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tSoriiy to raise revenue for its own purpo
ses. The one hus no right to interfere with
the affairs oftlie other, either to aslt alms
or bestow charity. As umong the States,
one has no (tower to demand of another to
raise revenue for its use and benefit. Nor
eari the General Government assess a tax
upon all the Slates for one member of the
confederacy. The exercise ofsuoh a pow
er would be an unwarrantable usurpation.
To illustrate the working of this policy—
one State owes one million and an half of
dollars, which she is able to pay ; another
owes thirty millions of dollars. The lat
ter Stale finds it inconvenient to discharge
hor own obligations, but wishes to raise a
revenue from the people of the former and
other States for the purpose. This she can
not do. She cannot apply to Congress to
tax the people of the other States, and pay
the revenue into her own Treasury for her
benefit. This would be too palpable an
outrage. Not less is the outrage of asking
an assumption of her debt by the General
Government. When assumed, the debt of
the single State become the debt of the Gen
eral Government; and the other States in
common with herself, are to pay it. If it
is paid front sales of public lands, it is so
much drawn from the Treasury, which
snould be applied to the legitimate purpo
ses of the Government, and its
be supplied by taxation. v
The embarrassments undPT which the
people have labored forbears pustj are
gradually yielding- to their economy and
enterprise ;_ it js. a' matter of gratula
tiorfto all, that while few only have been
reduced to poverty and ruin by the inevita-
W? decrees of-the marry have met
difficulties ar.3 surmounted them, vftiich in
tjaeir approach seemed irresistible. No
subject is more worthy oftlie profound Con
sideration of the faithful representatives of
th4*people, thatj - the history of. the times
through which the country has lately pas-
the evils which the people have en
dured, and the measures necessary |*re.
vent their recurrence. In some sections of
the State, serious apprehensions
tertainrd that the people would \sist the’
enforcement of the laws, and appeals were
made to the Executive which induced the
adoption of precautionary measures to pre
vent such a catastrophe, or, in the event of
its occurrence, to support the officers of the
law in the execution of their duties.
state of things was not bv a want
of confidence in our admirable government,
nor was it the result of a vvayt of respect
for the ministers of the law ; but it was the j
consequence of that deep and hopeless des- I
pair which the prospect of unavoidable
ruin, by the shameful sacrifice of property, !
upon a whole community. Spe
cie was demanded at Sheriff’s sales, which
neither the debtor, nor rtysons desirous of
purchasing at
account oftlie suspension 1)V the Banks.—S
.Bank notes, issued under the
, law, were inconvertible into specie,
* the creditor could not be forced Uy'the law
to receive in payment.of lus cur
rency which the whv had authorized to be
circulated among the people, and Jhfeh
debtors had rece**dfor oPeir
labor to meet demands against them. Any
policy which subjects the citizen to this op
pression, is estabTfshea in error ;
to be abandoned, perhaps the difficulty is !
in our political organization.in a
complex system like ours, when political
power is distributed'between two (govern
ments, to be cxcrris<?d for the benefit of the
same people, but each independent oftlie.
