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About News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 26, 1843)
NEWS & PLANTERS’ GAZETTE. D.. COTTING, Editor. No. 9.—NEW SERIES.] News and Planters' 1 Gazette. terms: Published weekly at ‘l\co Dollars and Fifty Cents per annum, if paid at the time of Subscri bing ; or Three Dollars if not paid till the expi ration of three months. No paper to be discontinued, unless al the option of the Editor, withoutthe settlement of all arrearages. IP* L itters, on business, must be postpaid, to insure attention. No communication shall be , published, unless we arc made acquainted with 1 the name of the author. TO ADVERTISERS. Advertisements, not exceeding one square, first insertion, Seventy-Jive Cents; and for each sub sequent insertion, Fifty Cents. A reduction will be made of twenty-five per cent, to those who advertise by the year. Advertisements not limited when handed in, will be inserted till for bid, and charged accordingly. Sales of Land and Negroes by Executors, Ad ministrators and Guardians, are required by law, to be advertised, in a public Gazette, sixty days previous to the day of sale. The sales of Personal Property must be adver tised in like manner, forty days. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell Land or Ne groes, must be published for four months— notice that application will be made for Letters of Administration, must be published thirty days; and Letters ol Dismission, six months. Mail Arrangements, POST OFFICE, ) Washington, G-a., Sept. 1, 1843. $ EASTERN MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Raytown, Double-Wells, Crawfordville, Camack, Warren ton, Thompson, Dearing, and Barzelia. ARRIVES. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday’, at 9, A. M. CLOSES. Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday’, at 24, T. M WESTERN MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for all Offi ces in South-Western Georgia, Alabama, Mis sissippi, Louisiana, Florida, also Athens, Ga. and the North-Western part of the State. arrives —Wednesday and Friday, by 6 A. M. closes —Tuesday and Thursday, at 12 M. ABBEVILLE, S.C. MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Danburg, Pistol Creek, and Petersburg. arrives. Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, by 1 P. M. CLOSES. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 6 A. M. LEXINGTON MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Centre ville, State Rights, Scull-shoals, and Salem. _ arrives —Monday and Friday’, at 9A. M. Jwcloses —Tuesday and Saturday, at 9 A. M. APPLING MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Wrights boro\ White Oak, Walker’s Quaker Springs. arrives —Tuesday and Saturday, hy 9 A. M. closes —Monday and Friday, at 9 A. M. ELBERTON MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Mallo rysville, Goosepond, Whites, Mill-Stone, Harri sonville, and Ruckersville. Arrives Thursday 8 P. M., and Closes same time. LINCOLNTON MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Rehoboth, Stoney Point, Goshen, Double Branches, and Darby’s. Arrives Friday, 12 M. | Closes same time. IT The Letter Box is the proper place to de posite all matter designed to be transported by Mail, and such ae may be found there at the times above sjiecified, will be despatched by first post <*• r.CO/AHI, HAS on hand Cotton Bagging, Cotton Yarn, and Factory Cloth for Negro’s wear, from Poullain’s Factory, cheap for Cash. October 19, 1843. 8 CJ i T r| x for sale at Three Dollars per A Sack. Apply to BOLTON & NOLAN. October 19, 1843. 8 Taxes ! PERSONS in arrears for Taxes will please make payment on or before the first Tues day in November next. I will attend in Wash ington on Thursday and Friday, the second and third days of November. G. G. NORMAN, T. C. October 19, 1843. 2t 8 COTTING & BUTLER, ATTORNIES, HAVE taken an OFFICE on the North side of the Public Square, next door to the Branch Bank of the State of Georgia. October, 1843 28 Last Notice to Debtors. PERSONS indebted to the undersigned, are requested to make payment to A. L. Alex ander, and no indulgence beyond the present season will be given. MARY SHEPHERD. October 12, 1843. 4t 7 Notice to Debtors and Creditors. A LL persons indebted to the Estate of Kin dred Jacks, late of Wilkes county, deceas ed, are requested to make immediate payment, and those having any demands will please pre sent them in terms of law for payment. J. R. SNEED, Adm’r. September 7, 1843. 6t 2 BALE ROPE (warranted) at 9 cents, TWINE at 25 cents per pound. For sale by BOLTON & NOLAN. October 12, 1843. 