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NEWS & PLANTERS’ GAZETTE.
D.. COTTING, Editor.
No. 9.—NEW SERIES.]
News and Planters' 1 Gazette.
terms:
Published weekly at ‘l\co Dollars and Fifty
Cents per annum, if paid at the time of Subscri
bing ; or Three Dollars if not paid till the expi
ration of three months.
No paper to be discontinued, unless al the
option of the Editor, withoutthe settlement of
all arrearages.
IP* L itters, on business, must be postpaid, to
insure attention. No communication shall be
, published, unless we arc made acquainted with
1 the name of the author.
TO ADVERTISERS.
Advertisements, not exceeding one square, first
insertion, Seventy-Jive Cents; and for each sub
sequent insertion, Fifty Cents. A reduction will
be made of twenty-five per cent, to those who
advertise by the year. Advertisements not
limited when handed in, will be inserted till for
bid, and charged accordingly.
Sales of Land and Negroes by Executors, Ad
ministrators and Guardians, are required by law,
to be advertised, in a public Gazette, sixty days
previous to the day of sale.
The sales of Personal Property must be adver
tised in like manner, forty days.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate
must be published forty days.
Notice that application will be made to the
Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell Land or Ne
groes, must be published for four months—
notice that application will be made for Letters
of Administration, must be published thirty days;
and Letters ol Dismission, six months.
Mail Arrangements,
POST OFFICE, )
Washington, G-a., Sept. 1, 1843. $
EASTERN MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for Raytown,
Double-Wells, Crawfordville, Camack, Warren
ton, Thompson, Dearing, and Barzelia.
ARRIVES.
Monday, Wednesday, and Friday’, at 9, A. M.
CLOSES.
Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday’, at 24, T. M
WESTERN MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for all Offi
ces in South-Western Georgia, Alabama, Mis
sissippi, Louisiana, Florida, also Athens, Ga. and
the North-Western part of the State.
arrives —Wednesday and Friday, by 6 A. M.
closes —Tuesday and Thursday, at 12 M.
ABBEVILLE, S.C. MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for Danburg,
Pistol Creek, and Petersburg.
arrives.
Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, by 1 P. M.
CLOSES.
Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 6 A. M.
LEXINGTON MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for Centre
ville, State Rights, Scull-shoals, and Salem.
_ arrives —Monday and Friday’, at 9A. M.
Jwcloses —Tuesday and Saturday, at 9 A. M.
APPLING MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for Wrights
boro\ White Oak, Walker’s Quaker Springs.
arrives —Tuesday and Saturday, hy 9 A. M.
closes —Monday and Friday, at 9 A. M.
ELBERTON MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for Mallo
rysville, Goosepond, Whites, Mill-Stone, Harri
sonville, and Ruckersville.
Arrives Thursday 8 P. M., and Closes same time.
LINCOLNTON MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for Rehoboth,
Stoney Point, Goshen, Double Branches, and
Darby’s.
Arrives Friday, 12 M. | Closes same time.
IT The Letter Box is the proper place to de
posite all matter designed to be transported by
Mail, and such ae may be found there at the
times above sjiecified, will be despatched by first
post
<*• r.CO/AHI,
HAS on hand Cotton Bagging, Cotton Yarn,
and Factory Cloth for Negro’s wear, from
Poullain’s Factory, cheap for Cash.
October 19, 1843. 8
CJ i T r| x for sale at Three Dollars per
A Sack. Apply to
BOLTON & NOLAN.
October 19, 1843. 8
Taxes !
PERSONS in arrears for Taxes will please
make payment on or before the first Tues
day in November next. I will attend in Wash
ington on Thursday and Friday, the second and
third days of November.
G. G. NORMAN, T. C.
October 19, 1843. 2t 8
COTTING & BUTLER,
ATTORNIES,
HAVE taken an OFFICE on the North
side of the Public Square, next door to
the Branch Bank of the State of Georgia.
October, 1843 28
Last Notice to Debtors.