other the one more particularly
tending and governing in regard to inter
ests that pertain to several States embraced
as a whole, the other acting for its own par
ticular community or State, enacting all
laws for the protection, and enforcement of
civil rights, great consideration should be
|iaid to the line ofdemarcation which sena
rates the powers of the one from the other, j
Their respect: .- powers are so wisely and
justly apportioned and precisely arranged
and designated, that there <an be no apolo
gy much less necessity f'qjy the encroach
j ment oftlie onchupon the Their har
monious action, within ’their respective
spheres, with an the interest
of those nodoubt,
do much towards accomplishing the great
object o. human government, and mitigate
thccviis. to which allufcion fifes beOTtnade,
if no! wholly prevent /jjDf the Gov
ernmerts to which we are'jjpbject, it is
scarcely necessary to the one
ts made up of grants of powers fron&he
people, which it cannotjjfanscwid, whfrTCan
undefined discretion pertains t$ the other,
except as restricted by “written constitu
tions To these resirictions 4 tlSa,State
Governments great regard should ‘Tdjpaid
by the Representatives of the [opfe. Otff
erwise, the people may be4nvelpiFT’n diffi
culties from which no Legislation can ex
tricate them, and in which case they must
suffer from mischievous meajCres, irre
trievable wrongs. The Spates ope prohi
bited from making any thing but gold or
silver coin a legal fender 4*i payment of
debts. A policy, therefore, whose tenden
cy is to keep out of jfe hands irfme people
gold and silver coin jyhich alWdJcan be
made Substitu
ting paper therefor, vifjjich u$ Legislation
can make a legal tender, is iojquiyjis and
oppressive. Its wrongb havdfceenTelt by
thousands in timas thrdbgh vvlTieli fae have
passed, and its W’ects have
selves in popular discontents, •anatlrc utter
destruction of among ckizens of
the same community. vhclfamteoKwhich
disturb thfi <*f the
State to which reference basemen Jjade,
afford evidence of the difficultiJL to
unjust measures may lead, ancflErc a jvar
ning to rufqfs against thafr
States being prohibited friMt
impairing the obligation aßonttßjsjKave
not power by retrospeetiyk legSation, to
extend for the debtor thejfdy oPjayment,
and in this way to mitigate of
placing paper money in hip ham*.instead
of coin. Some of the Sta|6s
laws which have been, long
and therefore avoid the ipinsfitunßyal ob
jection which always gt*aches to ’
live legislation. I would rocommend the
enactment of a similar statute here, which
would be applicable to future cases, unless
, the policy is abandoned which places the
i dostinesof the people in the hands of mon
eyed corporations.
The whole evil nmy be prevented by
conforming our legislation to the federal
constitution, which not only prohibits the
States from making any thing but gold or
silver coin a legal tender in payment of
debts, or passing a law impairing the obli
gation ofcontracts, but also from emitting j
bills of credit. It would seem that if the
two first prohibitions were proper, the last
was necessary to prevent consequences per
nicious and oppressive to the people which
would flow from the exercise of such pow.
er. The great object of the framers of the
constitution, in introducing this restriction,
appears to have been the suppression of pa
per money, ami to save the people from the
losses which always ensue, to a greater or
less extent, from the use of such a curren
-1 cy. Paper money is subject to the same
casualities, and the people are subjected to
the same injuries by its use, whether issued |
by the Government, corporations or indi
viduals. It is but paper money, and its re
demption depends on the public, corporate
or individual ability and faith. The first
night to he held as reliable, perhaps mpre
so, tnifti either of thermo last. Oji?t it lias \
been absurdly held, ams establislied upon ]
the highest j.udieinl authority,, that a <Stat£
may grant a power tb olhers,’ wfiicft- it is
not at liberty to exercise itself. In this i
way the wholesome prohibition of the con
stitution is stripped of its efficacy, and fiuj
doorisopenco wije tojli£ evil .which it vvas J
the objiftt to suppress". One of the
bers of the federal convention who moved
th'e proliibTfi&n and have well crfi
derstood his own purpose remarked thW
that was a favorable time for crushing pa
per money. If, “said he,” ‘the consent of
the legislature would authorize emissions
of it, the friends of paper money would
make every exertion to get into the legisla
t } u t;e ill order to*license jit.” This was pro
'■ photic, rad since the prohibiticA. has Keen
rendered worse than useless by unjustifi
able constructions ; ho\y remarkably has
tlTo prediction been fulfilled. The friends
of paper, njpney, the pretended champions
of the g¥eat commercial interest, have*
their extraordinary influence by
vanquishing Bills.constitutional restriction ;
but the wisdom of the prohibition has been
manifested by the pernicious effects which
| have followed thp victory.
