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About News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 16, 1843)
tSoriiy to raise revenue for its own purpo ses. The one hus no right to interfere with the affairs oftlie other, either to aslt alms or bestow charity. As umong the States, one has no (tower to demand of another to raise revenue for its use and benefit. Nor eari the General Government assess a tax upon all the Slates for one member of the confederacy. The exercise ofsuoh a pow er would be an unwarrantable usurpation. To illustrate the working of this policy— one State owes one million and an half of dollars, which she is able to pay ; another owes thirty millions of dollars. The lat ter Stale finds it inconvenient to discharge hor own obligations, but wishes to raise a revenue from the people of the former and other States for the purpose. This she can not do. She cannot apply to Congress to tax the people of the other States, and pay the revenue into her own Treasury for her benefit. This would be too palpable an outrage. Not less is the outrage of asking an assumption of her debt by the General Government. When assumed, the debt of the single State become the debt of the Gen eral Government; and the other States in common with herself, are to pay it. If it is paid front sales of public lands, it is so much drawn from the Treasury, which snould be applied to the legitimate purpo ses of the Government, and its be supplied by taxation. v The embarrassments undPT which the people have labored forbears pustj are gradually yielding- to their economy and enterprise ;_ it js. a' matter of gratula tiorfto all, that while few only have been reduced to poverty and ruin by the inevita- W? decrees of-the marry have met difficulties ar.3 surmounted them, vftiich in tjaeir approach seemed irresistible. No subject is more worthy oftlie profound Con sideration of the faithful representatives of th4*people, thatj - the history of. the times through which the country has lately pas- the evils which the people have en dured, and the measures necessary |*re. vent their recurrence. In some sections of the State, serious apprehensions tertainrd that the people would \sist the’ enforcement of the laws, and appeals were made to the Executive which induced the adoption of precautionary measures to pre vent such a catastrophe, or, in the event of its occurrence, to support the officers of the law in the execution of their duties. state of things was not bv a want of confidence in our admirable government, nor was it the result of a vvayt of respect for the ministers of the law ; but it was the j consequence of that deep and hopeless des- I pair which the prospect of unavoidable ruin, by the shameful sacrifice of property, ! upon a whole community. Spe cie was demanded at Sheriff’s sales, which neither the debtor, nor rtysons desirous of purchasing at account oftlie suspension 1)V the Banks.—S .Bank notes, issued under the , law, were inconvertible into specie, * the creditor could not be forced Uy'the law to receive in payment.of lus cur rency which the whv had authorized to be circulated among the people, and Jhfeh debtors had rece**dfor oPeir labor to meet demands against them. Any policy which subjects the citizen to this op pression, is estabTfshea in error ; to be abandoned, perhaps the difficulty is ! in our political organization.in a complex system like ours, when political power is distributed'between two (govern ments, to be cxcrris<?d for the benefit of the same people, but each independent oftlie. other the one more particularly tending and governing in regard to inter ests that pertain to several States embraced as a whole, the other acting for its own par ticular community or State, enacting all laws for the protection, and enforcement of civil rights, great consideration should be |iaid to the line ofdemarcation which sena rates the powers of the one from the other, j Their respect: .- powers are so wisely and justly apportioned and precisely arranged and designated, that there <an be no apolo gy much less necessity f'qjy the encroach j ment oftlie onchupon the Their har monious action, within ’their respective spheres, with an the interest of those nodoubt, do much towards accomplishing the great object o. human government, and mitigate thccviis. to which allufcion fifes beOTtnade, if no! wholly prevent /jjDf the Gov ernmerts to which we are'jjpbject, it is scarcely necessary to the one ts made up of grants of powers fron&he people, which it cannotjjfanscwid, whfrTCan undefined discretion pertains t$ the other, except as restricted by “written constitu tions To these resirictions 4 tlSa,State Governments great regard should ‘Tdjpaid by the Representatives of the [opfe. Otff erwise, the people may be4nvelpiFT’n diffi culties from which no Legislation can ex tricate them, and in which case they must suffer from mischievous meajCres, irre trievable wrongs. The Spates ope prohi bited from making any thing but gold or silver coin a legal fender 4*i payment of debts. A policy, therefore, whose tenden cy is to keep out of jfe hands irfme people gold and silver coin jyhich alWdJcan be made Substitu ting paper therefor, vifjjich u$ Legislation can make a legal tender, is iojquiyjis and oppressive. Its wrongb havdfceenTelt by thousands in timas thrdbgh vvlTieli fae have passed, and its W’ects have selves in popular discontents, •anatlrc utter destruction of among ckizens of the same