Newspaper Page Text
THE BATTLE OF TRENTON.
The night was intensely cold, and we
were delayed many hours longer than had
been anticipated, by an accumulation of ice
in the river. And here, if you would have
a notion of the countenance of Washington
at this timc--the most eventful and trying
moment of his life, 1 would recommend
that you study a picture just painted by
Mr. Sully of Philadelphia, upon this sub
ject. He has been singularly happy ; and
when I recollect the face of Washington as
he reined up, for half an hour, within pistol
shot of me, it appears to me that some man
must have painted it who was with us at
that time. Before we came down to the
ferry, thero was an awful solemnity, dark
ness and repose in it. But there, when in
sight of the troops, as they were severally
embarking, every man of whom, so long
as the face of their commander could he
seen, even after the boats bad put off, kept
hiseyesuponit.it was full of a loftier,
more animated, youthful and heroic expres
sion of encouragement and confidence.
You have heard of Gen. Knox, (then co
lonel) and of his stentorian voice. I as
sure you that no justice can be done to him
or it; my ears rung for a fortnight after,
at the same hour of the night; and do yet,
when 1 remember how he galloped about,
cursing, swearing, dismounting every five
minutes, and lifting his own artillery, like
a giant. He was a gallant fellow, full of
blood, with all the blunt, strong, New Eng
land hardihood. And Green, too, he was
there, the only man of all our armies, ca
pable, I believe, in case of any disaster, to
take the place of Washington : there he sat,
full of deep religious composure, his broad j
forehead fronting the fires, that were kin
dled near the place of embarkation.
At last, though not until three o'clock in
the morning, we were fairly landed upon
the Jersey shore, and by five had taken up
our line of march.
Our whole army passed softly and silent
ly, by two or three officers, posted upon the
road side, continually waving their swords,
with a motion as if to enjoin the most death
like stillness ; and deathlike it was, for
nothing could he heard, hut the blowing of
horses, a jolting sound now and then in the
wet snow, where the artilery wagons and
gun carriages cut through into the ground,
ana a general rush, as of deep, heavy wa
ter.
A few moments after, a troop of Virgin
ians, under Capt. Washington (afterwards
so distinguished at the South) paraded in
beautiful style through the heavy snow,
and brought us intelligence which tended to
accelerate our march. Before his arrival,
we had hoped (as I afterwards found) to
surprise the enemy at Trenton, while yet
overpowered by festivities of the preceeding
night—and make his morning sleep, the
sleep of death—but now that hope was a
bandoned, for Captain Washington had en
countered his picket, exchanged a few shots
and left him prepared for, what it is re
markable he had heard a vague rumor of,
our intended attack. Yet this very affair,
whioh at first threatened to be disastrous,
the frolic of Capt. Washington, was proba
bly the chief reason why he succeeded in
surprising the enemy at last; for, as that
was not followed up, he retired to quarters,
after waiting a reasonable time, as we af
terwards found, thinkingthe whole a Vir-i
ginia row.
Our troops were now thrown into two di
visions. We were separated from our fa
ther, who was detained under Sullivan and
St. Clair to take the river road, while we,
under Washington himself, Green, Morris,
and Stephens, pushed onward through what
iecalled the Pennington road.
A few moments afterwards; just while 1
thought my heart had lost its motion entire
ly, for I felt in looking about me, and see
ing the dark army of substantial, but noise
less creatures, horses and wagons—as if
the whole army were an apparition—a ca
valcade of dead men, marching from one
place of burial to another—l heard a shot
so near me that my horse leaped out of the
ranks. This was followed by a loud cry ;
two or three words—a volley, and then,
shot after shot, as if a line of sentinels,
sleeping upon their posts, had suddenly
started up, one after the other, fired off their
pieces and run in. Our advance were well
furnished with bayonets, and they immedi
ately charged upon the picket, and we
dashed after them, trampling them to death
with our horses, riding over them like a
whilwind, without speaking a word or fir
ing a shot. This was done when we heard
the firing of the other division, at the oppo
site quarter, so admirably timed had been
the arrangement, and we immediately gal
loped into the centre of the town, horse and
foot, determined to ride the enemy down or
bayonet them, before they had time to form.