The remarks in reference to
I by Banks charters from the
! State Legislatures, apply with equal force j
to the notes of a Bank of the United States j
with this arlditioiial ob£cfion—(bit
riamtfr, be s’ubjectSiO%. the j
jteontrol oftlie No
Sjtr what the itsr corporate v^ifnci
a Bank the United States it y?
irresponsible to th£m. great political
influence which j*uch an institution is
to exert, should an its incor j
poration by citizen to ;
jlfc sfcKjeCTion to mon#y
it may be, an tNiS* Sovi^Hhnt!
and the as a financial and cmjfcer
; cial agent. Experience .has proven that
! tlie’Governnrcnt is not dependent on its aid;
as, little is it needed, to equalize commer
cial exchange. Indeed it cannot effect that
ol>ject. E.™hange was as higlj in an op
pressive of revulsion.
. durin^t^cxisfcqkie’of tWlate charter, as
it Weir at-any time since Its expiration,
and the co-otjfiy lias not yet record,
ered enflrely from fie'distress which tiiaW
Banlc had its share producinaii
has gone down to a rate whitfffj
coil'd nc#be ffc?Tuced” midel’ tiie j
such aif inlfctution. Asa NatioffkßSk ‘
1 13 nqi
j a rejnM'tUor of exchange, where fore® hall
one L|£ established ? It has never Btorded
facilities nor accommodations to Jte great
the peopte, andifhopes adffnspired
that will be the practice fta new in
stitwon, they are fallacious anft* cannot be
realized. But Hie great objections to a
Bank of the United States on the score of
expediency, is tiie connexion of an institu
tion with the Government which has tiie
power o( distributing pecuniary favors.—
TTie wisdom of public measures depends cn
tiie purity and intelligence of the Represen
tatives of the peoplp. If they are corrupt,
the rights of the people will be disregarded
and greeted to selfish ends.—
The Government ought never therefore, to ]
establish as an auxiliary to i;s operations,
an institution with whose existence are ne
cessarily blended the means of corruption
i# 1 abuse. Th* it may not be prostituted I
to vile purposes, is no argument in its fa
vor. I hat it can be, should be argument
enough against it. It cannot be forgotten
that the late National Bank was charged:
with an agency in producing the com
mercial embarrassment and distress” which
a few years since overspread the country,
and have left their marks of desolation eve
ry where ; with having used its corporate
power and means to control the press, to
interfere in polities and influence elections.
A select committee was raised by one of
the Houses of Congress, to enquire into
these things and to investigate what abuses,
corruptions or malpractices had existed fa
the management of the Bank. The ob
structions thrown in the way of the investi
gation, by the Bank, which ultimately de
feated it, amidst asseverations of innocence
and purity, are recorded in the archives of
the nation. Great sensitiveness to the con
stitutional rights of the citizen against
searches, made the apology for resisting a
scrutiny which must have developed the
misdoings and abuses, which time forced to
public view, notwithstanding the effort to
conceal them under cover of a State char
ter. Had the vigorous measure of bringing
before tiie bar of the House the offending
and contemptuous directors, been adopted
as recommended by the majority of the
committee, and the investigation prosecu
ted, some of the disasters which fell on wid
ows and orphans*, whose entire funds had
’ been invested in the s'oek. might have been
: averted. The labored and extraordinary
defence of the Bank by the minority of the
committee, exhibits in a strong light, tiie
powerful influence it was capable of oxort
ing. The report of that minority acknowl
edges the alarming principle that corrup
tions, abuses and malpractices in its man
agement, were no violation of its charter.