PERSONS indebted to the undersigned, are
requested to make payment to A. L. Alex
ander, and no indulgence beyond the present
season will be given.
MARY SHEPHERD.
October 12, 1843. 4t 7
Notice to Debtors and Creditors.
A LL persons indebted to the Estate of Kin
dred Jacks, late of Wilkes county, deceas
ed, are requested to make immediate payment,
and those having any demands will please pre
sent them in terms of law for payment.
J. R. SNEED, Adm’r.
September 7, 1843. 6t 2
BALE ROPE (warranted) at 9 cents,
TWINE at 25 cents per pound.
For sale by BOLTON & NOLAN.
October 12, 1843. 3t 7
BOLTON & NOLAN,
RESPECTFULLY inform their friends and
the public in general, that they have just
received from New- York, a select Stock ot
Fall and Winter
GOODS,
Which they osier for rale lor Cr, h at unprece
dented low prices.
We beg leave to inform our customers that
we have adopted the CASH SYSTEM, and are
now selling our Goods at from twenty-five to
thirty per cent, lower than former rates. In
these times of economy and retrenchment, we
presume our customers would object to pay
twenty or thirty per cent, advanced rates, for
credit; or, to cover the bad debts of non-paying
customers. By adopting the Cash system, they
will avoid both contingencies, and we, the trou
ble and vexation ol endeavoring to collect bad
and doubtful debts. But as we consider many of
our customers as good as Cash at any time, we
will sell on a credit to those who will pay prompt
ly, at our lowest Cash prices, with the distinct
understanding that their respective accounts will
be punctually paid when due.
We particularly call the attention of Gentlemen
to our Stock of English and French
Cloths *V Cassitneres ,
The quality of the Goods cannot fail to give gen
eral satisfaction, and we are selling them at the
right prices.
Washington, Ga., October 12,1843. 3t
JYorthern Sole Ecather ,
lIOR SALE, at 25 cents per pound, by
BOLTON & NOLAN.
October 10, 1843. 3t 7
JVotice•
rjIIIE Co-partnership heretofore existing un-
A der the firm of M. P. CALLAWAY & Cos.
was dissolved on the 7lh of August last, by mu
tual consent. The business is now conducted
in the name of BOLTON & NOLAN, and all
persons having any claims against the late con
cern will please present to C. L. Bolton, for
payment.
The Notes and Accounts have been divided
among the parties, and are in the hands of M. P.
CadLaway and C. L. Bolton. All persons in
debted to the late firm are requested to call at
the Store and pay up as early as possible. The
running accounts of this year are expected to be
settled by tiie first of January next.
M. P. CALLAWAY.
CHARLES L BOLTON.
JAMES NOLAN.
Washington, Ga., October 12,1843. 3t
ADAMS & HOPKINS,
FIRE-PROOF WARE-HOUSE.
AUGUSTA, GA., August 22, 1843.
fHH
rf'lilE Subscribers respectfully tender their
-I- thanks for the liberal patronage heretofore
received—and again offer their services to their
friends and the public in the WARE-HOUSE
& GENERAL COMMISSION BUSINESS
in this city. Prompt attention will be given to
ihe Storage and Sale ot’ Cotton, forwarding
Goods, purchase of Merciiandize, shipment of
Cotton, &c . Proceeds of Cotton will be remitted
(if so instructed by the owner) in Bank Checks
payable at Washington, Greenesboro’, Madison,
Eatonton, Miiledgeville, Covington, and Colum
bus, or in Bank Notes by mail.
Messrs. F. C. McKinley & Cos. of Madison,
will act as our Agents for the forwarding of Cot
ton by Rail Road, make advances on Cotton con
signed to us, receive return sales of Cotton, and
pay over proceeds at Madison if desired.
Messrs. McKinley & Seymour are our Agents
lor forwarding Cotton per Rail Road from
Greenesboro’.
ADAMS & HOPKINS.
John M. Adams. )
Lambeth Hopkins, j
August 21. 9t 1
TO MERCHANTS AND PLANTERS.
ill
HAMBURG, (S.C.) July, 1843.