3t 7 BOLTON & NOLAN, RESPECTFULLY inform their friends and the public in general, that they have just received from New- York, a select Stock ot Fall and Winter GOODS, Which they osier for rale lor Cr, h at unprece dented low prices. We beg leave to inform our customers that we have adopted the CASH SYSTEM, and are now selling our Goods at from twenty-five to thirty per cent, lower than former rates. In these times of economy and retrenchment, we presume our customers would object to pay twenty or thirty per cent, advanced rates, for credit; or, to cover the bad debts of non-paying customers. By adopting the Cash system, they will avoid both contingencies, and we, the trou ble and vexation ol endeavoring to collect bad and doubtful debts. But as we consider many of our customers as good as Cash at any time, we will sell on a credit to those who will pay prompt ly, at our lowest Cash prices, with the distinct understanding that their respective accounts will be punctually paid when due. We particularly call the attention of Gentlemen to our Stock of English and French Cloths *V Cassitneres , The quality of the Goods cannot fail to give gen eral satisfaction, and we are selling them at the right prices. Washington, Ga., October 12,1843. 3t JYorthern Sole Ecather , lIOR SALE, at 25 cents per pound, by BOLTON & NOLAN. October 10, 1843. 3t 7 JVotice• rjIIIE Co-partnership heretofore existing un- A der the firm of M. P. CALLAWAY & Cos. was dissolved on the 7lh of August last, by mu tual consent. The business is now conducted in the name of BOLTON & NOLAN, and all persons having any claims against the late con cern will please present to C. L. Bolton, for payment. The Notes and Accounts have been divided among the parties, and are in the hands of M. P. CadLaway and C. L. Bolton. All persons in debted to the late firm are requested to call at the Store and pay up as early as possible. The running accounts of this year are expected to be settled by tiie first of January next. M. P. CALLAWAY. CHARLES L BOLTON. JAMES NOLAN. Washington, Ga., October 12,1843. 3t ADAMS & HOPKINS, FIRE-PROOF WARE-HOUSE. AUGUSTA, GA., August 22, 1843. fHH rf'lilE Subscribers respectfully tender their -I- thanks for the liberal patronage heretofore received—and again offer their services to their friends and the public in the WARE-HOUSE & GENERAL COMMISSION BUSINESS in this city. Prompt attention will be given to ihe Storage and Sale ot’ Cotton, forwarding Goods, purchase of Merciiandize, shipment of Cotton, &c . Proceeds of Cotton will be remitted (if so instructed by the owner) in Bank Checks payable at Washington, Greenesboro’, Madison, Eatonton, Miiledgeville, Covington, and Colum bus, or in Bank Notes by mail. Messrs. F. C. McKinley & Cos. of Madison, will act as our Agents for the forwarding of Cot ton by Rail Road, make advances on Cotton con signed to us, receive return sales of Cotton, and pay over proceeds at Madison if desired. Messrs. McKinley & Seymour are our Agents lor forwarding Cotton per Rail Road from Greenesboro’. ADAMS & HOPKINS. John M. Adams. ) Lambeth Hopkins, j August 21. 9t 1 TO MERCHANTS AND PLANTERS. ill HAMBURG, (S.C.) July, 1843. IBEG leave to. inform you, that I continue the WARE-HOUSE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS at my old stand, known as the Wa ter-proof Warehouse. Detached as it is from oth er buildings, its location renders it nearly as se cure from fire, as if it was fire-proof The floors have been elevated above the high water mark of the great freshet of May, 1840. Planters will thus be secured from the possi bility of loss and damage by freshets. I avail myself of the present occasion, to re turn my thanks to my friends and patrons, for their liberal support during the past season. I solicit from them and the public generally, a con tinuance of this confidence, and assure them that in return for their patronage, I will use my best personal efforts to promote and protect their in terests, committed to my charge. In addition to this assurance, I pledge myself that I will in no case purchase a bale of cotton, directly or indi rectly. I will attend personally to the sale and forwarding of cotton to Savannah or Charleston; also, to the sale of Bacon, Flour, &c. &c., and to the receiving and forwarding of goods to the up country. Having a fine wharf attached to my Warehouse, no wharfage will be charged on Cotton consigned to my care, either for sale or to be forwarded to Savannah or Charleston. My commissions for selling cotton, will be 25 cents per bale, and 12| cents for forwarding. I will also attend to the buying of goods per order. Very respectfully, yours, &c. G. WALKER. August, 1843. 52 JVotice* ALL persons are hereby forewarned from trading from a Promissory Note made by me, payable to William Rice, for two hundred dollars, dated 14th February, 1843, and due 25th December, 1845, as the consideration for which said Note was given has not been complied with. JOHN BROWN. Elbert county, Ga., October 10,1843. 2t WASHINGTON, (WILKES COUNTY, GA.,) OCTOECCIt 20, 1843. New Goods. The Subscriber has received the balance of bis Call and Winter flw & KP VIZ : Cloths and Cassimeres, Kersey and plaid Linsey, Blanket Overcoats, Pilot and Beaver-cloth Coats, 8 and 9-4 Duffle Blankets, 10 and 11-4 Whitney do. Coarse and fine Shoes, Ladies’ fine Kid do. Gaiter Boots and Children’s Shoes. Fur and Wool Hats. Fur and Cloth Caps, Sealett and Hairseal Caps, Saddles, Bridles and Martingales, Fancy Baskets ; Wooden-ware, Powder and Shot, Hardware and Crockery, Drugs and Medicines, Collins’ best Cast-steel Axes, King’s do. do. Hull & Son’s patent Candles, Silk, Gingham and Cotton Umbrellas, &c. &c. Also —A great variety of GOODS in Store, which lie offers Cheap. Call and see. G. P. COZART. October 19, 1843. 