Washington was dreadfully exposed. The
first picket, thinking this a second attack of
the same little skirmishing party that had
fired into them before, neglected to give the
alarm; and the outposts, though they
fought most gallantly, retreating step by
step behind the houses, disputing every
inch, and presenting their bright bayonets,
without a flash of powder, wherever we rode
in upon them, so that we could not, with
all cutting and spurring, force our horses
upon them, and then the moment that we
had faced about, blazing away upon us,
and running to the next house, were driven
in.
At last we had an opportunity for fair
play ; the Hessians were formed ; the whole
force glittering with bayonets. A tremen
dous struggle was going on at our right,
under the very eye of Washington, with the
enemy’s artilery, which was “taken, when
with a troop of horse Archibald rode down,
his cap off, his sword flashing like a fire
brand, in the light and smoke of the roaring
musketry—“ Charge ! charge!!” he cried,
“charge ! my brave fellows, and provoke
them to fire!” Another troop —another—
and another—thundering down from the
right and left, but with no effect at ali upon
theinvineibleGermans, the front rank kneel
ed all around while the rest were forming,
and presented their bayonets, without firing
ft Phot-
“ By Heaven,” said Archibald, shouting
as if his heart would break, toCapt. Wash
ington, “By Heaven, 1 will try them a
gain !” And as he said so, lie rode at full
speed, so near that it appeared to me that
he could Imve struck tlie enemy with his
sword, and fired his pistol in their faces.—
Our front rank followed the example ; at
the next moment nil the Hessians brought
their pieces up to their cheeks, and poured
a tremendous volley upon us—l saw my
father fall—Arthur reel in his stirrups—
but Archibald, as if prepared for this very
thing, shouted “Wheel and charge !”
“Wheel and charge!” repeated a hun
dred voices in our ear.
We obeyed, and the snow flew, and the
swords flashed, and the next moment, a
hundred of the enemy, the whole of his
front rank were trampled todeulh beneath
, us, and twenty human heads rolled upon
the ground, utnong the feet of our horses.
The infantry under Green poured in vol
ley after volley, at the same time ; and
Knox, having brought round his light field
pieces to bear, as if they had been blunder
busses, played in upon them, an interrup
ted roll of thunder and smoke.
It was impossible to stand it ; no human
beings could have endured the hurricane of
fire bullets longer, they threw down their
arms, about one thousand men in all ; and
the n, when it was necessary to move about
the quieter operations of strife, we began to
feel the intense coldness of the night; the
keen air cutting into our new wounds, like
rough broken glass.
A NEW-FASHIONED FAN
Some years ago, in Natchez, Miss., Prof.
Maflii was announced to preach in that ci
ty on a certain day. The fame of the gift
ed orator had preceded him, and every per
son in the city ofßlutfs was anxious to bear
him. Somehow the news happened to
reach the hove! of a old woman, who per
haps had not heard a sermon for a quarter
of a century ; and very seldom went out in
to the world. She determined to hear the
stranger. It being excessively warm weath
er at the time, and having no fan, she star
ted to purchase one. She got to a store
where they happened to know her, and a
ware of her ignorance, they determined to
have some fun. They told her they had
just received anew fashioned fan, a very
beautiful article, and handed her a common
gilt belloics! She tried its powers to raise
a breeze, and was perfectly delighted with
it. To church she went; the house being
crowded, she took herseatnear the pulpit.
The text was selected, and the speaker pro
gressed and warmed with his subject, and
so did the old woman, who now brought her
fan to her face, and commenced blowing a
way as if her salvation depended upon her
keeping cool. This attracted the attention
of the audience, and the speaker looked
down to see w hat was the matter. His eye
caught the old woman—he stopped and
smiled at the ridiculous figure she cut.—
The old woman observed him looking at
her, and cried out “Go it, my Magnolia,
bless God Ise all attention.” The audi
ence fainted, the curtain dropped, and we
left, but the image of the old woman with
her new fan is yet before us.— Natchez Ga
zette.