IBEG leave to. inform you, that I continue the
WARE-HOUSE AND COMMISSION
BUSINESS at my old stand, known as the Wa
ter-proof Warehouse. Detached as it is from oth
er buildings, its location renders it nearly as se
cure from fire, as if it was fire-proof The floors
have been elevated above the high water mark
of the great freshet of May, 1840.
Planters will thus be secured from the possi
bility of loss and damage by freshets.
I avail myself of the present occasion, to re
turn my thanks to my friends and patrons, for
their liberal support during the past season. I
solicit from them and the public generally, a con
tinuance of this confidence, and assure them that
in return for their patronage, I will use my best
personal efforts to promote and protect their in
terests, committed to my charge. In addition to
this assurance, I pledge myself that I will in no
case purchase a bale of cotton, directly or indi
rectly. I will attend personally to the sale and
forwarding of cotton to Savannah or Charleston;
also, to the sale of Bacon, Flour, &c. &c., and to
the receiving and forwarding of goods to the up
country. Having a fine wharf attached to my
Warehouse, no wharfage will be charged on
Cotton consigned to my care, either for sale or
to be forwarded to Savannah or Charleston.
My commissions for selling cotton, will be 25
cents per bale, and 12| cents for forwarding. I
will also attend to the buying of goods per order.
Very respectfully, yours, &c.
G. WALKER.
August, 1843. 52
JVotice*
ALL persons are hereby forewarned from
trading from a Promissory Note made by
me, payable to William Rice, for two hundred
dollars, dated 14th February, 1843, and due 25th
December, 1845, as the consideration for which
said Note was given has not been complied
with. JOHN BROWN.
Elbert county, Ga., October 10,1843. 2t
WASHINGTON, (WILKES COUNTY, GA.,) OCTOECCIt 20, 1843.
New Goods.
The Subscriber has received the balance
of bis
Call and Winter
flw & KP
VIZ :
Cloths and Cassimeres,
Kersey and plaid Linsey,
Blanket Overcoats,
Pilot and Beaver-cloth Coats,
8 and 9-4 Duffle Blankets,
10 and 11-4 Whitney do.
Coarse and fine Shoes,
Ladies’ fine Kid do.
Gaiter Boots and Children’s Shoes.
Fur and Wool Hats.
Fur and Cloth Caps,
Sealett and Hairseal Caps,
Saddles, Bridles and Martingales,
Fancy Baskets ; Wooden-ware,
Powder and Shot,
Hardware and Crockery,
Drugs and Medicines,
Collins’ best Cast-steel Axes,
King’s do. do.
Hull & Son’s patent Candles,
Silk, Gingham and Cotton Umbrellas,
&c. &c.
Also —A great variety of GOODS in
Store, which lie offers Cheap. Call and
see.
G. P. COZART.
October 19, 1843. 8
Notice to Debtors and Creditors.
ALL persons indebted to the Estate of Thom
as D. Boroin, late of Taliaferro county, de
ceased, are requested to pay the same immediate
ly, and those iiaving demands against tiie Estate*
will present the same in terms of the law for pay
ment.
GEORGE W. CARTER, Adm’r.
with the will annexed.
September 20, 1843. 6t 4
MR. CLAY’S SPEECH
ON ABOLITION PETITIONS.
In the Senate of the United States, Feb
ruary, 7,1839.
