ih<! first of October. 1842, Mr. Clay,
being on his way from Dayton, in Ohio, to
Indianapolis, the Scat of Government ofthe
State of Indiana, to which ho had been pre
viously invited, stopped ut Richmond, a
flourishing town in that Statu, where a vast
multitude amounting to fifteen or twenty
thousand, had assembled to meet him, and
greet and welcome In’s arrival among them.
After taking some refreshment, he repaired
to a stand, provided for the occasion, from
which he addressed the immense assent
blage, in his accustomed manner, on the
public topics ofthe day. It is not intended
to report any part of that Speech, which
was received with enthusiastic applause.—
After itsclose, Mr. Clay was informed that
a Mr. Mendenhall was present and desirous
of presenting a petition to him, and he was
requested for that purpose to ascend the
stand. He did so, and delivered the peti
tion to Mr. Clay. He handed it to a friend
who read it aloud to Mr. Clay, and the as
sembly. The petition prayed, or reques
ted that Mr. Clay would forthwith liberate
all Iris slaves, unjustly, as it alleged, held
in bondage, and placed the application
principally on the ground that by the Dec
laration of American Independence, it is
declared ‘‘that all man are created equal,
that they are endowed by their Creator with
certain unalienable rights,”&o.
After reading the petiiion, the assembly
manifested great sensation, some cried out
pull him (Mr. Mendenhall) down, and a
high dogice of excitement, of anger, and of
indignation were kindling against him.—
The slightest manifestation of displeasure
on the part of Mr. Clay, might have exposed
Mr. Mendenhall to great personal danger.
But Mr. Clay rose, with perfect calmness
and composure, and first addressed the mul
titude, in a strain of persuasion and entrea
ty. lie hoped that Mr. M. might be trea
ted with the greatest forbearance and res
pect. He assured his fellow citizens there
collected, that the presentation of the peti
tion had not occasioned him’ the slightest
pain, not excited one solitary disagreeable
emotion. If it were to be presented to him,
he preferred that it should be done in the
face of this vast and respectable assem
blage. He thought he could give it such
an answer as became him and the subject
of which it treated. At all events, he en
treated and beseeehed his fellow citizens,
for their sake, for his country’s sake, for his
sake, to offer no disrespect, no indignity, no
violence in word or deed, to Mr. Menden
hall.
This appearing to compose the assembly,
Mr. Clay bowed to Mr. Mendenhall, and
addressing him, said :
I will now, Sir make to you and to this
petition, such a response as becomes me.—
Allow me to say, that I think you have not
conformed to the independent character of
an American Citizen, in presenting a peti
tion tome. I am, like yourself, but a pri
vate citizen. A petition, as the term im
plies, generally proceeds from an inferior
in power, or station, to a superior ; but be
tween us, there is entire equality. And
what are the circumstances under which
you have chosen to offer it ? lam a total
stranger passing through your State, on my
way to its capital, in consequence of an in
vitation with which I have been honored to
visit it, to exchange friendly salutations
with such of my fellow citizens of Indiana
as think proper to meet me, and to accept of
their hospitality. Anxious as lam to see
them, and to view parts of this State which
I had never seen, I came here with hesita
tion and reluctance, because I apprehended
that the motives of my journey might be
misconceived and preverted. But when the
fulfilment of an old promise to visit Indian
apolis was insisted upon, I yielded to the so
licitations of friends, and have presented
mvsolf among you.
Such is the occasion which has been de
liberately selected for tendering this peti
tion to me. lam advanced in years, and
neither myself nor the place of my resi
dence is altogether unknown to the world.
.You might, at any time within the last 20
or 30 years, have presented vour petition to
me at Ashland. Ifyou had gone there for
that purpose, you should have been re
ceived and treated with perfect respect and
liberal hospitality.