From the Albany (Geo.) Courier.
MILITARY.
On Monday morning of last week, we
were somewhat surprised at the military
preparations which were bein'”- made by our
citizens. The explanation of which was,
that about 8 o’clock on Sunday night,Col.
Tift had been legally informed by an ex
press, sent for that purpose, that a large
portion of the laborers upon the Ocmulgee
& Flynt Rail Road, were in a siate of in
subordination and insurrection—that Gen.
Brisbane and his family had been grossly
insulted, and that he, together with the oth
er officers and assistants, were in danger of
losing their lives by violence, whether they
remained where they were, or attempted
to remove without military protection It
was also stated that the militia of the
County of Irwin were not organized, and
that protection was claimed from this, as
being the nearest county from which they
could receive prompt assistance.
Upon this information Col. Tift, issued
orders at 9 o’clock on Sunday night for the
945th District Company to assemble at his
head quarters mounted, armed and equip
ped as the law directs, with two days ra
tions, at 8 o’clock on the following morn,
ing. At 10 o’clock, a force of 30 mounted
men and 10 on foot with the baggage and
forage wagons were in motion, crossing the
Flint. On Wednesday evening the whole
force returned, bringing General Brisbane,
his family, and the other officers with their
effects, under their escort, having perform
ed a march of 76 miles.
No violence had been committed by the
laborers, though there is good reason to be
lieve that the prompt move which was
made, has been the means of pjeventing it.
We cannot too much applaud the deter
mination manifested bvourcitizens,to main
tain the majesty of our laws, and preserve
the peace and dignity of the State.
We understand that some fears are en
tertained for the safety of the work and the
property of the Company now upon the
Road. We can hardly believe that any
can be found so foolhardy as to commit such
an offence, and subject themselves to the
severe penalties of the law, attending there
to.
We are truly sorry at this whole affair.
Ofcourse we shall wait for General Bris
bane’s Report to the Directory before we
express an opinion, but it is really a pity
that after so much toil and anxiety on his
part to obtain for these men an interest in
this great work, and at the same time a most
delightful homestead, for we know that
Gen. Brisbane purchased a large tract of
country for this purpose at great sacrifices,
that these men should have returned for so
much generosity, sucli unheard of faithless,
ness. But as we said, there is much to
learn before w - e come to judgment. As to
the work, we know that it is too far advan
: eed to be injured by this move, which as we
may say, touches the domestic relations on
ly of Gen. Brisbane with the laborers, We
understand that several applications will be
made for the work, and upon the usual
principles of labor. The company will
meet on the second Monday in November
next, the earliest date possible bv law, as
advertisement must be made for thirty days
in two Miiledgeville papers. The Direc
tory will meet in a few days.
From the Charleston Mercury.
IMPORTANT LEGAL DECISION AT
SAVANNAH.