community. vhclfamteoKwhich disturb thfi <*f the State to which reference basemen Jjade, afford evidence of the difficultiJL to unjust measures may lead, ancflErc a jvar ning to rufqfs against thafr States being prohibited friMt impairing the obligation aßonttßjsjKave not power by retrospeetiyk legSation, to extend for the debtor thejfdy oPjayment, and in this way to mitigate of placing paper money in hip ham*.instead of coin. Some of the Sta|6s laws which have been, long and therefore avoid the ipinsfitunßyal ob jection which always gt*aches to ’ live legislation. I would rocommend the enactment of a similar statute here, which would be applicable to future cases, unless , the policy is abandoned which places the i dostinesof the people in the hands of mon eyed corporations. The whole evil nmy be prevented by conforming our legislation to the federal constitution, which not only prohibits the States from making any thing but gold or silver coin a legal tender in payment of debts, or passing a law impairing the obli gation ofcontracts, but also from emitting j bills of credit. It would seem that if the two first prohibitions were proper, the last was necessary to prevent consequences per nicious and oppressive to the people which would flow from the exercise of such pow. er. The great object of the framers of the constitution, in introducing this restriction, appears to have been the suppression of pa per money, ami to save the people from the losses which always ensue, to a greater or less extent, from the use of such a curren -1 cy. Paper money is subject to the same casualities, and the people are subjected to the same injuries by its use, whether issued | by the Government, corporations or indi viduals. It is but paper money, and its re demption depends on the public, corporate or individual ability and faith. The first night to he held as reliable, perhaps mpre so, tnifti either of thermo last. Oji?t it lias \ been absurdly held, ams establislied upon ] the highest j.udieinl authority,, that a <Stat£ may grant a power tb olhers,’ wfiicft- it is not at liberty to exercise itself. In this i way the wholesome prohibition of the con stitution is stripped of its efficacy, and fiuj doorisopenco wije tojli£ evil .which it vvas J the objiftt to suppress". One of the bers of the federal convention who moved th'e proliibTfi&n and have well crfi derstood his own purpose remarked thW that was a favorable time for crushing pa per money. If, “said he,” ‘the consent of the legislature would authorize emissions of it, the friends of paper money would make every exertion to get into the legisla t } u t;e ill order to*license jit.” This was pro '■ photic, rad since the prohibiticA. has Keen rendered worse than useless by unjustifi able constructions ; ho\y remarkably has tlTo prediction been fulfilled. The friends of paper, njpney, the pretended champions of the g¥eat commercial interest, have* their extraordinary influence by vanquishing Bills.constitutional restriction ; but the wisdom of the prohibition has been manifested by the pernicious effects which | have followed thp victory. The remarks in reference to I by Banks charters from the ! State Legislatures, apply with equal force j to the notes of a Bank of the United States j with this arlditioiial ob£cfion—(bit riamtfr, be s’ubjectSiO%. the j jteontrol oftlie No Sjtr what the itsr corporate v^ifnci a Bank the United States it y? irresponsible to th£m. great political influence which j*uch an institution is to exert, should an its incor j poration by citizen to ; jlfc sfcKjeCTion to mon#y it may be, an tNiS* Sovi^Hhnt! and the as a financial and cmjfcer ; cial agent. Experience .has proven that ! tlie’Governnrcnt is not dependent on its aid; as, little is it needed, to equalize commer cial exchange. Indeed it cannot effect that ol>ject. E.™hange was as higlj in an op pressive of revulsion. . durin^t^cxisfcqkie’of tWlate charter, as it Weir at-any time since Its expiration, and the co-otjfiy lias not yet record, ered enflrely from fie'distress which tiiaW Banlc had its share producinaii has gone down to a rate whitfffj coil'd nc#be ffc?Tuced” midel’ tiie j such aif inlfctution. Asa NatioffkßSk ‘ 1 13 nqi j a rejnM'tUor of exchange, where fore® hall one L|£ established ? It has never Btorded facilities nor accommodations to Jte great the peopte, andifhopes adffnspired that will be the practice fta new in stitwon, they are fallacious anft* cannot be realized. But Hie great objections to a Bank of the United States on the score of expediency, is tiie connexion of an institu tion with the Government which has tiie power o( distributing pecuniary favors.— TTie wisdom of public measures depends cn tiie purity and intelligence of the Represen tatives of the peoplp. If they are corrupt, the rights of the people will be disregarded and greeted to selfish ends.