I have received, Mr. President, a petition
to the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United Slates, which I wish to pre
sent to the Senate. It is signed by several
hundred inhabitants of the District of Co
lumbia, and chiefly oftheeity of Washing
ton. Among them l recognize the name of
the highly esteemed Mayor of the city, and
other respectable names, some of which are
personally and well known to me. They
express their regret, that the subject of the
abolition of slavery wiihin the District of
Columbia, continues to bn pressed upon the
consideration of Congress by inconsiderate
and misguided individuals in other parts of
the United States. They slate that they do
not desire the abolition of slavery within
the district, even if Congress possesses the
very questionable power of abolishing it,
withoutthe consent of the people whose in
terests would be immediately and directly
affected by the measure ; that it is a ques
tion solely between the people of the Dis
trict and their only constitutional legisla
ture, purely municipal, and one in which
no exterior influence or interest can justly
interfere ; that, ifat any future period the
people of this District should desire the abo
lition of slavery within it, they will doubt
less make their wishes known, when it will
be time enough to take the matter into con
sideration ; that they do not, on this occa
sion, present themselves to Congress be
cause they are slaveholders—many of them
are not; some of them are conscientiously
opposed to slavery—but they appear be
cause they justly respect the rights ofthose
who own that description of property, and
because they entertain a deep conviction
that the continued agitation of the question
by those who have no right to interfere with
it, has an injurious influence on the peace
and tranquility of the community, and upon
the well-being and happiness of those who
are held in subjection ; they finally protest
as well against the unauthorized investiga
tion of which they complain, as against any
legislation on the part of Congress in com
pliance therewith. But, as I wish these
respectable petitioners to be themselves
heard, I requ .it that their petition may be
read.
[lt was read accordingly, and Mr. Clay pro
ceeded.]
I am informed by the Committee which
requested me to oiler this petition, and be
lieve, that it expresses the almost unani
mous sentiments of the people of the Dis
trict of Columbia.
The performance of this service affords
me a legitimate opportunity, of which, with
the permission of the Senate, I mean now
to avail myself, to say something, not only
on the particular objects of the petition, but
upon the great and interesting subject with
which it is intimately associated.
It is well known to the Senate, that I
have thought that the most judicious course
with abolition petitions has not been of late
pursued by Congress. I have believed that
it would have been wisest to have received
and referred them, without opposition, and
to have reported against their object in a
calm and dispassionate and argumentative
appeal to the good sense of the whole com
munity. It has been supposed, however
by a majority of Congress, that it was most
expedient either not to receive the petitions
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING.
at all, or, if formally received, not to act
definitely upon them. There is no sub
stantial difference between these opposite
opinions, since both look to an absolute re
jection of the prayer of the petitioners. But
there is a great difference in the form of
proceeding ; and, Mr. President, some ex
perience in the conduct of human affairs
has taught me to believe that a neglect to
observe established forms is often attended
with more mischievous consequences than
the infliction of a positive injury. We all
know that, even in private life, a violation
of the existing usages and ceremonies of
society cannot lake place without serious
prejudice. I fear, sir, that the abolitionists
have acquired a considerable apparent force
by blending with tiie object which they have
in view a collateral and totally different
question arising out of an alledged viola
lion of the right of petition. 1 know full
well, and take great pleasure in testifying,
that nothing was remoter from the intention
of the majority of the Senate, from which I
differed, than to violate the right of petition
in any case in which, according to its judg
inent, that right could be constitutionally
exercised, or where the object of the peti
tion could be safely or properly granted.—
Still, it must beowned that the abolitionists
have seized hold of the fact ofthe treatment
which their petitions have received in Con
gress, and made injurious impressions upon
the minds of a large portion of the commu
nity. This, I think, might have been avoi
ded by the course which 1 should have been
glad to have seen pursued.
And 1 desire now, Mr. President, to ad
vert to some of those topics which I think
might have been usefully embodied in a
report by a Committee of the Senate, and
which, I am persuaded would have check
ed the progress, if it had not altogether ar
rested the efforts of abolition. lam sensi
ble, sir, that this work would have been ac
complished with much greater ability and ;
with much happier effect, under the auspi- (
cos of a committee, that it can be by me.
But, anxious as I always am to contribute
whatever is in my power to the harmony,
concord, and happiness of this great peo
ple, I feel myself irresistibly impelled to do
whatever is in my power, incompetent as I
feel myself to be, to dissuade the public
from continuing to agitate a subject fraught
with the most dreadful consequences.