The long pending cause of the late Wil
iam Wightrnan of this city, against John
1. I)ewes, late Sheriff of Chatham county,
Georgia, to recover a sum of money de
tained by the Sheriff as fees of office, for
dieting negroes levied upon by him, but not
actually taken into custody, has, after ma
ny years, been concluded by the decree of
his Honor Charles S. Henry, Judge of the
Superior Court at Savannah. By this de
cree anew trial is refused, and the verdict
of the Jury given in May last affirmed.—
From the importance of the main question
involved, to the State of Georgia, the case
became one of great interest. It was tried
three times—the Jury having twice made a
mis.trial. The main point was—whether
a Sheriff, levying on the negroes of a De
fendant, but not removing them, or putting
them in Jail, can legally e.xacLthe per diem
allowance given by law to Jailors for black
: persons confined in Jail—or is only to be
allowed his actual disbursements. For the
Sheriff it was contended, that as he incurs
the risk of escape, the diet fee is a compen
sation for the hazzard —but the reply was,
that diet is not a premium, of insurance—it
is an equivalent for food furnished, and is
re-imbursement—and if no food is furnish
ed none should be paid for. That the cus
tody’ of goods levied on is compensated by
the poundage or per centage. The advo
cates of the Sheriff contended, it was hu
mane to permit the negroes to remain at
home till the day of sale, but the Sheriff
would not do so, unless he received an e
quivalent; and the usage had been to claim
diet fees as a compensation for this act of
humanity. It was replied that this was
paying an extraordinary, as well as arbi
trary price for an act of humanity ; that a
forthcoming Bond, when required, was suf
ficient security, and cost nothing. But the
conclusive ground was the statute of Geor
gia positively prohibiting any charge for
“services not rendered.” This law, faith
fully enforced, was decisive. Some deci
sions,not considered had given countenance
to the Sheriffs in making this charge, which
amounted in this case to between four and
five thousand dollars. But the Grand Ju
ry or first tribunal under the laws of Geor
gia, at last gave a decisive blovy to this il
lagal practice. They rendered a verdict
for the amount detained by the Sheriff, and \
eight per cent interest, the Plaintiff waiving
the residue of the twenty per cent allowed
by law against Sheriffs. Various techni
cal grounds, not affecting the main ques.
tion, were urged, on a motion for anew tri
al. But Judge Henry, in an elaborate o
pinion overruled them all, and sustained
the verdict as legal and just. By the pre
sent arrangement this opinion will be pub
lished by the Governor, who collects and
publishes all the decisions of the Judges, j
thus beginning a systematic report of deci- !
ded cases for Georgia ; and Judge Henry's !
decree will do him honor for its learning,
its sound legal morality, and the integrity
with which he has carried out the wise pro
visions of the Legislature, in confining pub
lic officers to their exact and specified
charge only. Such decisions must com
mand the respect of the public, both at
home and abroad, and especially is South
Carolina interested, as our Southern fron
tier connects our citizens intimately in the
relations of business, and decrees of the
Georgia courts are therefore important. In
this case a citizen of Sonth Carolina sued
an officer of the Georgia Courts, in his own
District, and the impartial and honorable
bearing of the Jury and the Court, is in
keeping with the character of our enligh
tened and high toned neighbors. Judge
Henry’s opinion is too extensive for inser
tion in a daily paper, but it will be read in
the reports as an elaborate and able dis
quisition of the points so thoroughly argued
by the distinguished Counsel of the Sheriff.
The case was conducted by Col. Hunt, of
Charleston, and Messrs. McAllister and Co
hen, ofSavannah, for the Plaintiff—Wight
man, and by the Hon. John M. Berrien and
Judge Charlton for Defendant, the Sheriff.
Although Georgia has no appeal Court, her
admirable Jury system, and the discretion
of the Judge as to new trials, obviate much
of the difficulties arising from that source.
South Carolina has partially adopted the
principle of objecting to the Jury. In South
Carolina each party set aside two. In Geor
gia appeals are heard by a struck or select
Jury—drawn from the Grand Jury. The
whole pannel is presented and the parties
alternately strike off one, until but twelve
remain, who constitute the Jury, thus each
party thiows off any obnoxious individual
and an impartial pannel is secured.
The requiring the Judge to send his opin
ions to the Governor to be printed, will col
lect a body of legal decisions and gradual
ly harmonize into a system. The very
difficulty of the problem what constitutes a
proper Appeal Court in the last resort? has
delayed any action so far, still Georgia has
now a better basis to work upon than our
own State, which still presents the absur
dity of two Courts of final appellate juris,
diction, sitting at the same time. The U.
States system with the Georgia plan of
struck Juries, would embody more advan.
tages and fewer objectionable features than
any other. The perfect want of principle
in leaving each of our Appeal Courts at
liberty to decide whether the successful
party shall be allowed to go to the Court of
Errors, defeats all the objects of that tribu
nal - Each Court is jealous of calling in
the other —and so cases only reach the high
est tribunal upon compulsion.
A CAROLINA LAWYER
From the Richmond Whig.
A HOME MARKET.
We endeavored, the otherday, to impress
upon our readers, the importance of a Home
Market for the products of our State, and
the most certain means of creating one. —
The view of the ease there presented, is not
less important to be understood by the cot
ton glowers, than by the wheat raisers, and
: indeed more directly concerns them. It is
; a well known fact, that England never
takes from us more than she can possibly
i avoid. She receives our cotton at present,
; but will she receive a bale, after she shall
have been able to raise it in India ? No
man who understands her policy, will be
lieve it for a moment.
A certain party among us is in the habit
of exclaiming continually, against English
interference in our domestic affairs ! They
are even ready to goto war upon that ar
gument. By a strange inconsistency, how
ever, that very party is willing to leave us
entirely at her mercy, in case of a rupture.
If England be the only market for the cot
ton of the slave-holding country, and there
be no market for it at home, what is to be
done in case of the war which these gentle
men are so ready to excite ? How is the
cotton raiser to dispose of his crop, when all
the manufactories have stopped forthe want
of protection ? Do not our Southern friends
see, that as long as England is the only
market for their produce, she lias them in
her power? That she may interfere with
any question she may think proper, and
that they dare not declare war against her,
while she has all their resources in her
own power ?
It strikes us as one of the strangest ano
maliesin the world, that the whole South
is not united to a man upon this subject;
that all its inhabitants do not desire to see
manufactories flourish to an indefinite ex
tent. Jealous as they are ofEnglish inter
ference with our domestic affairs, do they
not see that they are voluntarily putting a
whip in her hands, which she will brandish
with tremendous effect in the event of a
struggle? With a Home market, we are
always sure of a sale for our produce. In
case of a sudden declaration of war, we
shall hear of no stoppage of mills and tliou
sandsof barrels of flour left rotting on the
hands of the miller ; no balesof cotton moul
dering on the wharvesof ourcities, or at the
gins of the planters ; which must inevita
bly be the case, if the agricultural interest
is not protected. The South, the whole
South, is deeply interested in this subject.
The proportion of interest, which she has
in it over the North, is in the ratio of an
hundred to one. She raises the product ;
the Noith only manufactures it. She must
produce from necessity, for she has no other
resource. The North, on the contrary, is
not necessarily obliged to manufacture.
W e trust that the reign of sky-scraping
politicians is at an end, and that the era of
common sense, and practical views, is ap
proaching. The people of the South have
been misled upon this subject, by men de
sirous of rising into power uponit. They
have never considered the vital importance
of a home, and the precarious nature of a
foreign market. They have been told that
the Tariff was a monster, which would de
vour them with as little remorse as the
ogres of a fairy talo are wont to feed on lit
tie children ; and they believed the tale,
because it was told so often. But let them
take this view of the subject, and we feel
convinced they will require no other.
WHO ARE THE “FEDERALISTS?”
The Loco-foco Demagogues, aware that
all their other weapons of attack are falling
harmless at the feet of the Whigs, are as
sailing them with the obsolete epithet of
Federalist. They have dropped that of
Coons ;or at least they use it sparingly,
knowing that they are not the right breed
of dogs to hunt that varment. Yes, even
the best among them, do not blush to bestow
the epithet of Federalist upon Henry Clay
and the whole Whig party twenty times in
a breath. Poor fellows ! they must be hard
run. Henry Clay a federalist! Very a
musing that. He was always at war with
the Federalists while such a party existed:
and now that is defunct, he has turned Fed
eralist himself! Surely wonders will ne
vercease! But if Henry Clay is a Feder
alist, so was Jefferson, so was Madison, so
was Monroe, and so was Jackson, aye, and
so on one occasion was the great and migh
ty “Democratic Republican State Rights”
party itself. Call upon the issue between
Henry Clay and the leaders of the Loco-fo
co or self-styled “Democratic” party of the
present day :
A Tarifffor revenue to pay the expenses
of an economical Government so adjusted as
to afford protection to domestic industry.
Ayes, Messrs. Clay, Jefferson, Madison,
Monroe and Jackson.
A National Bank to collect the public re
venue and maintain a sound currency.
Ayes, Messrs. Clay, Madison, Monroe,
Mr. Jefferson is admitted to have opposed
a United Statesßank from doubts of its con
stitutionality ; yet even he had no appre
hension of the dangerous influences as
cribed to it by the modern Loco-foco De
mocracy, but evidently entertained a clear
conviction of its expediency and usefulness,
as it proved by the fact that he signed a bill
for the location of a branch of that institu
tion after he became President; which he
surely would not have done if he had be
lieved it to be a tremendous engine of pow
er, dangerous alike to the liberties and in
terests of the country. And Gen. Jackson
did not commit himself against a National
Bank until the third year of his first term ;
it was not until his third message appeared,
that the friends of the Bank ceased to hope
that he would consent to re-charter it.
And then it was not a Bank but the Band
that he declared his hostility to.
The Distribution of the Proceeds of the
Public Lands among the Stales.
Ayes, Messrs. Clay and the “Democrat
ic Republican State Rights” party in Con
gress during ‘the administration of Gen.
Jackson. They twice passed a Distribution
Bill, and several distinguised men of the
party about that time and begun to base
their popularity upon their support of that
measure; but Gen. Jackson saw that it
would “enure’’ politically to the advantage
of Mr. Clay, ntid he contrived to defeat the
legislation of Congress, by the exercise of
extreme power. The party seeing the will
of Gen. Jackson, rather than their own er
ror in supporting the distribution measure,
cut loose from it, and thenceforward de
nounced it as a “Federal” measure.
We have here cited the three leading is
sues between the two great parlies of the
country, upon which the Loco-focus base
their senseless clamor of “Federalism” a
gainst Mr. Clay and the whigs, and we
have clearly demonstrated that two of them
at least have had the sanction of the most
distinguished Republicans who have filled
the Presidential chair. We will now go
further, and remind our friend of the Rich
mond Enqirer, (who, for his own sake, we
are sorry to see encouraging this drivelling
and cowardly mode of assault upon the
Whigs,) as well as the thousand and one of
the smaller fry of his party, that the Fed
eral members ofCongress almost to a man
voted against the charter of the second li
nked Statesßank ; and as ably as zealous
ly opposed the Tariff. The “Democracy
of the country,” (with whom we were then
proud to be identified,) with Madison and
Monroe at their head, maintained precisely
the ground now occupied by Henry Clay
and the Whigs ; supporting the Banks as
the main pillar of the national prosperity.
These are historical facts which defy re
futation. The cry of Federalism against
the Whigs, is as discreditable to those who
use it, as it is false and unfounded ; and we
look for its disuse by every “Democratic”
or Loco-foco paper that has any preten
sions to public respect. Not that we much
care what epithet of abuse our opponents
may cast at the Whigs nor that we see any
thing discreditable in the term Federalist;
but as there are few now in the great miss
who rightly understand the meaning of the
term, or in what particulars that party dif
fered from the democratic party of its time;
and as there are a great many who have
been taught by village demagogues and
pot-house politicians to believe that Feder
alist means some terrible political monster,
ever on the watch to swallow up the liber
ties of the Republic, the Whigs are not dis
posed to submit silently to the audacious
attemplsof the Loco-focos to set up the cry
of “mad dog !” against them, by fastening
upon them that exploded and unpopular epi
thet.—Norfolk Herald.
From the Charleston Mercury.
AVAILABILITY.
We observed a day or two ago in the
proceedings of we remember not what
County Convention, nominating Mr. Van
Buren, a very emphatic declaration that
the meeting was opposed to looking out for
an available candidate. One might safely
draw that inference from their selecting
Mr. Van Buren. To us there seems noth
ing more certain than that he is unavaila
ble ; that he lives not in the hearts of the
people ; that never by any possibility can
ite awaken any enthusiastic support. It is
to no such feeling that he appeals or looks
for advancement ; with him politics is tru
ly a game and politicians players; each
county victory is a trick, each State tri
umph a game, and the Presidency a rub
ber ; and accordingly having lost in 1840,
he and his friends insist upon their revenge.
We are amused at the number of preten
ces got up to aid his pretensions. At one
time we are informed, as above, that it is
derogatory to look out for availables—at
another that Mr. Van Buren is the most po
pular man in the Union—at another that
itis defeat was a pure martyrdom for his
principles, and finally that lie was not de
feated at all! It was all bribery, fraud,
corruption and pipelaying. This last
ground is yet taken and maintained with
mock earnestness by the Richmond Enqui
er, Kendall’s Expositor, the New York Ple
beian and others. It is quite pardonable
in a party smarting with defeat to make
such complaints and such accusations—it
is miserable childish folly to make them
now ; no body believes them, though every
body believes that in the Presidential elec
tion of 1840, office-holders and office-seek
ers fought hard for the spoils, that votes
were bought, that fraud was practiced, that
people were imposed upon, candidates a
bused and belied, &ic. &c., and nearly e
very body is of opinion tiiat the same thing
will happen in 1844, and in every election
that has excitement enough to temp rowdies
and rogues into the contest. But the plain
truth is that Mr. Van Buren was beaten ;
notoriously and shockingly beaten ; and to
deny it at this day is to utter ridiculous ab
surdities and to deserve the appellation of
“rabid ” Not beaten ! why how was it in
New York, where Gen. Jackson had estab
lished a party influence so powerful that the
election went for Mr. Van Buren in 1836
by default; but the very next election after
Mr. V. B. had taken the chair of the
Hero at Washington, New York broke from
him like a wild horse from an unskilled ri
der, and never returned to the Democratic
faith till he, “New York’s favorite son,”
was expelled from power. His own State
opposed his administration from first to last,
and gave a great majority against his re
election. Was this bribery and fraud and
pipelaying ? It looks more like settled and
consistent opposition, if not aversion. Is
there any suspicion that fraud decided the
votes of the New England States? Was
Pennsylvania bought up, which exhibited
the greatest cliunge against him in those
parts of the Slate most easily excited to en
thusiasm, but least liable to the influence
of the banks? Were the votes of Mary
land, North Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana,
Tennessee and Kentucky, falsified or gain
ed by bribery for Gen. Harrison? Were
the enormous majorities of Ohio, Indiana,
and Michigan secured by fraud ? To make
these charges is to say that the people of
the United States are corrupted and em
bruted to a degree that even Trollope and
Dickens never laid to their charge ; it is to
insult them and common sense in one
breath
7
The truth is that Mr Van Buren was'tiot
only beat! n, hut he sunk under an accu
mulaiiun of charges, that however exagge
rated and distorted, hud a semblance and
even a foundation of truth. One of these
wus tie- Florida War, whioh was beyond
all doubt during his whole Administration,
the most miserable farce ever enacted un
der the semblance of military operations •••
Another was the utter and most disinivn and ;
failure of the “Pet Bank System,” of whitnd i
he iiad the unfortunate reputation of
the contriver. Another was the enormous
defalcation of public Officers, which the ad
ministration seemed to have no means of
finding out, till the rogues themselves were
ready to divulge it to all the world by ab
sconding with their booty. Then the trou
bles on the Canada Frontier and at the
North East, for apparent lack of a little
forecast and decision, had very nearly in
volved the country in a war with England
under all the shame and disadvantage to us
of having been the unprovoked aggressor.
And while the necessity of a settlement
with England was becoming more sternly
pressing every day, Mr. Van Buren’s Ad
ministration gave us four years of incessant
negotiation without advancing one step to
wards a result. While we ever sincerely
sympathised with the difficulties by which
Mr. Van Buren’s Administration was sur
rounded, it was impossible not to see that
there was something more than party a
buse in the charges brought against him On
these several accounts; a want of clear
headed practical energy ; a shrinking from
responsibility ; a weak watching for popu
larity ; and entire ignorance of that plain
fact in popular history, that daring and de
termination are the safest elements of pop
ularity, and the people demand of the chief
that he should lead, not follow them.
As an instance of the predicaments in
which this want of high determination in
volved him, take the “Standing Army
Humbug,” as it is familiarly called. The
Secretary of War propounds to Congress a
scheme for the complete reorganization of
the Militia ; it is discussed as a Cabinet
Measure ; it is believed all over the. coun
try to have had the approbation of the Pre
sident ; a furious onslaught is made upon it
by the Whigs and when it becomes appa
rent that it is unpopular and will injure him,
Mr. Van Buren writes a letter to inform us
that he had never seen Mr. Secretarj’’s plan
before it was laid before Congress, and that
he not only does not approve it, but thinks
it unconstitutional! One or two things on
ly, could he have done'at that stage, with
credit or safety to himself—either defend
and uphold the scheme or discharge the Se
cretary. He did neither—his friends con
sider it weakness and his enemies denounce
it as dishonesty.
From the LaGrange Herald.
LETTER FROM MR. CLAY. ‘
The following letter is from the Honor
able Henry Clay to us, in reply to certain
Interrogatories, propounded by us in a let
ter dated August 22, 1843, a copy of which,
we insert below.
A portion of our letter was dictated (or,
at least a request was made, and the ques
tions written out,) by one of the most
nent democrats in Georgia ; so far, as re
lates to the first two questions.
The, views of Mr. Clay meet our most
hearty approbation—they are, indeed, the
very sine qua non of onr principles.
We hope those of our friends, who have,
in private conversation, pledged themselves
to us to support the whig party, provided an
answer from Mr. Clay should be received ;
and which answer should be repugnant to
a high Protective Tariff—will not forget
their promise when they read his letter.
Let every democrat read the letter—and
let it not be charged upon us any more, that
we are “high Protective Tariff ” men.
The letter of Mr. Clay, dated 13th Sept,
last, did not reach us until the 3rd inst.
LaGrange, Ga., Aug. 22, 1843.
Dear Sir :—Permit me, though a stran
ger, to propound a few important questions
to you, relative to your present views, in
dependent of what they may have been
heretofore.
I request your attention, particularly, be
cause I have contracted for, and am about
to establish a press, &c., and contemplate
publishing a newspaper here, to be styled
“The LaGrange Herald.” Likewise, a
Clay Club has been organized, consisting
of a large number of our citizens. Besides,
the arduous duties of the Editorial Depart
ment will devolve upon me in its com
mencement, and I desire to know precisely,
in what manner I am to meet the Democra
cy in their numerous modes of attack
Please state if your views of the Protec
• tive policy of 1832 have undergone any
modification, and to what extent ? And
would you, if you had it in your power, go
for a bill as protective in its Principles, as
the Tariff Act of 1832?
Please state your present convictions,
i with respect to a Tariff ? What the extent
of your Tariff measures are, &c ?
With most profound respect, I am, dear
sir, your obedient servant.
F. S. BRONSON.
Hon. H. Clay, Ashland, Ky.
Ashland, 13th Sept., 1843.
Dear Sir : —I received your favor, ad
dressing some inquiries to mp, in respect to
: the policy of protecting American interests.
On that subject I very frequently publicly
i expressed my sentiments, within the last
two years. In the Senate of the United
i States, early last year, I fully expressed
my views, and what 1 said was published.
! About the same time, I communicated them
in the answer which I transmitted to a let
, ter, addressed to me, by a committee of the
Legislature of New York, which was also
■ published. I again expressed my opinion,
, in reply to a letter which l received from a
i fellow citizen of Philadelphia, requesting
f me to state the principles of the Whig par-"’
ty. A statement of them, as understood
I by me, was accordingly made, and it is now
i conspicuously published at the head ofma
i ny newspapers. The last expression of myy
opinion, is contained in a letter which I re.