— The Government ought never therefore, to ] establish as an auxiliary to i;s operations, an institution with whose existence are ne cessarily blended the means of corruption i# 1 abuse. Th* it may not be prostituted I to vile purposes, is no argument in its fa vor. I hat it can be, should be argument enough against it. It cannot be forgotten that the late National Bank was charged: with an agency in producing the com mercial embarrassment and distress” which a few years since overspread the country, and have left their marks of desolation eve ry where ; with having used its corporate power and means to control the press, to interfere in polities and influence elections. A select committee was raised by one of the Houses of Congress, to enquire into these things and to investigate what abuses, corruptions or malpractices had existed fa the management of the Bank. The ob structions thrown in the way of the investi gation, by the Bank, which ultimately de feated it, amidst asseverations of innocence and purity, are recorded in the archives of the nation. Great sensitiveness to the con stitutional rights of the citizen against searches, made the apology for resisting a scrutiny which must have developed the misdoings and abuses, which time forced to public view, notwithstanding the effort to conceal them under cover of a State char ter. Had the vigorous measure of bringing before tiie bar of the House the offending and contemptuous directors, been adopted as recommended by the majority of the committee, and the investigation prosecu ted, some of the disasters which fell on wid ows and orphans*, whose entire funds had ’ been invested in the s'oek. might have been : averted. The labored and extraordinary defence of the Bank by the minority of the committee, exhibits in a strong light, tiie powerful influence it was capable of oxort ing. The report of that minority acknowl edges the alarming principle that corrup tions, abuses and malpractices in its man agement, were no violation of its charter. This fearful admission ought to excite the suspicions of all, and beget an universal op position to an institution whose proceedings are to be covered from scrutiny upon prin j ciples so adverse to public morality, popu lar rights and liberty. To the grant of eve ry charter is unnexed a tacit condition that the persons incorporated will act with fidel ity and honesty ; and a breach of this im plied condition is as much a violation of the charter as if the condition had been ex pressed. Besides, Congress had the un questionable power to repeal the act of in corporation and thus put an end to its exis tence. If a Bank charter is to be consid ered a contract, Congress is subject to no restriction, which disarms it oftlie power of annulling it. The constitutional prohibi tion is to the States, not to Congress. This principle was practically asserted, but the ’power abusively exercised, in a late case, by the Senate of the United States in abro gating a contract with its printer. If the power of repeal is unquestionable, then ei-‘ j jlicr House of Congress had tjjo right, with | to tiie charter for tiie authori ty, to inquire into suspected abuses to as | certain ifeliether the principles Bf justice demanded the repeal, and so the committee might have maintained. This power of re jieal I admit, ought to be cautiously exer- Tcised, and n*ever, where good faith'hae been ■ obsferfeed and pri vaifeTightS’inight be affect ed by it, unless individuals are notified be fore they commit that* a cliange of public policy might eilect it. If legislators, opposed to the incorporation of a National Bank were to protest against any act for tiie incorporation of one, and aver their intention to move a repeal, whenever the prospect of carrying it, would justify the effort, none would have a right to com But'a National Bank is not tiie only pro- | miijent measure of the Federal Government infiuancing the destinies of the'people, which attracts public attention, and is enti * tled'to you*; notice. A protective tariff which collects around it othiy measures meriting general repro bation, is unjust to the people of all classes j and every of the country, except ; those who are engaged in manufactures. Every consumer is a contributor to a great er or less extent. A radical objection to-. ; the mrasure is its to the ofies Govfiy-iihfetif is^j^taOlisl^j for mutual support and j among oijrsel ves^ajjdTuk’ a wi’n£)S<roni An act of un- j *■ eqnaTSb gislation, is an assault upon this inflicts an injustice upon \ those winßtlffi inequality ass ets. Protec , tion of anymyicle of nection's equally heneficiaito all, as ‘Gien^ | the objects one wliißtfPffmg jfeiiflis the arm for the protection 1 and interest. All are in terested in raising the uation above a de •pendence on foreign supplies for arms and munitions of tvar, and indispensable articles for the army, and all contributions for such things are contributions in which,,every, in dividual in opr fireacf\Con%dcra?;y is inter- but ‘.Wien protectmn is asked for arti cles which are not prime necessity, tiie injustice is of forcing theag jicultuialist and the mechanic, to pay a eon-, ■ for which tlt*y no e |*quivalent. Should the principle of protoc j tion be extended to our merchants, barris i ter; h physicians, clerg^ien,. teaciiers— ‘ and though last, not least—our farmers, in j all their various products, it would shock the. common sense of the-whole community. And yet I cannot see that they are in any respect entitled to less favor from the Gov ernment than the manufacturers. In this, the last address that I slial!probably ever make to the representatives of the people of Georgia, 1 embrace this solemn warning a gainst tiie insidious and destructive policy. The manufacturer cannot complain of its He has been aided by the Government, with palpable injustice tooth er me rests,; (trough infancy and weakness, not only to self-sustaining strength, but to great power. 