Now, Mr. Mendenhall, let us reverse
conditions, and suppose you had been invi
ted to Kentucky to partake of its hospitality;
and that, previous to your arrival, I had
employed such means asl understand have
been used to get up this petition, to obtain
the signatures of citizens of that State to a
petition to present to you, to relinquish your
farm and other property, what .would you
have thought of such a proceeding ? Would
you have deemed it corteous and according
to tiie rites of hospitality ?
! ltnow well, that you, and those who
think with you, controvert the legitimacy
of slavery, and deny the right of property
in slaves. But the law in my State and
other States has otherwise ordained. The
law may be wrong in your opinion, and
ought to be repealed ; but then you and
your associates are not the law makers for
us, und unless you can show some author
ity to nullify our laws, we must continue to
respect them. Until the law is repealed,
we must be excused for asserting the rights,
aye, the property in slaves—which it sanc
tions, authorizes, and vindicates.
And who are the petitioners whose organ
you assume to be ? I have no doubt that
many of them are worthy, amiable and hu
mane persons, who by erroneous represen
tations, have been induced inconsiderately
to affix their signatures to this petition, and
that they will deeply regret it. Others,
and not a few I am told, are free blacks,
men, women and children, who have been
artfully deceived and imposed upon. A
very large portion I have been credibly in
formed, are the political opponents of the
party to which I belong—Democrats, as
they most undeservedly call themselves,
who have eagerly seized this opportunity
to wound, as they imagined, my feelings.
and to uid the cause* to which they are at
tached. In other quarters of the Union,
democrats claim to bo the exclusive cham
pions of Southern interests, tho only safo
defenders of the rights in slave property,
and unjustly accuse us Whigs with aboli
tion designs, wholly incompatible with its
security. What ought these distant demo
crats to think of the course of their friends
here who have united in this petition ?
And what is the foundation of this ap
peal to me in Indiana to liberate the slaves
under my care in Kentucky ? It is a gene
ral declaration in the uct announcing to the
world the Independence of the Thirteen A
merican Colonics, that all men are created
equal. Now, as nil abstract principle,
there is no doubt of the truth of that decla
ration ; and it is desirable in the original
construction of Society, and in organized
Societies, to keep it in view as a great fun
damental principle. But then 1 apprehend
that in no Society that ever did exist, or e
ver shall be (brined, was or can the equality
asserted among the members of the human
race, be practically enforced and carried
out. There are portions of it, large por
lions, women, minors, insane, culprits, tran
sient sojourners, that will always probably
remain subject to the government of anoth
er portion of the community.
That declaration, whatever may be the
extent of its import, was made by the dele
gations of the thirteen States. In most of
them slavery existed, and had long existed,
and was established by law. It was intro
duced and forced upon the “Colonies by the
paramount law of England. Do you be
lieve, that in making that declaration, the
States that concurred in it intended that it
should be tortured into a virtual emancipa
tion of all the slaves within their respective
limits? Would Virginia and other South
ern States have ever united in a declara
tion which was to be interpreted into an
abolition of slavery among them ? Did any
one ofthe thirteen States entertain such a
design or expectation ? To impute such a
secret and unavowed purpose, would be to
ciiarge a political fraud upon the noblest
band of patriots that ever assembled in
council, a fraud upon the confederacy of
the Revolution, a fraud upon the Union of
these states, whose Constitution not only re
cognized the lawfulness of slavery, but per
mitted the importation of slaves from Africa
until the year 1808. And I am bold to
say, that if the doctrine of modern ultra-po
litical abolitionists had been seriously pro
mulgated at the epoch of our revolution,
our glorious Independence would never
have been achieved. Never! Never!
[G. •eat applause ; and many voices e
choing—“Never.”]