This fearful admission ought to excite the
suspicions of all, and beget an universal op
position to an institution whose proceedings
are to be covered from scrutiny upon prin
j ciples so adverse to public morality, popu
lar rights and liberty. To the grant of eve
ry charter is unnexed a tacit condition that
the persons incorporated will act with fidel
ity and honesty ; and a breach of this im
plied condition is as much a violation of the
charter as if the condition had been ex
pressed. Besides, Congress had the un
questionable power to repeal the act of in
corporation and thus put an end to its exis
tence. If a Bank charter is to be consid
ered a contract, Congress is subject to no
restriction, which disarms it oftlie power of
annulling it. The constitutional prohibi
tion is to the States, not to Congress. This
principle was practically asserted, but the
’power abusively exercised, in a late case,
by the Senate of the United States in abro
gating a contract with its printer. If the
power of repeal is unquestionable, then ei-‘
j jlicr House of Congress had tjjo right, with
| to tiie charter for tiie authori
ty, to inquire into suspected abuses to as
| certain ifeliether the principles Bf justice
demanded the repeal, and so the committee
might have maintained. This power of re
jieal I admit, ought to be cautiously exer-
Tcised, and n*ever, where good faith'hae been
■ obsferfeed and pri vaifeTightS’inight be affect
ed by it, unless individuals are notified be
fore they commit that* a
cliange of public policy might eilect it. If
legislators, opposed to the incorporation of a
National Bank were to protest against any
act for tiie incorporation of one, and aver
their intention to move a repeal, whenever
the prospect of carrying it, would justify
the effort, none would have a right to com
But'a National Bank is not tiie only pro- |
miijent measure of the Federal Government
infiuancing the destinies of the'people,
which attracts public attention, and is enti
* tled'to you*; notice.
A protective tariff which collects around
it othiy measures meriting general repro
bation, is unjust to the people of all classes j
and every of the country, except ;
those who are engaged in manufactures.
Every consumer is a contributor to a great
er or less extent. A radical objection to-.
; the mrasure is its to the
ofies Govfiy-iihfetif is^j^taOlisl^j
for mutual support and j
among oijrsel ves^ajjdTuk’
a wi’n£)S<roni An act of un- j
*■ eqnaTSb gislation, is an assault upon this
inflicts an injustice upon
\ those winßtlffi inequality ass ets. Protec
, tion of anymyicle of
nection's equally heneficiaito all, as ‘Gien^
| the objects one wliißtfPffmg
jfeiiflis the arm for the protection
1 and interest. All are in
terested in raising the uation above a de
•pendence on foreign supplies for arms and
munitions of tvar, and indispensable articles
for the army, and all contributions for such
things are contributions in which,,every, in
dividual in opr fireacf\Con%dcra?;y is inter-
but ‘.Wien protectmn is asked for arti
cles which are not prime necessity,
tiie injustice is of forcing theag
jicultuialist and the mechanic, to pay a eon-,
■ for which tlt*y no e
|*quivalent. Should the principle of protoc
j tion be extended to our merchants, barris
i ter; h physicians, clerg^ien,. teaciiers—
‘ and though last, not least—our farmers, in
j all their various products, it would shock
the. common sense of the-whole community.
And yet I cannot see that they are in any
respect entitled to less favor from the Gov
ernment than the manufacturers. In this,
the last address that I slial!probably ever
make to the representatives of the people of
Georgia, 1 embrace this solemn warning a
gainst tiie insidious and destructive policy.
The manufacturer cannot complain of its
He has been aided by the
Government, with palpable injustice tooth
er me rests,; (trough infancy and weakness,
not only to self-sustaining strength, but to
great power.
1 have now, fellow-citizens, submitted to
; you such informa*on in regard to the af
fair!? of the State, as it is my constitutional
duty to communicate, with the recommen
dation of such measures as, in my opinion,
are demanded by the public good. They
are commended to your consideration. In
the execution of your high duties, you have
no superior but God, and the constitutions
of thejtsountry. In rendering obedience to
tbe Divine will, your acts will necessarily
be in conformity to the paramount law ;
anctaccording to the Wisdom, Justice and
Moderation of your measures, will they ex
ert an influence for good upon those, for
whose benefit thev will be adopted.
Charles j. McDonald.
_ *
Sound Disbelief of a Devil. —When Col.
Ethan Allen was prisoner in Englaud he
was offered a large estate in Vermont, if he
would declare for the king. “lam a plain
man,” said Col. Allen in-rjeply, “ and have
read but few books ; but I have seen in
print, somewhere, a circumstance that for
eibly reminds me of the proposal of your
lordship—it is of a certain character that
took a certain character into an exceeding
ly high monntain, and showed him all the
kingdoms of the earth, and the glory there
of, and told him if he would fall down and
worship him, this should be all his : and the
rascal did’nt own a foot of them, /”
Show us the man among us who is con
tinually complaining for the want of trade,
and at the same time is wondering “how
the dicken” such and such places have so
great a run of custom, we will show you
one who is too penurious to spare ten or fif
teen dollars a year for advertising.—Cat
skill Berorder.
INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
Fellow Citizens of the Senate,
and House of Representatives :
Commencing and ending our terms of
public service übout the same time, vve
shall, to some extent, be participants in the
praise or blame of our works. Probably
s your active duties will soon cease—mine
* must continue
j A compliance with the last constitution
al requirement will be the fulfilment of pub
lic expectation by averting the necessity
and expense of annual legislation. A rule
of government established for a period long
er than half of a century may not be sup
posed to be susceptible of a ready or rapid
, change. Apart from the inveteracy of
custom which adheres with the force of in
dividual habits, there will still be embar
eassmont in remodelling the details of the
old, and accommodating them to the were
system. To accomplish these ends will
require a forecast at once minute and com
■ preliensive.
Asa confederate, Georgia should yield
compliance with federal authority only to
tiie extent of her constitutional obligations.
Her past history teaches the prudence and
safety of this limitation. But as 1 believe
that the States have delegated to the Feder
al Government the ultimate power of regu
lating “the times, places and manner ofhol
ding elections” for Representatives in Con
gress, and as that power has in part been
exercised, compliance with it is only fidel
ity to a constitutional engagement.
It is moreover a measure whose tenden
cy is to ensure to that branch of the Fed
eral Legislature, organization and preser
vation—to place the Representative in jux
ta-position to his constituents whereby, he
is presumed more certainly to know and re
flect their wishes and wants, and to equal- |
ize, in some degree, power between the
large and smaller States—and as the large
States have, from motives of convenience
or good faith, conformed toils requirements,
the smaller and recusant States have every
inducement to do likewise.
A people whose industrious pursuits are
chiefly confined to the production of a few
great staples, so bulky as not
to’permit an easy e.xchan|Wm- other com
modifies of general use and necessity, are
peculiarly interested in a sound currency.
As tiie representative and value of their la
bor, ifit be not equal to the established
| standard, extent will be their loss.
; Whatever, therefore, that is depreciated or
vicious, in our circulating medium, should
be effectually corrected or legally suppres
sed.
> On this subject, the people of these States
taught by expedients and expe
-1 riments the safely of adhering to a tried and
J !W 1 syStom. A stern necessity—the
; result of a sad experience, admonishes them
to abandon the pursuit of new and gilded
schemes, and fall baolr info the ancient
ways f the Republic.
|g* of taxation should neither be
1 timidly nor recklessly used. Adopting, as 1
( slu|tild be restricted
1 to tfPpubiic wants, and that thL; supply 1
should be apportionedfoii the principle that
“equcffiH’ is equityj” f we may eAect that \
sooner or later, popular approval.Aill be
added to the consolation of having |Wforrri
ed our duty. A government is ‘
one to awaken pridjL To this feeling, prop,
erly cherished, eve'rV patriotic appeal may
be successfully made—every emergency—
every met with its appropri- 1
ate sacrifice. LeT us seek then to collect
onlv that which is necessary to tiie public
, service, and confidently rely, under tiie in
fluence of tiiis feeling, that the supply will 1
be cheerfully granted. But let us seek not 1
by the expedients of the day, to supply the
wants of the morrow. A proper apprecia- 1
tion of file present blessings that we enjoy
forbids The entailment of any unrequited i
burthens upon our posterity.