8 Notice to Debtors and Creditors. ALL persons indebted to the Estate of Thom as D. Boroin, late of Taliaferro county, de ceased, are requested to pay the same immediate ly, and those iiaving demands against tiie Estate* will present the same in terms of the law for pay ment. GEORGE W. CARTER, Adm’r. with the will annexed. September 20, 1843. 6t 4 MR. CLAY’S SPEECH ON ABOLITION PETITIONS. In the Senate of the United States, Feb ruary, 7,1839. I have received, Mr. President, a petition to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United Slates, which I wish to pre sent to the Senate. It is signed by several hundred inhabitants of the District of Co lumbia, and chiefly oftheeity of Washing ton. Among them l recognize the name of the highly esteemed Mayor of the city, and other respectable names, some of which are personally and well known to me. They express their regret, that the subject of the abolition of slavery wiihin the District of Columbia, continues to bn pressed upon the consideration of Congress by inconsiderate and misguided individuals in other parts of the United States. They slate that they do not desire the abolition of slavery within the district, even if Congress possesses the very questionable power of abolishing it, withoutthe consent of the people whose in terests would be immediately and directly affected by the measure ; that it is a ques tion solely between the people of the Dis trict and their only constitutional legisla ture, purely municipal, and one in which no exterior influence or interest can justly interfere ; that, ifat any future period the people of this District should desire the abo lition of slavery within it, they will doubt less make their wishes known, when it will be time enough to take the matter into con sideration ; that they do not, on this occa sion, present themselves to Congress be cause they are slaveholders—many of them are not; some of them are conscientiously opposed to slavery—but they appear be cause they justly respect the rights ofthose who own that description of property, and because they entertain a deep conviction that the continued agitation of the question by those who have no right to interfere with it, has an injurious influence on the peace and tranquility of the community, and upon the well-being and happiness of those who are held in subjection ; they finally protest as well against the unauthorized investiga tion of which they complain, as against any legislation on the part of Congress in com pliance therewith. But, as I wish these respectable petitioners to be themselves heard, I requ .it that their petition may be read. [lt was read accordingly, and Mr. Clay pro ceeded.] I am informed by the Committee which requested me to oiler this petition, and be lieve, that it expresses the almost unani mous sentiments of the people of the Dis trict of Columbia. The performance of this service affords me a legitimate opportunity, of which, with the permission of the Senate, I mean now to avail myself, to say something, not only on the particular objects of the petition, but upon the great and interesting subject with which it is intimately associated. It is well known to the Senate, that I have thought that the most judicious course with abolition petitions has not been of late pursued by Congress. I have believed that it would have been wisest to have received and referred them, without opposition, and to have reported against their object in a calm and dispassionate and argumentative appeal to the good sense of the whole com munity. It has been supposed, however by a majority of Congress, that it was most expedient either not to receive the petitions PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING. at all, or, if formally received, not to act definitely upon them. There is no sub stantial difference between these opposite opinions, since both look to an absolute re jection of the prayer of the petitioners. But there is a great difference in the form of proceeding ; and, Mr. President, some ex perience in the conduct of human affairs has taught me to believe that a neglect to observe established forms is often attended with more mischievous consequences than the infliction of a positive injury. We all know that, even in private life, a violation of the existing usages and ceremonies of society cannot lake place without serious prejudice. I fear, sir, that the abolitionists have acquired a considerable apparent force by blending with tiie object which they have in view a collateral and totally different question arising out of an alledged viola lion of the right of petition. 1 know full well, and take great pleasure in testifying, that nothing was remoter from the intention of the majority of the Senate, from which I differed, than to violate the right of petition in any case in which, according to its judg inent, that right could be constitutionally exercised, or where the object of the peti tion could be safely or properly granted.