I know the predominant sentiment in the
free Slates is adverse to slavery, but happy
in their own exemption, from whatever e
vils may attend it, the great mass of our
fellow-citizens there do not seek to violate
the Constitution, or to disturb the harmony
of these States. 1 desire no concealment
of my opinions in regard to the institution of
slavery. I look upon it as a great evil,
and deeply lament that we have derived it
from the paternal government and from our
ancestors. I wish every slave in the Uni
ted States was in the country of his ances
tors. But here they are, and the question is,
how can they he best dealt with ? Isa state
of nature existed, and we were about to lay
the foundations of society, no man would
be more strongly opposed than I should be
to incorporate the institution of slavery a
mong its elements. But there is an incal
culable difference between the original for
mation of society, and a long existing or
ganized society, with its ancient laws, in
stitutions and establishments. Now, great
as I acknowledge, in my opinion, the evils
of slavery are, they are nothing, absolutely
nothing, in comparison with the far great
er evils which would inevitably flow from
a sudden,general and indiscriminate eman
cipation. In some of the States the number
of slaves approximate towards an equality
with that of the whites ; in one or two they
surpass them. What would be the condi
tion ofthe two races in those States upon
the supposition of an immediate emancipa
tion ? Does any man suppose they would
become blended in one homogenous mass ?
Docs any man recommend amalgamation ;
that revolting admixture, alike offensive to
God and man ? For those whom He, by
their physical properties has made unlike
and put asunder, we may, without pre
sumptuousness, suppose were never inten
ded to be joined together in one of the holi
est rites. And let me tell you, sir, if you
do not already know it, that such are the
feelings ; prejudices, if you please, (and
what man claiming to be a Statesman, will
overlook or disregard the deep seated and
unconquerable prejudices of the people) in
the slave States, that no human law could
enforce a uuion between the two races.
What thon wouM nortalHiy nappGn f
struggle for political ascendancy ; the
blacks seeking to acquire, and the whites
to maintain possession of the government.
Upon this supposition of a genera’ imme
diate emancipation, in those States where
the blacks outnumber the whites, they
would have nothing to do but to insist upon
another part ofthe same Declaration of In
dependence, as Dorr and his deluded Demo
cratic followers recently did in Rhode Is
land, according to which an undefined ma
jority have the right, at their pleasure, to
subvert an existing government and insti
tute anew one in its place, and then the
whites would be brought in complete sub
jection to the blacks ! A contest would in
evitably ensue between the two races, civil
war, carnage, pillage, conflagration, devas
tation and the ultimate extermination or ex
pulsion of the blacks. Nothing is more
certain. And are not these evils far grea
ter than the mild and continually improving
state of slavery which exists in this coun
try? I say continually improving : for if
this gratifying progress in the amelioration
ofthe condition of the slaves has been
checked in some of the States, the respon
sibility must attach to the unfortunate agi
tation of the subject of abolition. In conse
quence of it, increased rigor in the police
and further restraints have been imposed ;
and I do believe that gradual emancipa
tion (the only method of liberation that lins
ever been thought safe or wise by any body
iu any of the slave States) has been post
poned’ half a century.
Without any knowledge of the relations
in which I stand to my slaves, or their indi
vidual condition, you Mr. Mendenhall, and
your associates who have been active in
getting up this petition, call upon me forth
with to liberate the whole of them. Now
let me tell you that some half a dozen of
them, from age, decripitude or infirmity,
are wholly unable to gain a livelihood for
themselves, & are a heavy charge upon me.
Do you think that I should conform to the
dictates of humanity, by ridding myself of
that charge, and sending them forth into the
world, with the boon of liberty, to end a
wretched existence in starvation ? Anoth
er class is composed of helpless infants,
with or without improvident mothers. Do
you believe, as a Christian, that I should
perform my duty towards them, by aban
doning them to their fate ? Then, there is
another class who would • not accept their
freedom if I would give it to them. I have
for many yearsowned a slave that I wished
would leave me, but lie will not. What
shall 1 do with that class?
What my treatment of mv slaves is, you
may learn from Charles, who accompanies
me on this journey, and who has travelled
with me over the great part of the United
States, and in both the Canadas, and has
had a thousand opportunities, if he had cho.
sen to embrace them, to leave me. Excuse
me Mr Mendenhall, for saying that my
slaves are as well fed and clad, look as
sleek and hearty, and are quite as civil ar.d
respectful in their demeanor, and as little
disposed to wound the feelings of any one,
as you are.