The plan of penetrating and passing 1
through our mountainous region was com
menced, and has been prosecuted princi- ;
pally on tiie credit of the State. After the
expenditure of a large amount the work is
still unfinished. In the meantime, a gen-!
oral prostration of all credit lias retarded
its progress, and the policy of its sale, even
in its unfinished condition, has been indica
ted. I ardently hope that this policy will
not be pushed to a sacrifice of this great
work. Asa means of its completion, we
should mainly look to the resuscitation and
employment of State Credit. The enter
prise is worthy of the Slate; in peace, bind
ing in bands of iron its distant parts in the
kind offices of neighborhood, and stimula
ting industry to its greatest capacity of pro
duction, by enhancing the rewards and di
minishing the burthens of labor; in war,
furnishing a safe and speedy transit of its
disposable and always reliable force, to the
assailable and vulnerable points, thereby
giving to the struggle vigor and assurance
of victory.
Experience has proved that in the ad
ministrative justice of every people, unifor
mity of decision is an essential element.—
To suppose this result attainable under e
leven judicatories, each having a Judge in
dependent and final in his decisions, would
be to suppose the exact similitude of so ma
ny minds. Nor is the difficulty removed
by the suggestion that the rule prescribed is
the same to each. In matters other than
of temporal concern we have seen discor
dant and hostile opinions springing from a
source eternal and “unchangeably the
same.” From the variety of the human
mind, we may therefore expect upon most
subjects constant conflicts of opinion, until
tliere is constituted some authoritative stan
dard to which they may be referred and
conformed.
After the displacement of the royal and
substitution of a republican government,
the endowment of literary institutions was
among the earliest acts of our ancestors.—
VVhen, too, at the close of the last century,
our constitution was revised and amended,
we were solemnly appointed the constitu
tional patrons ofletters. This example of
the past, and this guaranty for the present
and future, illustrate that the beginning
was not to be the end—but rather as a con
tinning proclamation of this fundamental
truth, that the safest and clieupest defence
of Republics, is to be found in their earnest
. and unremitted exertions to promote and en
large tiie blessings of education.
These and other topics will doubt
less provoke discussion and produoe oppo
site opinions. They however constitute
the evidences and when tempered with mod
eration, tlie safe guards of free institutions.
Then like the tributaries of tiie Father of
Waters, though we had our origin in differ
ent climes—though we have pursued differ
ent courses—though we have met with va
rious obstacles—and though we bear differ
ent degrees ofstrength, yet here —in the ap
priato channel, let our councils, as their wa
ters, be commingled in peace.
I am now ready to take the prescribed
oatli which binds me to an office of arduous
duties and grave responsibilities. Fiver
distrustful of my own qualifications, I pro
fess to bring to the task nothing save the
wish and resolve, faithfully to perform tiie
high behests of the Constitution. These,
with your patriotic co-operation, and all un
der tiie guidance of Heaven, I may hope
will add something to tiie prosperity of our
beloved land, and vindicate before -the
world tiie form and wisdom of popular gov
ernment,
From the Hartford Courant.
WHIG PROSPECTS—IB39 and 1843.
Tiie remark which vve have seen in sev
eral VViiig papers that Mr. Clay’s pros
pects for the Presidency at this time are bet
ter than were Gen. Harrison’s during the
fall previous to his election, is one which
may be made with great truth. Although
it may startle some of our readers who do
not keep election results in their minds, it
is nevertheless true, that in the fall of 1839
there were but 8 States, giving 88 elector
al votes, in the hands of the Whigs. Ten
nessee, which was then against us, Govern
or (25. VJ maj.) and Legislature, lias now
chosen a Whig Governor by 3000 maj. and
a Whig Legislature. Georgia, which then
elected a Van Buren Governor by a ma
jority of 1827, and a Legislature in which
was a V. B. majority of 36 on joint ballot,
lias now ciiosen a Whig Governor by a
bout 4000 majority, and a Legislature in
which the Whigs boast a majority in joint
ballot of from 50 to 60. North Carolina
which was then against us, is now for us.—
in Maryland, in 1839, tiie popular vote ex
hibited a V. B. majority of 1154, and his
friends had a majority of 11 in the Legisla
ture ; now tiie Whigs have the popular vote
and a majority in botii branches of tiie Le
gislature. In Pennsylvania, that year,
they choose hut 11 members of Congress to
the Locos 17, and in joint ballot of the Le
gislature the majority against them was 39;
now they have 13 members of Congress
to tiie Locos 11, and the majority against
them in the Legislature is 22. In Ohio,
the Locos then had a ma jority in the House,
of4o, now the Whigs have a majority.—
Notwithstanding our disaster in the above
enumerated States in 1839,they ail went for
us at the Presidential election in 1840, and
the result of their recent elections, indicates
that they will be found on the Whig side
in 1844. The official returns mav not
give us a majority of tiie popular vote ei
ther in Pennsylvania or Ohio, but we judge
these States can be carried next fall from
the great things which has just been ac
complished in them without any organized
efforts on the part of our friends.