— Still, it must beowned that the abolitionists have seized hold of the fact ofthe treatment which their petitions have received in Con gress, and made injurious impressions upon the minds of a large portion of the commu nity. This, I think, might have been avoi ded by the course which 1 should have been glad to have seen pursued. And 1 desire now, Mr. President, to ad vert to some of those topics which I think might have been usefully embodied in a report by a Committee of the Senate, and which, I am persuaded would have check ed the progress, if it had not altogether ar rested the efforts of abolition. lam sensi ble, sir, that this work would have been ac complished with much greater ability and ; with much happier effect, under the auspi- ( cos of a committee, that it can be by me. But, anxious as I always am to contribute whatever is in my power to the harmony, concord, and happiness of this great peo ple, I feel myself irresistibly impelled to do whatever is in my power, incompetent as I feel myself to be, to dissuade the public from continuing to agitate a subject fraught with the most dreadful consequences. ’There are three classes of persons op posed, or apparently opposed, to the contin ued existence of slavery in the United Slates. The first are those who, from sen timents of philanthropy and humanity, are conscientiously opposed to the existence of slavery, but who are no less opposed, at the same time, to any disturbance of the peace and tranquillity of the ITnion, or the infringement of the powers of tiie Slates composing the confederacy. In this class may be comprehended that peaceful and exemplary society of “Friends,” one of whose established maxims is, an abhorrence of war in all its forms, and the cultivation of peace and good-will among mankind.— The next class consists of apparent aboli tionists—that is, those who, having been persuaded that the right of petition has been violated by Congress, co-operate with the abolitionists for the sole purpose of assert ing and vindicating that rigiit. And the third class are the real ultra-abolitionists, who are resolved to persevere in the pur- j suit of their object at ail hazards, and with- I out regard to any consequences, however ! calamitous they may be. With them the right of property is nothing ; the deficiency ofthe powers of the general government is nothing ; the acknowledged & incontestible powers ofthe State are nothing ; a civil war, a dissolution of the Union, and the over throw of a government in which are concen trated the fondest hopes of the civilized world, are nothing. A single idea has ta ken possession oftheir minds, and onward they pursue it, overlooking all barriers, and regardless of all consequences. With this class, the immediate abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the territo ry of Florida, the prohibition of the remo val of slaves from State to State, and the re fusal to admit any new State, comprising within its limits the institution of domestic slavery, are but so many means conducing to the accomplishment of the ultimate but perilous end at which they avowedly and boldly aim ; are but so many short stages in the long and bloody road to the distant goal at which they would finally arrive.— Their purpose is abolition, universal aboli tion, peaceably iftliey can, forcibly if they must. Their object is no longer concealed by the thinnest veil ; it is avowed and pro claimed. Utterly destitute of constitution al or other rightful power, living in totally distinct communities, as alien to the com munities in which the subject on which they would operate resides, so far as concerns political power over that subject, as if they lived in Africa or Asia, tiiey nevertheless promulgate to the world their purpose to be to manumit forthwith, and wiiho ; compen sation, and without moral prepara.ion, three millions of negro slaves, under jurisdictions altogether separated from those under which they live. I have said that immedi ate abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ar.d the territory of Florida, and the exclusion of new States, were only means towards the attainment of a much more important end. Unfortunately, they are not the only means. Another, and much more lamentable one is that which this class is endeavoring to employ, of arraying one portion against another portion of the Union. With that view, in all their lead ing prints and publications, the al! dged horrors of slavery are depicted in the most glowing and exaggerated colors, to excite the imaginations and stimulate the rage of the people in the free States against the peo ple in the slave states. Tiie slave holder is held up and represented as the most atro cious of human beings. Advertisements I of fugitive slaves.and of slaves to be sold, | are carefully collected and blazoned forth, to infuse a spirit of detestatiou and hatred against one entire and the largest section of the Union. And like u notorious agitator j upon another theatre, they would hunt down I and proscribe from the pale of civilized so ciety the inhabitants of that entire section. Allow me, Mr. President, to say, that while 1 recognize in the justly wounded feelings of the minister of the United Stales at the Court of St. James, much to excuse the no tice which lie was provoked to take of that agitator, in my humble opinion, lie would have better consulted the dignity of his sta tion and of liis country in treating it with contemptuous silence. He would exclude j us from European society ; he who himself | can only obtain a contraband admission, and is received with scornful repugnance into it! If lie be no more desirous of our socie ty than we are of his, he may rest assured j that a stale of eternal non-intercourse will ; exist between us. Yes, sir, I think the A- j meiican minister would have best pursued | the dictates oftrue dignity by regarding the j j language ofthe member ofthe British House ■ j ol Commons as the malignant ravings ofthe plunderer of his own country, and the li ■ heller of a foreign and kindred people. But the means to which I have already adverted, arc not the only ones which this third class of ultra-abolitionists are employ ing to effect their ultimate end. Tiiey be gan their operations by professing to employ only persuasive means in appealing to the humanity, and enlightening the understan- 1 dings of the slave-holding portion of the j Union. If there were some kindness in this ! avowed motive, it must be acknowledged i that tiiere was rather a presumptuous dis- | play also of an assumed superiority in in- 1 telligence and knowledge. For some time ! they continued to make these appeals to our ‘ duty and our interest; but impatient with the slow influence of their logic upon our minds, they recently resolved to change their system of action. To the agency of their powers of persuasion, they now pro-! pose to substitute the powers of tiie ballot, box ; and he must be blind to what is pas- ! sing before us, who does not perceive that 1 the inevitable tendency of their proceedings j is, if these should be found insufficient, to j invoke, final!}’, the more potent powers of | the bayonet. Mr. President, it is at this alarming stage j ofthe proceedings of the ultra-abolitionists I that I would seriously invite every consider- ! ate man in the country solemnly to pause, j and deliberately to reflect, not merely on j our existing posture, but upon that dreadful j precipice down which they would hurry us. It is because these ultra-abolitionists have ! ceased to employ tiie instruments of reason and persuasion, have made their cause po litical, and have appealed to the ballot box, that I am induced, upon this occasion, to address you. There have been three epochs in the his tory of our country at which the spirit of abolition displayed itself. The first was j immediately after the formation ofthe pre- i sent federal government. When the con stitution was about going into operation, its powers were not well understood by ihe community at large, and remained to be accurately interpreted and defined. At that period numerous abolition societies were formed, comprising not merely the so ciety of Friends, but many other good men. Petitions were presented to Congress, pray- | ing for the abolition of slavery. They were received without serious opposition, refer red, and reported upon by a committee.— Tho report stated that the general govern ment had no power to abolish slavery as it existed in the several States, and that these States themselves had exclusive jurisdic tion over the subject. The report was gen erally acquiesced in, and satisfaction and tranquility ensued ; the abolition societies thereafter limiting their exertions, in res pect to the black population, to offices of humanity within the scope of existing laws. The next period when the subject of sla very, &abolition incidentally,were brought into notice and discussion, was that on the memorable occasion of the admission of the State of Missouri intothe Union. The strug gle was long, strenuous, and fearful. It is 100 recent to make it necessary to do more that merely advert to it, and to say, that it was finally composed by one of those com promises characteristic of our institutions, and of which the constitution itself is the most signal instance. The third is, that in which we now find ourselves. Various causes, Mr. President, have contributed to produce the existing ex citement on the subject of abolition. principal one, perhaps, is the example of British emancipation of the slaves in the islands adjacent to our country. Such is the similarity in laws, in language, in in stitutions, and in common origin, between Great Britain and the United States, that no great measure of national policy can be adopted in the one country without produ cing a considerable degree of influence in the other. Confounding the totally differ ent cases together, of the powers of the British parliament and those of the Con gress of the United States, and the totally different situations of the British West India Islands, and the slaves in the sovreign and independent States of this confederacy, su perficial men have inferred from the unde cided British experiment, the praetioabilitv HI. .1. K APPEL, M* r inter. j of the abolition of slavery in those States.— The powers of the British parliament are j unlimited, and are often described to be i omnipotent. The powers of the American Congress, on the contrary, are few, cauti- I ouslv limited, scrupulously excluding all J that are not granted, and above all, care fully and absolutely excluding all power over the existence and continuance of sla i very in the several States The slaves, too, upon which British legislation operated, i were not in the bosom ofthe kingdom, but in remote and feeble colonies having no voice in parliament. The West India ■ slaveholder was neither represented nor i representative in that parliament. And i while I most fervently wish complete suc- I cess to the Britisli experiment of West In dia emancipation, I confess that I have fcar | ful forebodings of a disastrous termination lof it. Whatever it may be, I think it must I be admitted that, if the British parliament i had treated tiie West India slaves as frec- I men, it also treated the West India free men as slaves. If, instead of these slaves being separated by a wide ocean from the parent country, tiiree or four millions of Af ! rican negro slaves had been dispersed over j England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, ; and their owners had been members of the ! British parliament—a ease which would | have presented some analogy to that ofour country; does anyone believe that it would have been expedient or practicable to have emancipated them, leaving them to remain with all their embittered feelings, in tho United kingdom, boundless as the powers of the British parliament are? Other causes have conspired with tho British example to produce the existing ex citement from abolition. I say it with pro found regret, but with no intention to occa- sion irritation here or elsewhere, that there are persons in both parts of the Union who have sought to mingle abolition with poli tics, and to array one portion of the Union against the other. It is the misfortune in free countries that, in high party times, a disposition too often prevails to seize hold of every thing which can strengthen the one side or weaken the other. Charges of fos tering abolition designs have been heedless ly and unjustly made by one party against the other. Prior to the late election of the President of the United States, he was char ged with being an abolitionist, and aboli tion designs were imputed to many of his supporters. Much as 1 was opposed to his election, and am to his administration, I neither shared in making nor believing the truth of the charge. He was scarcely in stalled in office before the same charge was directed against those who opposed his e leclion. Mr. President, it is not true, and I rejoice that it is not true, tiiat either of the two great parties in this country has anv designs or aim at abolition. I should deeply la ment ii it were true. I should consider, if it were true, that the danger to the stability of our system would be infinitely greater than any which does, I hope, actually ex ist. While neither party can be, I think, justly accused of any abolition tendency or purpose, both have profited, and both have been injured in particular localities, by the accession or abstraction of abolition support. If the account were fairly stated, I believe the [tarty to which I am opposed has profited much more, and been injured much less, than that to which I belong.— But I am far, for that reason, front being disposed to accuse our adversaries of being abolitionists. And now, Mr. President, allow me to consider the several cases in which the au thority of Congress is invoked by these a bolition petitioners upon the subject of do mestic slavery. The first relates to it as it exists in the District of Columbia. The following is the provision of the constitution of the United States in reference to that matter: “ To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such districts (not exceeding ten miles square) as may by ces sion of particular States, and the accept ance of Congress, become the seat of gov ernment ofthe United States.” This provision preceded, in point of time, the actual cessions which were made bv the State of Maryland and Virginia. The object of the cession was, to establish a seat of government of the United States ; and the grant in the constitution of exclusive legis lation must be understood, and should be always interpreted, as having relation to the object ofthe cc - >n. I: was with a full knowledge oftliisclau rt. the constitution that those two Stater ceded to the general government tiie ten miles square, constitu ting the District of Columbia. In making the cession, they supposed that it was to be applied, ami applied solely, to the purpo ses of a seat of government, for which it was asked. When it was made, slavery exis ted in both those commonwealths, and in the ceded territory, as it now continues to exist in all ofthem. Neither Maryland nor Vir ginia could have anticipated that, while the institution remained within their respective limits, its abolition would be attempted by Congress without their consent. Neither of them would probably have made an un conditional cession, if they could have an ticipated such a result. From the nature of the provision in the constitution, and the avowed object of the acquisition of the territory, two duties a rise on the part of Congress. The first is, to render the district available, comforta ble, and convenient, as a seat of government ofthe whole Union ; the other is to govern the people within the district so as best to promote their happiness and prosperity.- [VOLIJME XXIX.