[Great and continued laughter and ap
plause.]
Let me recommend you, sir, to imitate
the benevolent example of the society of
Friends in the midst of which you reside.
Meek, gentle, embued with the genuine
spirit of our benign religion, whilst in prin
ciple they are firmly opposed to slavery,
they do not seek to accomplish its extinction
by foul epithets, coarse and vulgar abuse
and gross calumny. Their ways do not
lead through blood, revolution iz disunion.
Their broad and comprehensive philanthro
py embraces, as they believe, the good and
the happiness of the white as well as the
black yiee, giving to the one their commi
seration, to the other their kindest sympa
thy. Their instruments arc not those of
detraction and of war, but ofpeaee, persua
sion, and earnest appeals to the charities of
the human heart. Unambitious, they have
no political objects or put poses to subserve.
My intercourse with them throughout life
has been considerable, interesting and a
greeable; and I venture to say that noth
ing could have induced them, as a society
whatever a few individuals might have been
tempted to do, to seize the occasion of my
casual passage through this State, to offer
me a personal indignity.
[This part of Mr. Clay’s speech waslis
lened to with deep and absorbing attention,
& was followed by loud burstsof applause.]
1 respect the motives of rational abolition
ists, who are actuated by a sentiment ofde
votion to human liberty, although I deplore
and deprecate the consequences of the agi
tation of the question; I have even many
friends among them. But they are not
monomaniacs who surrendering themselves
to a single idea, look altogether to the black
side of human life. They do not believe
that the sum total of all our efforts and all
our solicitude should be abolition. They
believe that there are duties to perform to
the white man as well as the black. They
want good government, good administra
tion and the general prosperity of the coun
try.
I shall, Mr. Mendenhall, take your peti
tion into respectful and deliberate conside
ration ; but before I cotne to a fina! decision
I should like to know what you and your
associates are willing to do for the slaves in
my possession, if I should think proper to
liberate them. I own about fifty, who are
probably worth fifteen thousand dollars.—
To turn them loose upon society, without
any means ofsubsistence or support, would
be an act of cruelty. Are you willing to
raise and secure the payment of fifteen
thousand dollars, for their benefit, if I
should be induced to free them? The se
curity ofthe payment of that sum would
materially lessen the obstacles in the way
of their emancipation.
And now, Mr. Mendenhall, I must take
respectful leave of you. We seperate as
we have met, with no unkind feelings, no
excited anger or dissatisfaction on my part,
whatever may have been your motives, and
these I refer to our common Judge above,
to whom we are both responsible.—Go
home and mind your own business, and
lcacuilll,i |<W|/lw .V —Uw VUIv Ul
Limit your benevolent exertions to’ your
own neighborhood.—Within that circle you
will find ample scope for the exercise of all
your charities. Dry up the tears of the
afflicted widows around you, console and
comfort the helpless orphan, clothe the na
ked, and feed and help the poor, black and
white, who need succor. And you will be
a better find wiser man than you have this
day shown yourself.
[Rapturous applause followed the con
clusion of the speech.]
Senator Benton accidently stepped off the
steamboat Lehigh into the Ohio river at
Maysville last Wednesday night and was
obliged to swim ashore to save his life—
which he did without sustaining any other
injury than a great frightand a small duck
ing.
According to a well known proverb, he
is reserved for a different fate. He was
not born to be drowned.
The Time to Marry. —ln England and
Wales, during the year ending June 1840,
the new married couples amounted to 124,-
329, and the general average age of mar
riage was for the males 27 years, and the
females 25 years.
From the National Intelligencer.
PARTY NAMES.