It is true we have lost Now Jersey, which
was for us in 1839, but now no doubt can
exist but that she will come out Whig at the
next trial. Massachusetts went against us
in 1839, but she will certainly be regained
this fall.
The Whig prospects are so much better
now than they were one year before the
last Presidential election, tiiat we may not
only expect to carry our candidate for the
Presidency, but to elect him by a majority
still larger than that which Gen. Harrison
received. He obtained the vote of nineteen
States. Can vve not give Mr. Clav twen
ty ? j
From the Columbus Enquirer.
HENRY CLAY.
Your enemy, shall judge you. He, who
having betrayed his friends and is now
shamelessly prostituting the power and pat
ronage of his high office to purchase the
good opinion ofhis former enemies, shall
speak. We allude of course to John Ty
ler. It is true, that this man is now the
bitter reviler of the vvhigs and their leader;
that he slanders without compunction, and
punishes without remorse every man, who
dares believe that his administration is a
libel on the character of the country ; but it
is no less true that, in times past, he pro.
fessed the most unbounded admiration for
Henry Clay.* What has the great Ken
tuckian done, since 1839, that has so chan
ged the opinion and lost the love of the
present Chief Magistrate ? Then, Mr.
Clay was all that a patriot ought to be,
standing, according to John Tyler, in the
midst of an impending war, when the clouds
of coming strife were gathering thick over
and around, threatening to pour down upon
the fair land all the elements of ruinous dis
cord and bloodshed ; and lifting aloft the
olive branch of peace, he stayed the migh
ty torrent and bade the troubled waves be
still. In that hour of proud and almost
holy triumph the said John Tyler acknowl
edges that he envied the great pacificator.
And what true hearted American did not ?
It was a time and an occasion that required
a master spirit. That controlling spirit
was found in Henry Clay.
But let us see what Mr. Tyler thought
ofhis disinterested devotion to the peace of
the country in 1839 In a speech in the
Virginia House of Delegates, the accident
thus speaks:
In my deliberate opinion, there was but
one man, who could have arrested the then
course of things, and that man was Henry
Clay. It rarely happens, Mr. Speaker, to
the most gifted and talented, and patriotic
to record thoir names upon the page of his
•
lory, in characters indelible and enduring.
But, sir, if to have rescued his country from
civil war—if to have preserved the Consti
tution and Union from hazard of total
wreck, constitute uny ground for an im
mortal and undying name among men,
then do 1 believe, that ho has won for him
self that high renown. ’ I speak what Ido
know, for 1 was an actor in tho scenes of
that perilous period. When lie rose in that
Senate Chamber, and held in his hand the
olive branch of peace, I, who had not known
what envy was before, envied him. I was
proud of him as my fellow countryman,
and still prouder, that the slashes of Han
over, within tiie limits of my old district,
gave him birth.
CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS.
Our friend of the Constitutionalist finds
an argument against Congressional Dis
tricts, in tiie fact that in Pennsylvania the
Whigs have elected twelve Representatives
to Congress, besides one half-way Democrat
and the Democrats only eleven, when vve
had a majority of 10 or 15,000 in tho pop.
ular vote of tiie State. Tiie editor certain
ly knows that we lost two or three dis
tricts by running two Democratic candi
dates against one Wiiig, and that if we had
fought the battle on equal terms, our ma
jority in the delegation would have corres
ponded with that of the voters at large.—
Suppose the election had been by general
ticket, and we had run two setts of candi
dates; the Whigs would have elected the
entire delegation, notwithstanding our ma
joritv.