’There are three classes of persons op
posed, or apparently opposed, to the contin
ued existence of slavery in the United
Slates. The first are those who, from sen
timents of philanthropy and humanity, are
conscientiously opposed to the existence of
slavery, but who are no less opposed, at
the same time, to any disturbance of the
peace and tranquillity of the ITnion, or the
infringement of the powers of tiie Slates
composing the confederacy. In this class
may be comprehended that peaceful and
exemplary society of “Friends,” one of
whose established maxims is, an abhorrence
of war in all its forms, and the cultivation
of peace and good-will among mankind.—
The next class consists of apparent aboli
tionists—that is, those who, having been
persuaded that the right of petition has been
violated by Congress, co-operate with the
abolitionists for the sole purpose of assert
ing and vindicating that rigiit. And the
third class are the real ultra-abolitionists,
who are resolved to persevere in the pur- j
suit of their object at ail hazards, and with- I
out regard to any consequences, however !
calamitous they may be. With them the
right of property is nothing ; the deficiency
ofthe powers of the general government is
nothing ; the acknowledged & incontestible
powers ofthe State are nothing ; a civil war,
a dissolution of the Union, and the over
throw of a government in which are concen
trated the fondest hopes of the civilized
world, are nothing. A single idea has ta
ken possession oftheir minds, and onward
they pursue it, overlooking all barriers, and
regardless of all consequences. With this
class, the immediate abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia, and in the territo
ry of Florida, the prohibition of the remo
val of slaves from State to State, and the re
fusal to admit any new State, comprising
within its limits the institution of domestic
slavery, are but so many means conducing
to the accomplishment of the ultimate but
perilous end at which they avowedly and
boldly aim ; are but so many short stages
in the long and bloody road to the distant
goal at which they would finally arrive.—
Their purpose is abolition, universal aboli
tion, peaceably iftliey can, forcibly if they
must. Their object is no longer concealed
by the thinnest veil ; it is avowed and pro
claimed. Utterly destitute of constitution
al or other rightful power, living in totally
distinct communities, as alien to the com
munities in which the subject on which they
would operate resides, so far as concerns
political power over that subject, as if they
lived in Africa or Asia, tiiey nevertheless
promulgate to the world their purpose to be
to manumit forthwith, and wiiho ; compen
sation, and without moral prepara.ion, three
millions of negro slaves, under jurisdictions
altogether separated from those under
which they live. I have said that immedi
ate abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia ar.d the territory of Florida, and
the exclusion of new States, were only
means towards the attainment of a much
more important end. Unfortunately, they
are not the only means. Another, and much
more lamentable one is that which this
class is endeavoring to employ, of arraying
one portion against another portion of the
Union. With that view, in all their lead
ing prints and publications, the al! dged
horrors of slavery are depicted in the most
glowing and exaggerated colors, to excite
the imaginations and stimulate the rage of
the people in the free States against the peo
ple in the slave states. Tiie slave holder
is held up and represented as the most atro
cious of human beings. Advertisements
I of fugitive slaves.and of slaves to be sold,
| are carefully collected and blazoned forth,
to infuse a spirit of detestatiou and hatred
against one entire and the largest section of
the Union. And like u notorious agitator
j upon another theatre, they would hunt down
I and proscribe from the pale of civilized so
ciety the inhabitants of that entire section.
Allow me, Mr. President, to say, that while
1 recognize in the justly wounded feelings
of the minister of the United Stales at the
Court of St. James, much to excuse the no
tice which lie was provoked to take of that
agitator, in my humble opinion, lie would
have better consulted the dignity of his sta
tion and of liis country in treating it with
contemptuous silence. He would exclude j
us from European society ; he who himself |
can only obtain a contraband admission, and
is received with scornful repugnance into
it! If lie be no more desirous of our socie
ty than we are of his, he may rest assured j
that a stale of eternal non-intercourse will ;
exist between us. Yes, sir, I think the A- j
meiican minister would have best pursued |
the dictates oftrue dignity by regarding the j
j language ofthe member ofthe British House ■
j ol Commons as the malignant ravings ofthe
plunderer of his own country, and the li
■ heller of a foreign and kindred people.
But the means to which I have already
adverted, arc not the only ones which this
third class of ultra-abolitionists are employ
ing to effect their ultimate end. Tiiey be
gan their operations by professing to employ
only persuasive means in appealing to the
humanity, and enlightening the understan- 1
dings of the slave-holding portion of the j
Union. If there were some kindness in this !
avowed motive, it must be acknowledged i
that tiiere was rather a presumptuous dis- |
play also of an assumed superiority in in- 1
telligence and knowledge. For some time !
they continued to make these appeals to our ‘
duty and our interest; but impatient with
the slow influence of their logic upon our
minds, they recently resolved to change
their system of action. To the agency of
their powers of persuasion, they now pro-!
pose to substitute the powers of tiie ballot,
box ; and he must be blind to what is pas- !
sing before us, who does not perceive that 1
the inevitable tendency of their proceedings j
is, if these should be found insufficient, to j
invoke, final!}’, the more potent powers of |
the bayonet.
Mr. President, it is at this alarming stage j
ofthe proceedings of the ultra-abolitionists I
that I would seriously invite every consider- !
ate man in the country solemnly to pause, j
and deliberately to reflect, not merely on j
our existing posture, but upon that dreadful j
precipice down which they would hurry us.
It is because these ultra-abolitionists have !
ceased to employ tiie instruments of reason
and persuasion, have made their cause po
litical, and have appealed to the ballot box,
that I am induced, upon this occasion, to
address you.
There have been three epochs in the his
tory of our country at which the spirit of
abolition displayed itself. The first was j
immediately after the formation ofthe pre- i
sent federal government. When the con
stitution was about going into operation, its
powers were not well understood by ihe
community at large, and remained to be
accurately interpreted and defined. At
that period numerous abolition societies
were formed, comprising not merely the so
ciety of Friends, but many other good men.
Petitions were presented to Congress, pray- |
ing for the abolition of slavery. They were
received without serious opposition, refer
red, and reported upon by a committee.—
Tho report stated that the general govern
ment had no power to abolish slavery as it
existed in the several States, and that these
States themselves had exclusive jurisdic
tion over the subject. The report was gen
erally acquiesced in, and satisfaction and
tranquility ensued ; the abolition societies
thereafter limiting their exertions, in res
pect to the black population, to offices of
humanity within the scope of existing laws.
The next period when the subject of sla
very, &abolition incidentally,were brought
into notice and discussion, was that on the
memorable occasion of the admission of the
State of Missouri intothe Union. The strug
gle was long, strenuous, and fearful. It is
100 recent to make it necessary to do more
that merely advert to it, and to say, that it
was finally composed by one of those com
promises characteristic of our institutions,
and of which the constitution itself is the
most signal instance.
The third is, that in which we now find
ourselves. Various causes, Mr. President,
have contributed to produce the existing ex
citement on the subject of abolition.
principal one, perhaps, is the example of
British emancipation of the slaves in the
islands adjacent to our country. Such is
the similarity in laws, in language, in in
stitutions, and in common origin, between
Great Britain and the United States, that
no great measure of national policy can be
adopted in the one country without produ
cing a considerable degree of influence in
the other. Confounding the totally differ
ent cases together, of the powers of the
British parliament and those of the Con
gress of the United States, and the totally
different situations of the British West India
Islands, and the slaves in the sovreign and
independent States of this confederacy, su
perficial men have inferred from the unde
cided British experiment, the praetioabilitv
HI. .1. K APPEL, M* r inter.
j of the abolition of slavery in those States.—
The powers of the British parliament are
j unlimited, and are often described to be
i omnipotent. The powers of the American
Congress, on the contrary, are few, cauti-
I ouslv limited, scrupulously excluding all
J that are not granted, and above all, care
fully and absolutely excluding all power
over the existence and continuance of sla
i very in the several States The slaves, too,
upon which British legislation operated,
i were not in the bosom ofthe kingdom, but
in remote and feeble colonies having no
voice in parliament. The West India
■ slaveholder was neither represented nor
i representative in that parliament. And
i while I most fervently wish complete suc-
I cess to the Britisli experiment of West In
dia emancipation, I confess that I have fcar
| ful forebodings of a disastrous termination
lof it. Whatever it may be, I think it must
I be admitted that, if the British parliament
i had treated tiie West India slaves as frec-
I men, it also treated the West India free
men as slaves. If, instead of these slaves
being separated by a wide ocean from the
parent country, tiiree or four millions of Af
! rican negro slaves had been dispersed over
j England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland,
; and their owners had been members of the
! British parliament—a ease which would
| have presented some analogy to that ofour
country; does anyone believe that it would
have been expedient or practicable to have
emancipated them, leaving them to remain
with all their embittered feelings, in tho
United kingdom, boundless as the powers
of the British parliament are?
Other causes have conspired with tho
British example to produce the existing ex
citement from abolition. I say it with pro
found regret, but with no intention to occa-
sion irritation here or elsewhere, that there
are persons in both parts of the Union who
have sought to mingle abolition with poli
tics, and to array one portion of the Union
against the other. It is the misfortune in
free countries that, in high party times, a
disposition too often prevails to seize hold
of every thing which can strengthen the one
side or weaken the other. Charges of fos
tering abolition designs have been heedless
ly and unjustly made by one party against
the other. Prior to the late election of the
President of the United States, he was char
ged with being an abolitionist, and aboli
tion designs were imputed to many of his
supporters. Much as 1 was opposed to his
election, and am to his administration, I
neither shared in making nor believing the
truth of the charge. He was scarcely in
stalled in office before the same charge was
directed against those who opposed his e
leclion.
Mr. President, it is not true, and I rejoice
that it is not true, tiiat either of the two
great parties in this country has anv designs
or aim at abolition. I should deeply la
ment ii it were true. I should consider, if
it were true, that the danger to the stability
of our system would be infinitely greater
than any which does, I hope, actually ex
ist. While neither party can be, I think,
justly accused of any abolition tendency
or purpose, both have profited, and both
have been injured in particular localities,
by the accession or abstraction of abolition
support. If the account were fairly stated,
I believe the [tarty to which I am opposed
has profited much more, and been injured
much less, than that to which I belong.—
But I am far, for that reason, front being
disposed to accuse our adversaries of being
abolitionists.
And now, Mr. President, allow me to
consider the several cases in which the au
thority of Congress is invoked by these a
bolition petitioners upon the subject of do
mestic slavery. The first relates to it as
it exists in the District of Columbia. The
following is the provision of the constitution
of the United States in reference to that
matter:
“ To exercise exclusive legislation in all
cases whatsoever over such districts (not
exceeding ten miles square) as may by ces
sion of particular States, and the accept
ance of Congress, become the seat of gov
ernment ofthe United States.”
This provision preceded, in point of time,
the actual cessions which were made bv
the State of Maryland and Virginia. The
object of the cession was, to establish a seat
of government of the United States ; and the
grant in the constitution of exclusive legis
lation must be understood, and should be
always interpreted, as having relation to
the object ofthe cc - >n. I: was with a full
knowledge oftliisclau rt. the constitution
that those two Stater ceded to the general
government tiie ten miles square, constitu
ting the District of Columbia. In making
the cession, they supposed that it was to be
applied, ami applied solely, to the purpo
ses of a seat of government, for which it was
asked. When it was made, slavery exis
ted in both those commonwealths, and in the
ceded territory, as it now continues to exist
in all ofthem. Neither Maryland nor Vir
ginia could have anticipated that, while the
institution remained within their respective
limits, its abolition would be attempted by
Congress without their consent. Neither
of them would probably have made an un
conditional cession, if they could have an
ticipated such a result.
From the nature of the provision in the
constitution, and the avowed object of the
acquisition of the territory, two duties a
rise on the part of Congress. The first is,
to render the district available, comforta
ble, and convenient, as a seat of government
ofthe whole Union ; the other is to govern
the people within the district so as best to
promote their happiness and prosperity.-
[VOLIJME XXIX.