We confess that the same scruples, and
thoughts very similar to those so well ex
pressed below by the Norfolk Herald, have
often occurred to ourselves, when applying
to one of the great parties of the country
the unmeaning designation which origina
ted in ridicule, but which general use lias
since sanctioned. We have always felt
the difficulty avowed by the Herald, but not
being able to suggest a remedy, we have,
from tho necessity of the case, unwillingly
followed the general practice of using the
term Locofoco. The word “ Tory ” was
at one time in common use among our con
temporaries, but this we never adopted, be
cause, however coincident in some of its
leading features with the principles of the
Tory party in England was the self-styled
Democratic party here, there was, from the
historical odium of the name in this coun
try, an offensiveness in it which forbade its
employment in our paper towards our po
litical adversaries. We should, for the
reasons given by the Herald, be glad if
someone, more ingenious than we, would
suggest a remedy for the difficulty here
frankly stated :
From the Norfolk Herald.
Loco-Foco.—We hate to use the term in
connexion with the great party which dR,
vides the country with the Whigs; it
sounds so like one of reproach ; but we can
not avoid it, for it is a name which origina
ted from a political brawl in Tammany
Hall, kicked up by a levelling and disor
ganizing faction who contended for nothing
less than to rule or divide the party, and the
schism was only healed by the compliant
policy of the majority, who succombed to
the new lights, (or Locofocos,) whose doc
trines are as much abhorred by the old
constitutional Democracy as they are by the
Whigs; and they not only admitted these
schismatics to full communion with them,
but adopted their pernicious principles;
and, having thus identified themselves with
a mischievous and pestilent faction, they
must not be offended if the name of that fac
tion be transferred to them along with its
principles.
As for the name “ Democrat,” we can
not concede it exclusively to the party who
are appropriating it to themselves, as it o
riginally belonged to a party of a very dif
ferent character, to which we ourselves be
longed for many years. No, no; let them
hold on to the new title which they have
purchased at an immense sacrifice, involv
ing, in our humble opinion, an incurable
disease of the body politic. Let them go
on their way, for good or for evil, rejoicing
in the name of Loco-foco. To that of “De
mocrat,” of “Republican,” of “State
Rights Republican,” or “ Democratic State
Rights Republican,” they have no more le
gitimate pretensions than we, who are con
tent with the simple generic name of
“ Whig,” which has always been recogni
sed as in opposition to Executive usurpa
tions and assumptions, and in favor of Con
stitutional Liberty
NOMINATION OF MR. CALHOUN.
The Edgefield (South Carolina) Adver
tiser, published near the district of Mr. Cal
houn and Mr. McDuffie, hoists its Presi
dential flag thus:—
“For President —JOHN C. CALHOUN.
Not subject to the action of any Convention.
“ We have this day hoisted the flag un
der which we intend to‘do battle’ in the
coming contest, and hope our patrons will
find no fault with our thus soon unfurling
our banner to the breeze. We are, and
hope always to be, the supporters of South
ern measures. Therefore we unhesitating,
ly say that we have placed at the head of
our columns the name of Hon. JOHN C.
CALHOUN, as our first and only choice,
as a proper person to fill the responsible of
fice of President of the United States, with
out the action of any Convention. With him
as a leader we are satisfied we shall have
nothing to fear.”
The Editor of the Richmond Enquirer,
squints awfully at the above, and begs Mr.
Calhoun to come in and take his chance in
a Nationnl Convention, which the Editor
very well knows will be no chance at all,
and this Mr. Calhoun and all his supporters
know very well too. The Editor pledges
himself that if Mr. Calhoun will abide the
decision of a Convention, and should get the
nomination, he “ will support him with the
greatest pleasure.” Alas !
The Albany Argus, while trembling with
fear, cries “ all’s well.” It says with af
fected calmness, “so far as the discussion
of the Presidential question and the presen
tation of candidates for nomination have all
been in a spirit that promises the best re
sults. A State or personal partiality for
tion by the disparagement oYariothef?^
The Madisonian says : “We predict that
in less than six months Mr. Calhoun will be
read out ofthe Democratic ranks by the
Regency party, if the ability is possessed to
do it.”— Nat. Intelligencer.