But vve admit that a in a State
may sometimes elect a rijority of Repre
sentatives under the This
inequality of representation is incident to
every mode of election that ram be adopted ;
but it may be more unequaimnder the gen
eral ticket .than tho district system. Sup
pose Nevv-York, with her 200,000 voters,
elects her 34 Representatives by general
ticket, and the Whigs succeed by 100 ma
jority. Then suppose that Delaware, with
her 10.000 voters, elects a single Democrat
ic Representative by 6,000 majority. In
these two States, 102,050 voters would
have 34 Representatives, and 107,950 vo
ters would have but one Representative.—
Is not this a greater inequality than it is
possible can happen when vve elect by dis
tricts ?
The error into which the advocates of a
general ticket fall, results from a misappre
hension of tiie proper organization of the
House of Representatives. That body is
intended to represent the aggregate people
of the Union—it is tiie popular branch, as
distinguished from the Senate, which repre
sents States as States. Hence, in endeav
oring to avoid inequality, vve must not look
to the effects of any particular system in a
single State, but in all the States taken to
gether. Congressional districts being of
equal size, and States being of unequal size,
it is plain tiiat there is less probability of a
majority of Representatives being elected
by a minority of tho people, under iho dis
trict than under tiie general ticket plan.—
This is the great reason why vve advocate
tiie district mode of election.
Another reason in favor of our views, is
to be found in the public convenience.—
When a vacancy occurs, as is often the
case, it is much easier to call out the voters
of a single district, to supply it, than of the
whole State. This is no slight considera
tion, if vve regard the time and money spent
in attending an election.
For those and many other reasons here
tofore given, vve hope that in Georgia, and
in all the other States, Congressional Dis
tricts will be established ; and we shall feel
that our Legislature, now in session, will
not consult the public will, nor tho inter
ests of the people, should they fail to estab
lish this important measure. — Athens Ban
ner.
From the Columbia S. Carolinian, 9 111 inst.
. ANOTHER SHOWER OF FLESH
AND BLOOD!
Mr. Editor: I suppose it will be remem
bered by most newspaper readers, that in
the year 1841, accounts were published, of
two showers of flesh and blood ; one in Ten
nessee, and the other in Massachusetts. I
am now about to relate a similar circum
stance, which lately occurred in our own
State. Mr. Wm. M. Inlow, a gentleman
of undoubted veracity, related it to me, as
follows : On Saturday last, while lie and
his two sons were picking Cotton on his
plantation, (in Laurens District, near Eno
ree river, and about two miles below Mus
grove’s Mill,) the younger son called to tiie
others, who were a little distance from him,
to listen, for he heard something falling
near him. They thought he was mistaken,
and paid but little attention to it; bnt he in
sisted, and told them if they would come,
he could show it to them on the ground.—
They went and found the ground strewed
with what appeared to them to be pieces of
meat, varying from the size of an ounce
ball, to larger than a hen’s egg. These
pieces were very moist, and as red as blood
or anything else could make them ; and the
grass, cotton, or whatever they came in
contact with, was stained as with blood.—
They were scattered several feet apart,
over a space of ground some 20 or 30 yards
in width ; and they examined it for some
thing like 50 yards in length, but did not
go to the end ofit.
I was informed of it yesterday, and went
in company with two gentlemen, to visit the
place in person. We were so lucky as to
find some of the article still remaining, and
all agreed that it had the appearance of
flesh, of the finest mould much finer than
we had ever seen before. Some of the pieces
seemed to be entirely fat, but most of it
lean, very red, and somewhat transparent,
when held up towards the light; “hut it waS
considerably dried when I saw it, having
lain 24 hours.
The younger Wm. Inlow, a very intelli
gent and credible youth of 14, says he first
heard a few scattering pieces fall, and
looking up, saw the air darkened with them;
and that it looked something like snow fal
ling slowly, when the flakes ar/far apart:
