News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844, July 13, 1843, Image 2
From the Boston Allas. PRECIOUS RELICS. A venerable friend of ours, who is curi ous ill such matters, informs us thut the remnants which yet remain of ilie unco powerful tribes of Indians in our vicinity, I have letters which were addressed to them j prior to and during our Revolutionary strug gle—and which letters they keep sacred, as among the most cherished relics of their tribes, and which they now adduce as evi dence of the weight and consequence which they once held in the scale of human af fairs. The Passamaquoddy & Penobscot tribes have several of these interesting documents —and our friend has furnished us with a copy of one of them, a letter written by General Washington to their tribe, early in the war. We do not recollect that Mr. Sparks, in his excellent and remarkably thorough collection of the writings of Wash ington, has adverted to the existence of any such letters: “ By his Excellency George Washing ton, Esquire, General and Commander-in- Chief of the Armies of North America. Friends and Brothers : It gives me great pleasure to hear that you are determined to keep fast hold of the chain of friendship which has so long existed between yon and your brothers who inhabit this country. You are our brothers and countrymen. Let us keep the chain bright for ever. Our fathers who live over the great water, want 10 take from us our lands and our homes, our wives and our children. They are grown old and covetous and wicked We are grown up to manhood. We are strong and will not let them hurt you nor our selves. We don’t want you to take up the hatchet for us, except you choose it; but we desire that you will not assist our one mies who want to destroy us and you. We will protect you and we will assist you, for you are our brothers. Your brothers of Massachusetts Bay. have, to serve you, established a Truck bouse and Truck-master at Me.chias who will supply you with every thing you want. He will be reasonable and not impose up on you. Given under my hand, at H ad-Quart ers, Cambridge, this 20th dav of February, 1776. Signed G. WASHINGTON. To our Friends and Brothers of the Pas samaquoddy Tribe, Machias. , REPEAL. The Irish Repeal Association of Charles ton, recently held a meeting- to take into consideration the speech of Mr. O’Con well before the Repeal Association of Dub lin, wherein that individual most grossly calumniated this country, particularly the slave-holding portion of it. Several addres ses were made and a suitable report and re solutions adopted, dissolving the Associa tion, and after paying its debts, directing that the surplus funds bo given to the La dies’Fuel Society, and the Society of (lie Sisters of Charity. The Repeal Association of Baltimore has likewise had a meeting on the same subject, at which resolutions were passed condem ning Mr. O Connell’s course in the most decided and unequivocal language. We subjoin the two closing resolutions: Resolved, That we, Irishmen, now the adopted citizens of America, enjoying all the rights and privileges of freemen—we who have found an asylum in this land of liberty, and protection beneath the flag that Mr. O’Connell has wantonly assailed, have heard with astonishment his call upon us “to come out of such a land.” Let our in dignant response be this, “America is the land of our adoption and the country of our children ; in it we have found an asylum and a home, which the arm of constituded power dares not invade, and the arrogance of wealtli and accidental superiority is bound to respect; we have found political institutions that have recognized us as man, and thrown open to us all every avenue to wealth, influence and power ; given us a full participation in administering the af fairs of this great people, and constituted each and all of us as guardians of our own rights, and independent architects of our own fortune, we will never forsake it.; we have sworn to defend it, its laws, institu tions, and the integrity ofits union ; and we will do so with the last drop of our t>b>od.” Resolved, That deploring the necessity which has forced upon us this tone of con detonation in relation to the leader of the Irish people, this association cannot con ceive it diminishes in any degree the just claims which that suffering and injured people have upon our sympathy, but that wc arc prepared to extend to them the band ■of friendship; and while their cause con tinues asjust, legal and constitutional as it now is, and until we are convinced that the sentiments of Mr. CTConnei! are those of the entire people of Ir land, we will contin ue as an association, and aid them in their peaceful efforts. Some of the Irish paper;, devoted to the cause of Repeal of the Union between Ire land and Great Britain, congratulate the country upon the coming into it of bodies of British soldiers: The soldiers are sent of course, for the purpose of over awing thejualconti nts, and in pursuance of the declarations of Lord Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, that the Union would be maintained at all hazards. But the idea seems to be enjprtained in Ireland, that the soldiers, in their intercourse with the poo pie of the country, will become indoctrin ated with the liberal principles of the day, have their sympathies excited in behalf of jlreland, and be more likely to turn their arms against the Government titan against /lie people, if affairs reach that crisi There may be truth in the suggestion.— Such things have happened as a soldiery I raised fpr the defence of the crown, deser- | ring in favor ofthe popular cause, in the] hour of trial. The sending of British troops i nm !:■’ ‘and may, • he"efore, hasten irnpor- ! tant and interesting events which are al- I ready casting their shadows, into the fu- | tore.—A'. O. Bul/rlion. ‘Texas and Slavery. —The National Vin dicator, a Government journal published at Washington, Texa*, in the course of an ar tide vindicating President Houston from the attacks of the New Orleans press, has the following paragraph: “We beg leave most distinctly to state that the only man ever connected with the Government of Texas who favored these [abolition] doctrines was Gen. Janies Ham ilton, the Lamar Loan Commissioner. — When Gen. Hamilton was in London ne gotiating the loan, he entered into corres pondence with the members of the Aboli tio.i Society of Exeter Hall, the end of which was the selling of the wild lands of Texas, for his own and confederate’s bene fit, with false, or, at least, second or third survey titles, at the moderate price of $5 per acre. And to engage this powerful so ciety in favor of his selfish ends, he offered them a quid pro quo, in the shape of assur ing them that they could easily abolish sla very in Texas, and he would use his ut most aid in effecting an object so desirable. We have printed documents to show for this, printed at the lime and on the spot. They will be published if the worthy editors de sire it. F'or this, among other misdemean ors, Hamilton was dismissed by General Houston as a dangerous man, who would not scruple to sacrifice the interests of country to his own.” Free Trade. —We find in the Montreal Transcript, a very good illustration of the principles of free trade, applied to that Pro vin under present circumstances : Togrant a free trade appears very like the bargain between two farmers, one of whom was remarkable for the goodness, and the other for his total want of fences.— The latter proposed t opasture in common. and thereby save a great annual expense in keeping up fences, which, after all, when looked at on general principles, argued the latter, could not but be viewed as unneces sary barriers. The former answered—l have no objec tion to allow my cattle to run in your fields, when your pasture happens to be better than mine ; but notwithstanding general principles, I shall take care that my fences shall at all times keep out j our cattle from my pastures. Not unlike this is the system ofgranting free trade to nations who still continue pro tective or prohibitive duties. When their own markets are best, they keep their pro ductions at home ; but when the prices are greater in a foreign market, they have no objection to supply it. This may be a homely comparison, but there is a good deal of truth in it nevertheless ; and all the fine-spun theories of free trade, of buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest market, are only theories, and very falla cious ones, as long as one of the parties can regulate his own market by piotective du ties. on grounds directly opposed to those practised hv Ins generally unprincipled as sociates. An Interesting Circumstance. —General Dearborn has communicated the following to the Boston Courier: “When I entered the room at Concert Hall, on the morning of the 17th, where the members of the Society of Cincinnati were to asserflble for the purpose sf joining the procession, I found several old soldiers of the revolution, who had come there by mis take, instead of going to the State House. While in conversation with one of the members of the society, l was supprised to hear the notes of a fife in the room, and turning in the direction from whence they proceeded, discovered an aged man, seated among the old soldiers, who was perform ing on that instrument. I immediately went and took a seat beside him and listen ed until he had concluded playing Wash ington’s March, when the followingconver sation ensued : Were you a fifer in the revolutionary army? ‘I was.’ In what corps? ‘Nixon’s Regiment and Nixon’s brigade. How long did you serve? ‘Three years. I was in the campaigns in the Jerseys, and I was present at the execution of Major Andre. How old are you ? ‘I am in my 83d year.’ Where do you live? ‘ln Springfield.’— What is your name? Ferry.’ He then played Yankee Doodle, and re markably well. He had a grandson with him, who appeared to be ten or twelve years old, and who had accompanied hisgrandfa ther, apparently, to take care of him, as the veteran was feeble, and so deaf as to ren der it difficult toconverse with him. How remarkable that after the lapse of time which had intervened since the close of the revolution, there should be heard, in the Society of the Cincinnati, on the 68th anniversary of the battle of Bunker Hill, a fifer of Washington’s army playing the march of that illustrious patriot, and the spirit stirring national air of Yankee Doo lie. which had so often cheered the Amer ican camp during the glorious struggle for liberty and national independence. - ■ Severe Sentence. —lt will be remember ed that sometime since, Mr. Jacob Stan hope, a respectable and industrious butcher of Wilmington, Dtd. was most brutally at tacked and beaten by a negro man named Uriah Hinsen, who immediately absconded, but was fortunately subsequently arrested. On Wednesday last he was tried in that town for assault with intent to kill, convic ted, and sentenced as follows. ‘ 1 hour in the pillory—l2o lashes on the bare back—2 years and 6 months impris onment—37 years sold as a servant and $12,000 fine. This is certainly a severe sentence, but as crime of every hue is increasing in our j country with fearful rapidity, it is the boun- ! den duty of the Judges of our courts, to in- i flict a corresponding severity of sentence.! Nothing else will suffice.— Balt. Clip. THE REVOLUTIONARY PATRIOTS AT BUNKER HILL. One of the most pleasing traits of the late celebration in Massachusetts was the pres ence of tho Hundred and Ten veterans of the Revolutionary struggle, who formed a part of the procession. The papers have abounded with anec dotes of these interesting veterans, whose actions on the time-honoured mount during the delivery of the splendid oration of Mr. Webster, were all remarked with deep in terest by a multitude of spectators. But nothing gave me more pleasure on the oc casion than a conversation which we had with an old acquaintance of our childhood, who in those days all were wont to call “ Miller Adams.” This old gentleman is now about eight v-four years of age, and is a resident of Newbury Oldtown, in Essex county, Massachusetts. He wasa Revolu tionary soldier, and is now enjoying a pen sion from government. He is in full pos session of his faculties, and converses with cheerfulness on “the times that tried men’s souls.” Indeed, it seems a great satisfac tion to him to do so. He was engaged in the military operations in Rhode Island, and was at West Point at the detection of Gen. Arnold’s treason. The Newbury port [lerald relates an in teresting legend as to Braddock’s defeat, which is handed down to us, through this Mr. Adams, as related to him by a veteran engaged in that memorable incident in the Old French War. As we heard it from the “ Old Miller’s” own lips but a few days since, we can vouch for its authenticity. “ It will be recollected by many that Governor Everett, in some of his research es, obtained information which led him to suppose that Braddock was killed by his own men. This is fully confirmed by the siatement of Mr. Adams, which tye derived from Capt. llsley, of Newbury. The French General, Dieskau, who defeated Braddock, was himself defeated the next year by Sir William Johnson ; and Uslev being a soldier under Johnson at that time, became acquainted with a man who was with Braddock, and who was standing by when that General fell. He stated that the principal officers had previously advised a retreat, which the General would not listen to ; and after nearly all the principal offi cers had been killed, a captain approached the general and renewed the advice for a retreat; whereupon Braddock immediately shot down the captain. The captain bad a brother who was a lieutenant, and was standing near at the time, and who, upon seeing his brother fall, raised his carbine and shot Braddock. Several of the soldiers saw the whole of this scene, but they said nothing concerning it, as a word from them would have sealed the fate of the lieuten ant. Braddock wore a coat of mail in front, which would turn a musket ball, and the ball which proved fatal to him entered his back and was stopped in front of the bo dy by this coat of mail, Cftpi. Haley, from whom Mr. Adams had this account, was with Gen. Johnston in the French war and afterwards drove a meal wagon in this town, which he relinquished to Mr. Adams in 1790. He was captain of the far-famed Silver Greys, which were raised in this town. A brother of his was one of the most distinguished officers of the revolutionary war, and on one occasion led on a forlorn hope, which after its departure was recalled by the commanding general, who, on deliberation, came to the conclu sion that tlie object to be attained would re quire too great a sacrifice of life to be at tempted. Just before the battle between Dieskau and Johnston, the French commander sent a flag of truce to Johnston, telling him that he should sleep in the tent of the latter that night. Capt. llsley was wont to remark on this story, that the Frenchman did sleep there, but he had a sentinel to guard him, and was badly wounded. The French force which attacked Johnston in his en trenchment was nearly annihilated in this battle.” Chinese Etymologies. —A writer in the Boston Courier, who takes the signature Choong Kwoh, says: When the thirteen stripes and stars first appeared at Canton, much curiosity was excited among the people. News was cir culated tiiat a strange ship had arrived from the further end of the world, bearing a flag as “beautiful as a flower.” Every body went to see the kawkee chuen, or ‘flow er-flag ship.’ This name at once estab lished itself in the language, and America is now called kawkee kwoh, the “flower flag country;” and an American, kaw kee kwoli xjin, “flowerflag countryman”—a more, complimentary designation than that of “red-hcaded barbarian,” the name first be stowed upon the Dutch. It is well known that all proper names in Chinese are significant, every character in the language expressing a tiling or an idea, as well as a sound. There aro consequent ly no unmeaning names in Chinese corres ponding to our Tom, Dick, and Harry, Jones, Davis, and Jenkins ; but a man’s narne must be something like House or Barnes, White or Brown, Flood or Stone, Wood or Waters. Foreign names, howev er unmeaning originally, acquire, when written in Chiuese, a significance which is often strikingly curious. Yankee Doodle and Washington are the most remarkableofthese etymologies which have yet come under my notice. The two Chinese characters Yang kee, signify “the flag of the ocean”—a most appropriate name for the banner which is now lobe seen wherever there is blue water. The Chinese have no D, and “Yankee Doodle” would be written Yankee too-to-le, “the flag ofthtf ocean, Sovereign people of the world !” This is an omen sufficiently flattering, and if the Chinese do not suspect there js “something in it,” we must give them credit for being less superstitious than many other people. VWashington” is no less happy in his transition into Chinese, for Wo-shing-tong, j as it would be written, signifies no less than ) “rescue and glory at last. ‘ - Could the ‘ namo of the father of his country be expres sed with more felicitous truth ? - The Chinese attach great importance to expressive ami high-sounding names ; and an ambassador .to the court ot 1\ king, whose name had not something imposing in Chinese, would be received pretty much in the way that Bubb Doddington anticipated when he thoughtofgoing minister to Spain. The commissioner from the United States is very luckily gifted in this respect, for Cu-slung means “ancient glory”—a name that will satisfy the most fastidious courtier at the Mean Tang, and augurs a prosperous issue to the “whole pigeon,” as the Chinese would say. Chinese lias been said to boa language almost impossible to be learned by any for eigner. This, the writer pronounces to be a monstrous exaggeration, and affirms that it is not more difficult than Greek or Ger man. He adds, that China is full of books produced by a literature which is three thousand years old ; and he suggests that the liberal Boston merchants should ship a few books for America along with their car goes of tea.— Eve. Post. How to write Poetry fast, if not well. — Put on a straight jacket so constructed as to leave the right arm freo ; stick a flannel cup saturated with hartshorn and spirits of turpentine on your head to make the ideas scratch about briskly ; drink alcohol and creosote sufficient to set the eyes rolling in “fine frenzy;” put on tight boots filled with peas—and then, pen, ink and paper being ready, sit down on a hard bench stuck full of pins and needles, and the waj r rhyme and blank verse will fly from your pen’s point will be a curiosity to Hottentots. Preserving Eggs. —lt would be quite a valuable discovery to farmers in the neigh borhood of a large market,’ as well as to household economy, if a cheap and easy method of preserving eggs could be prac tised, whereby the price would be more c qualized through the arious seasons of the year. Reaumer, the inventor of the ther mometer which hears his name, tried ma ny experiments for this purpose, and found that the cheapest and most effectual method was to apply oil or grease, with which they were rubbed, or into which they were dip ped. He found that they were preserved quite as well by the thinnest layer of fat, as by the thickest coating, so that every part of the shell, (which is porous and ad mits air.) was covered. All sort of fat, grease or oil, he found well adapted to pre serve eggs, & he kept them in this way, lie says, for nine months, as fresh and good as the day they were laid. Will some of our readers try a few dozen in this way, and let us know the result.— Newburyport Her ald. That Sheep Story. —ln his speech here, Gen. Saunders related an anecdote about Mr- Macon and his sheep, which we hope he wfll tell wherever it goes. Iris dry, to be sure, but the Whigs will laugh at it, if the Locofocos wont. After premising that his object was to illustrate the propriety of adhering literally to the very letter of the Constitution, wo may relate the story, which ran somewhat thus : Mr. Macon, on starting for Congrpss on one occasion, gave his overseer written di rections as to the management ofhis plan- tation during his absence which he calcu lated would not be longer than May. One item tis the instructions was, that his sheep were to be kept in a certain‘field. Weil, the overseer obeyed instructions to the let ter, and the old gentleman, when he came home, at a somewhat later period than lie had expected, called for an account of hit stewardship. Among the rest, “how are the sheep?” demanded he. “Dead, sir.”— “Dead ! how’s that ?” “Why, sir, you told me to keep them in the field, and when the Summer came on, the water dried up,, and they all died.” But why didn’t you move them to another field!” “Oh sir,” I looked into the paper you gave me, and it wasn’t thar.” We must say that we have seldom seen a joke so much relied on by its author, so little relished by his friends. They ap peared to be sensible, if the General was not, that by his own showing, his great fa vorite, Calhoun, has proved a most unfaith ful overseer ; for he lias advocated Protec tion, Tariff, Bank, and Interna! Improve ments, though the General asserts, and every body is willing to admit, that neither Tariff, Bank, nor Internal improvements, is once mentioned in the Constitution. They doubi.ess thought, too, that rather than all j the sheep should have died, the overseer would have done well to exercise a little .j common sense ; just as, under the 17th pa ragraph of the Bth section of the Ist article of the Constitution, Congress is vested with power to use a little discretion to do what “may bo necessary and proper” for car rying on tho government. But the Gen eral’s idea is, that the Government had bet ter be permitted to die. than do any thing not expressly laid down in the constitution. Whenever any great good is to be ac complished—the sheep to be preserved from perishing for want of water—up starts some Jjocofoco overseer with objections to the exercise of a “doubtful power,”—but it’s all right when Jackson and Van Buren violate the Constitution to destroy the pub lic prosperity.— Fayetteville N. C. Obser ver. A Question to be answered.—A Galena (Illinois) paper adverting tothe popular ar gument that the consumer has to pay on every article upon which a duty is levied, the amount of that duty in addition to the cost of produQlion and transportation, asks, why is it then, that Lead only brings 2 1-2 cents per pound, when the duty upon it is 3 cents ? The Philadelphia Forum has discovered that the real cause which induces John Ty ler, Jr., the Private Secretary, to leave the country and go to China with Mr. Cushing, is the fear that the seventeen year locusts are going to devour every thing green An this country * From the Richmond Compiler. THE PARADE ABOUT PRESI DENTS. , We observe that few papers have any thing to say as to principle of the pompous honors paid to the President of the United States in his journeys about the country — i. e., nothing as to the propriety of such exhibitions as a custom of our country. — The newspaper comments have generally savored of the feeling entertained by the editors towardsMr. Tyler. Mr. Jones, the accomplished editor of the Madisonian, for instance, thought nothing in the tide of time equalled the spontaneous burst of patriotic feeling and popular esteem, displayed in the public honors accorded to the President on his route northward. The presses, de voted to the Administration, indulged'in the same vein of exultation. The Whig pa pers, which despise the President, condem ned the scenes ofthe“Pilgrim’s Progress,’* as they termed it, because Mr. Tyler was unworthy of them. Some papers, again, thought that the honors were not all inten ded for the man, hut for the office. In re ply to these, Mr. Jones facetiously inquired if the young ladies who kissed Mr. Tyler, kissed the office or the man ? We should have been gratified if, amidst the comments, there had been something more said on the true question—tite propri ety of these public exhibitions, thispagean try and pomp, in honor of a public officer. Are they in keeping with our institutions? Do they comport with the independence and self respect of the people, the source of power and authority? These are the questions. We are against them on every ground. As an honor to the office, they are not con sistent with our idea of the genius of our in stitutions. A marked difference between our government and a monarchy, ought to he that our highest officer is not shielded by his office from public examination into his acts, and the amenability ofall his dclin quences to the public censure. The deifi cation of the office, and the necessity of be stowing upon it, through him, the highest marks of popular respect, would go far to obliterate this important distinction—a dis tinction by which are strengthened the in centives to virtue, in the rules of our coun try. They are unbecoming in us and unneces sary as a means of honoring a Chief Magis trate. They are unbecoming, because they represent us in an attitude which detracts from our self-respect. While they cannot exalt the officer—because already raised to the highest place to which our favor and confidence can lift him—we ourselves are humbled. They are necessary, as we have already honored him by placing him in of fice, and we should endeavor to keep in mind that under our institutions the people can honor an individual in no way so much as to elect him from among thousands to. preside over them. Once so exalted, he •should regard himself as having attained the highest pinnacle of honor at the hands of the people. Beyond this the people themselves should esteem any demonstra tion superrogatory-: incapable of elevating the officer, but widening the distance be tween him and them, by degrading them selves. There is something decidedly farcical in our eyes, in n multitude of men moving in procession, hallooing and whooping at the top of their voices, bearing banners, shoo ting cannon, and so on, in honor of a man in our day. If a Washington were receiving such honors, there would be enough of 4 ::‘ness and grandeur in the character of the man to give to tho scene the necessary degret of gravity to prevent it from beoom ipu a farce. There would be enough of natione.i gratitude due him to make the ex ini ition sincere, and worthy the bestowers and the recipient. But in our modern day popular demonstrations are altogether far. cecal. These honors to Presidents are of modern invention ; they were declined by the Pre sidents who preceded General Jackson, and to those who did not decline them, they were not accorded. People did not think of such a thing. The disposition then was to censure Presidents for leaving Washing ton, rather than to decoy them off to be shown and parade about the country. This feeling was carried by the opposi tion to Mr. Adams to the most insulting and scandalous extremes, whenever he took a short relaxation from tho duties ofhis office. Witness the advertisement, published in August, 1828, by a New York Jackson paper, and which was copied throughout the United Sta&s by the presses of the Jack son party, some of them adding the cut of a runaway negro with a bundle on his back f Home Thrusts. —When you hear a Dem ocrat railing at the tariff, just ask him how it happens that cotton bagging, which used to sell for 18, 20, 30, 40, and even 45 cents, may now be bought for 12 i cents ? It does not result from a decrease in the demand, for the consumption of it is increasing. Just ask him how it is that rope which is subject to an enormous tariff, is greatly cheaper than it was ever known, and may be bought at 5 cents a pound ? Ask him how it happens that iron, upon which he will tell you there is a frightful tariff, may now be bought for $65 a S7O a ton. Ask how it is, that every thing that we buy un der the operation of this tariff, is cheaper than we have ever before bought .them. If the tariff is a monster, why has it produced no unpleasant oppression ? Pickensvillc Register. The Democratic Cauldron. —The multi farious and heterogeneous ingredients of the strange and troubled compound that boils, bubbles and frets in the depths of the Loco foco cauldron, are thus summed up by a writer in*the Carolina Watchman : Kye of Wright, and toe of Van, Heart of torv Buchanan, Wool of Dick, nose of Cass, Kars of oid Virginia’s ass, Throw therein some Lion’s fat, Add thereto, a Rogue’s cravat, Cool it. with a Traitor’s hlood, Heedless his Ckmntrr’t'pood- From, the Richmond Whig. PRECEPT AND PRACTICE. Adrnirublc is it to see with what facility tho fanatics of the Constitution, the over righteous of doctrine—who aro always ma king a din over even the most ticklish points of constitutional law, pocket their con sciences, whenever a case comes where it profits them or their party to be unscrupu lous, and absolutely forget that there is any such thing as a constitution in this countrv“. Os this truth, we might cite, out of the pastT” instances a good many more than we choose to afflict our readers with : but just now we will content ourselves with pointing out one freshly occurring. In that Carolinian land were people breakfast on thrice boulted inductions, lunch it on analogy, dine on a distinction, and sup on a syllogism, a meeting of the ii£jilus ultra Demonocracy was held not long since, for the purpose of settling some high ques tion about the fit, the right and the detnon ocratic time for holding that party Conven tion which is meant to spare the people tho trouble of electing another President of the U. States, and to do it for them, some six or eight months before that constitutional shadow, the Electorial College* shall