Col. Benton omits no occasion of cursing
and denouncing Calhoun. He denounces
him in terms that might have been bor
rowed from Gen. Jackson’s fiery denuncia
tions of the Nullifier in the height of their
old Quarrel. He thinks Calhoun one of the
greatest of political renegades, utterly un
worthy of confidence, credence or trust,
and nothing would please the Missouri Sen
ator more than a fit occasion for exhibiting
the grounds of his bad opinion of him of
South Carolina. We are greatly grieved
at these fraternal bickerings among our Lo
cofoco friends.
The Croton Aqueduct. —The New York
Tribune gives the length of the Aqueduct
as 41 miles ; capacity of the Distributing
Reservoir 21,000,000 gallons; available
capacity of the Croton Lake Reservoir
500,000,000 gallons. Discharge in 24
hours 24,000,000 gallons ; width of Aqjue
duct tube 7 feet 5 inches ; depth 6 feet 6
incites, descent per mile 13$ inches.
From the Tropic.
“INTERESTING AND REMARKA
BLE FACTS.”
We have heard the remark made a do
zen times within the last few days, that the
elections in several of the States during the
present autumn have settled the Presiden
tial question. It has been broadly asser
ted that if Pennsylvania and Ohio havegone
against the Whigs, locofocoism must tri
umph in the approaching Presidential con
test. We have even hoard good and sensi
ble Whigs, but Whigs ofthe croaking gen
us, say, that the prospect was becoming ra
ther gloomy, and that after all Mr. Van Bu
ren or Mr. Calhoun might be elected
The locofocos, good honest souls, talk o
minously about the great revolution in pub
lic opinion, manifested during the last year
and assure us that “the coonskin humbug is
over, and that reason lias once tnoro re
sumed the sway.” Even in the Louisiana
Courier a paper that generally exhibits de
cided common sense, when speaking of po
litical matters—we find the following par
agraph :
“The Triumph. —Connected with the re.
cent triumph of democracy in Maryland,
there is one interesting and remarkable
fact worthy of being remembered, that, al
though the Whigs carried the State in the
great’Presidential contest of 1840, by the
overwhelming majority 5300, now in every
county except Charles and Dorchester, our
Democratic friends have broken into the
ranks of modern Whiggery, and obtained
either a partial or complete success.”
A brief retrospect will show how slight
is the foundation upon which rests the hopes
ofthe locofocos and the apprehensions of
the Whigs, and that the interesting and re
markable fact” mentioned by the Courier,
is neither particularly mteresting or wdn
derfullv remarkable. In 1839, the year
preceding the last Presidential election, the
iooofocos carried Maryland by a decisive
vote. Their majority upon the Congres
sional vote, was 1123, and their majority in
the lower branch ofthe Legislature was 14
votes. The next year the Whigs carried
the State with perfect ease for Gen. Harri
son. The majority was 4774. not 5500. as
stated by the Courier. Was not that an
“interesting and remarkable fact?”
There is upon record a much more “in
teresting and remarkable fact,” to which
we wish to call the attention of our locofoco
friends. In the election 0f1839, so divided
and disheartened and indolent were the
Whigs that they succeeded in barely six
states, viz : Vermont, Rhode Island, New
York, Delaware, Kentucky and Lousi'ana.
Even the old Bay State, a State which had
been firm and faithful in the darkest days
ofthe Jackson dynasty, elected a loco-foco
Governor. Suppose the Whigs had said
then, it is idle to struggle, the whole Union
is against us ; let us throw up our hands
and give up the game ! But no such fee
ling was entertained. It was “an interes
ting and remarkable fact” that the Whigs
knew there was a majority of from one hun
dred thousand to two hundred thousand
Whigs in the United States, and that it was
necessary only to bring those Whigs to the
polls in order to secure the victory. Some
sacrifices were made, therefore, in order to
effect the union of the Whigs, and the can
vass was commenced. It is “an interesting
and remarkable fact” that we were victo
rious in nineteen out of twenty six States,
and a yet more “interesting and remarka- j
ble fact” that of those nineteen States, thir- j
teen, at the elections of the previous year, i
were locofoco States. Here is the list:
Maine, Michigan,
Massachusetts, Indiana,
Connecticut, Georgia,
New Jersey, North Carolina,
Maryland, Missippi,
Ohio, Tennessee,
Pennsylvania.
These thirteen Slates in 1839 gave an
agg re-gate majority in favor of the locofocos
oi 49,900 votes, and the fall of 1840 these
same thirteen States gave an aggregate ma
jorry -- r the Whigs of 109,389 votes!—
Was not that a decidedly “interesting and
remarkable fact?”
In the face of the history of these circum
stances, is there a Whig in this broad land
who dare despond, or a locofoco who has the
presumption to declare that the question is
settled? We repeat ihe assertion we made
a few days ago that if every State in the
Union was to go against us during the state
elections of the next two years, there is no
good reason to apprehend that Henry Clav
will be defeated in 1844.
What changes in public opinion have
been effected during the last year? What
conversions to locofocoism? ’Tis true the
Tyler squad, numbering some two or three
thousand men, office holders and office seek
ers included, has gone over to the enemy,
M'Vi’&ftiiao f>L
ses merely the mercenaries and scullions,
who followed the great Whig army in 1840
just for the sake of the spoils and plunder;
we can easily spare them. A little reflec
tion will show that the Whig strength has
in no degree diminished. It will be seen
that in no state in the union where the lo
cofocos have succeeded during the past
year have they cast so large a vote as they
cast when Gen. Harrison was elected.—
Their success has been owing exclusively
to the fact that, for reasons easily explained
the Whig voters have not seen fit to contest
the field.
The duty ofthe Whigs, from this time
until the election of 1844, is as easy of com
prehension as their success is certain. It
is to spare no effort to spread correct and
healthy information to the extremities of
their own ranks, and to sacrifice every
tiling but honor and principle in order to se
cure a harmonious union of all the ele
ments of the party. They experienced the
glorious results ofsuch a course in the last
Presidential contest—they can, if they
choose, again effect the demolition of their
adversaries in the election that is to come.
‘No crowding,’ as tho little advertise
ments said to the big ’uns this week-
* “Drop him easy.”—— The Whigs of tho
Third Congressional District in Mussachu.
setts, who made up their minds to throw Ca
leb Cushing out of the window, consented
to spread a feather bed to break the force of
his fall. It was done in this wise: The
Convention met at Andover. The names
of Messrs. Robinson, Duncan and Cushing
as Candidates, were ballotted for with tho
following result:—
Robinson, of Lowell 31
Duncan, ofHaverhill 17
Cushing, of Newborryport a
Whereupon Mr. Do Ford, one of Mr.
Cushing’s friends, asked for the appointment
of three of the friends of each Candidate as
a Committee of conference, which was ap
pointed, and to which Committee it wasan
nounced that if Mr. Cushing could receive
the nomination, his friends were authorized
to decline it! This form was gone through
with : and then Mr. Robinson was nomina
ted in earnest.— Albany Evening Journal.
EXTRAORDINARY EVENT— if true.
The London Courier has copied the fol
lowing story from the Etoile, a Paris paper,
of a man being restored to life after having
been frozen in an avalanche for one hun
dred and sixty.six years. The editor calls
upon Major Longbow, Munchausen, and
Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, to hide their di
minished heads.
“ Dr. James Holham, of Morpeth, North
umberland, returning from Switzerland, is
stated to have reported that a most extraor
dinary event had lately passed at the foot
oi Mount St. Gotha rd, a league frum Alzo-
U, in the valley of Levantina. At the bot
tom of a kind of cavern, the body of a man,
about thirty years of age, was perceived
under aheap of ice, proceeding from an
avalanche. As the body seemed to be fresh
as if it had been stifled only half an hour
before, Dr, Hotbam caused it to betaken
out, and having ha-i the clothes pulled oil',
ordered it to be plunged in cold water. It
was then so frozen that it was covered with
a crust of ice. It was then placed in luke
warm water. Afterwards it was put in a
warm bed, and treated as usual in cases of
suffocation, by which means animation was
restored. What was the astonishment of
everybody when the individual, having re
covered the use of his faculties, declared
that he was Roger Dodsworth, son of the
antiquary of the same name, born in 1629,
who, returning front Italy in 1660, a year
after the death of his father, was buried un
der an avalanche.