as semble to record what an irregular, unau thorized body, superseding them in their, great function, has prescribed. They met,, we say ; and in the Report which they a dopted, we find the following curious avow, al of the mischief and the illegality of that which they are doing. Speaking of the a buses of the old caucus system, and its a bandonpient, tlfey pass to the prevailing party organ, a Convention ; in regard to which, they deliver themselves as follows : “This new” plan is subject to many objec tions, as must indeed be every scheme to supersede the Constitution under the pre tence of carrying out its provisions. It should he resorted to only in cases of abso lute necessity ; and as it is in effect an in terpolation in the constitution,or ratiier a substitute for the constitutional provision, this National Convention in its organization and action should be made to conform as nearly.as possible to the principles of that provision for which it is intended 1 as a sub stitute. The delegates should therefore equal iti number the Representatives and Senators for each State, and vote as pre scribed by the 2d article of the Constitu tion, and the 12th ar'ticleofthe amendments; that is, the vote should be per capita, and each vote count for itself. Upon an oppo site plan it is easy to perceive that two or three great States, as Virginia and New York, absorbing tlfeir minorities in the ma jorily vote, would control the elections ; and the smaller States, whose only chance of being heard results from the divisions among their more powerful neighbors, would he mere idle spectators, while the ballot was recorded, which fixed t.ieir destinies.” How very conscientious! “Certainly, (says they.) it is ail wrong—-“ir. complete derogation and defeat of the Constitution : hut what then? It suits the Democratic party —that is, our portion of it; and ifin tends, therefore, todoit. What’s the Con stitution and its sacredness, in comparison with the success of the Democratic party candidate?—that is if we are not diddled and circumvented by the tricks and in trigues of certain dear friendsof ours, the best and purest Republicans in the world, but who never stop at any foul play to wards “the dear people.” “It is altogeth er an interpolation into the Constitution, about which we are always blowing such blasts: but we our portion of the demono cracy—are going to do thatabominable act in a manner peculiarly virtuous and re publican. We intend to be very constitu tional about the form of the thing, and only to violate the substance and the spirit of that revered instrument. But take care of the fuglemen of the ‘Northern man with Southern principles!’ They are publicans and sinners. They are, to be sure, the best republicans in the world, and their principles admirably Southern : but they were once “Rogues and Royists,” and even now, their political inorals are somewhat lax. In short, they’ll cheat you out of your eye teeth, if you leave your mouth open ; and they are totally careless of all those decencies of the constitution which we prac tice. For we never sin except in saintly wise, and never commit a debauch without saying a very long grace over it.” In short, it begins to be pretty evident how this game is played on both sides. Ori ginally, the coalition, between parties em bittered against each other by every public and every personal wrong and obloquy, could have no sincerity, since it was brought about only by interest, and since the reality of that interest depends altogeth er on the honor of leaders, one of whom ne ver, had any, and the other of whom strip ped himself, by the alliance itself, of a great part of that which he had. They set aside, in the combination, all public prin ciple, and all individual character; and when these are gone, what is to hind men together? Nothing but interest. But that shifts, from day to day. Unquestionably Mr. Calhoun’s original union with a parly that had once hoped to hang him—whose softest name for him was “traitor and “Ca tiline ;” and upon whom he had heaped de nunciations as little eapibleof being taken back as any ever uttered, was prompted only by an understanding that he was, alter Mr. Van Buren had served his term, to have the support ofhis party. On this con dition only did he turn Democrat. But as, unhappily, it is somewhat awkward to put bargains of this sort into a form so distinct that they can be proved, and that to prove r them, is indeed the ruin of both parties, it chances (as is now very well known,) that the contracting powers differ as to the terms of the contract. Both certainly expected, with confidence, that Mr. V. B. would fin ish his term in 1845. The one thinks thn* he is entftled to repait the mis-hap of his non-election by standing again : the other, that he has had his chance, and that, after having failed in 1840, and broken down his party and the line of succession, he has no claim to farther support—a view of the matter notunreascaMtlfiUtnd which could