“ Dr. Holham, according to the same ac
count, is stated to have added, that Mr.
Dodsworth feels a great stiffness in all his
joints, but by degrees they will become as
flexible as before the accident. If Mr.
Dodsworth fully recovers, and should pass
through Lyons to return to his country, af
ter one hundred and sixty-six years ab
sence, it may be predicted that he will at
tract, in the highest degree, the public cu
riosity.”
Raising Oats. —A writer in the Maine
Farmer says, that ten or more successive
crops of oats may be taken from tfie same
ground, ifthe stubble is ploughed in the fall
without manure and that the crop will in
crease from following such a course.
EXECUTOR’S SALE.
Will be sold before the Court-House door in
Washington, Wilkes county, on the first Tues
day iu January next, between the legal sale
hours,
Four Negroes, to-wit: Abram, a man, about
50 years of age, and Lucy, a woman, about 20
years old, and her two children, belonging to the
Estate of Joseph Henderson, deceased. Sold
tor the benefit of Richard Henderson’s orphans.
Terms made known on the day of sale.
FELIX G. HENDERSON, Ex’r.
November 3, 1842. 9t 10
EXECUTRIX’S SALK ~~~
XM/’ILL be sold on the first Tuesday in De
* cember next, at the Court-House door in
Wilkes county, the House and Lot in the town
of Washington, whereon John F. l’eiot, deceas
ed, resided at the time of his death, bounded by
Mrs. Randolph, A. L. Alexander, and others.—
Sold subject to the widow’s dower.
Also, all the Household and Kitchen Furni
ture belonging to said deceased. Alsb, one four
wheeled Carriage and pair of bay Horses, and
other articles too tedious to mention. The per
sonal Estate will be sold at tfic residence of the
subscriber. Terms cash.
11. L. PELOT, Ex’x.of
John F. Pelot, deceased.
November 3, 1842. 5t 10
EXECUTOR’S SALE.
“tl/’ILL be sold at the late residence of Col.
* w A. Wellborn, deceased, in Wilkes coun
ty, on Monday the nineteenth day of December
next, all the perishable property belonging to
the Estate of said deceased, consisting of
Horses, Mules, Cattle, Hogs and Sheep. Al
so, Plantation Tools, Ilqjjsehold and Kitchen
Furniture. Also, seventy-seven Negroes will
Terms made icuuivu*oil ..... ..u. ui sale.
O’ Sale to continue from day to day until all
is sold and Negroes hired.
NICHOLAS WILEY, Ex’r.
November 3,1842. 7t 10
GEORGIA, ) Whereas, George F. Buchan-
Wilkes county, j an applies for Letters of Ad
ministration on the Estate of Mary Hughes, de
ceased.
These are, therefore, to cite, summon, and ad
monish, all and singular, the kindred and credi
tors of said deceased, to be and appear at my of
fice, within the time prescribed by law. to show
cause, (if any they have) why said Letters should
not be granted.
Given under my hand at office, this 2d of
November, 1842.
JOHN 11. DYSON, c.c.o.
November 3. It 10
GEORGIA, ) Whereas, Clark R. Jenkins
Wilkes County. <j and Horace M. Jenkins, Ex
ecutors on the Estate of Catharine Jenkins,
deceased, apply to me for letters of Dismission.
These are therefore, to cite, summon, and ad
monish, all and singular the kindred and credit
ors of said deceased, to be ar:d appear at myi
fice, within the time prescribed by law, to shew
cause (if any they have,) why said letters should
not be granted.
Given under my hand at Office, this 31st day
of October, 1842.
JOHN H. DYSON, c. c. o.
Novembers. mg* 10