1 have now, fellow-citizens, submitted to ; you such informa*on in regard to the af fair!? of the State, as it is my constitutional duty to communicate, with the recommen dation of such measures as, in my opinion, are demanded by the public good. They are commended to your consideration. In the execution of your high duties, you have no superior but God, and the constitutions of thejtsountry. In rendering obedience to tbe Divine will, your acts will necessarily be in conformity to the paramount law ; anctaccording to the Wisdom, Justice and Moderation of your measures, will they ex ert an influence for good upon those, for whose benefit thev will be adopted. Charles j. McDonald. _ * Sound Disbelief of a Devil. —When Col. Ethan Allen was prisoner in Englaud he was offered a large estate in Vermont, if he would declare for the king. “lam a plain man,” said Col. Allen in-rjeply, “ and have read but few books ; but I have seen in print, somewhere, a circumstance that for eibly reminds me of the proposal of your lordship—it is of a certain character that took a certain character into an exceeding ly high monntain, and showed him all the kingdoms of the earth, and the glory there of, and told him if he would fall down and worship him, this should be all his : and the rascal did’nt own a foot of them, /” Show us the man among us who is con tinually complaining for the want of trade, and at the same time is wondering “how the dicken” such and such places have so great a run of custom, we will show you one who is too penurious to spare ten or fif teen dollars a year for advertising.—Cat skill Berorder. INAUGURAL ADDRESS. Fellow Citizens of the Senate, and House of Representatives : Commencing and ending our terms of public service übout the same time, vve shall, to some extent, be participants in the praise or blame of our works. Probably s your active duties will soon cease—mine * must continue j A compliance with the last constitution al requirement will be the fulfilment of pub lic expectation by averting the necessity and expense of annual legislation. A rule of government established for a period long er than half of a century may not be sup posed to be susceptible of a ready or rapid , change. Apart from the inveteracy of custom which adheres with the force of in dividual habits, there will still be embar eassmont in remodelling the details of the old, and accommodating them to the were system. To accomplish these ends will require a forecast at once minute and com ■ preliensive. Asa confederate, Georgia should yield compliance with federal authority only to tiie extent of her constitutional obligations. Her past history teaches the prudence and safety of this limitation. But as 1 believe that the States have delegated to the Feder al Government the ultimate power of regu lating “the times, places and manner ofhol ding elections” for Representatives in Con gress, and as that power has in part been exercised, compliance with it is only fidel ity to a constitutional engagement. It is moreover a measure whose tenden cy is to ensure to that branch of the Fed eral Legislature, organization and preser vation—to place the Representative in jux ta-position to his constituents whereby, he is presumed more certainly to know and re flect their wishes and wants, and to equal- | ize, in some degree, power between the large and smaller States—and as the large States have, from motives of convenience or good faith, conformed toils requirements, the smaller and recusant States have every inducement to do likewise. A people whose industrious pursuits are chiefly confined to the production of a few great staples, so bulky as not to’permit an easy e.xchan|Wm- other com modifies of general use and necessity, are peculiarly interested in a sound currency. As tiie representative and value of their la bor, ifit be not equal to the established | standard, extent will be their loss. ; Whatever, therefore, that is depreciated or vicious, in our circulating medium, should be effectually corrected or legally suppres sed. > On this subject, the people of these States taught by expedients and expe -1 riments the safely of adhering to a tried and J !W 1 syStom. A stern necessity—the ; result of a sad experience, admonishes them to abandon the pursuit of new and gilded schemes, and fall baolr info the ancient ways f the Republic. |g* of taxation should neither be 1 timidly nor recklessly used. Adopting, as 1 ( slu|tild be restricted 1 to tfPpubiic wants, and that thL; supply 1 should be apportionedfoii the principle that “equcffiH’ is equityj” f we may eAect that \ sooner or later, popular approval.Aill be added to the consolation of having |Wforrri ed our duty. A government is ‘ one to awaken pridjL To this feeling, prop, erly cherished, eve'rV patriotic appeal may be successfully made—every emergency— every met with its appropri- 1 ate sacrifice. LeT us seek then to collect onlv that which is necessary to tiie public , service, and confidently rely, under tiie in fluence of tiiis feeling, that the supply will 1 be cheerfully granted. But let us seek not 1 by the expedients of the day, to supply the wants of the morrow. A proper apprecia- 1 tion of file present blessings that we enjoy forbids The entailment of any unrequited i burthens upon our posterity. The plan of penetrating and passing 1 through our mountainous region was com menced, and has been prosecuted princi- ; pally on tiie credit of the State. After the expenditure of a large amount the work is still unfinished. In the meantime, a gen-! oral prostration of all credit lias retarded its progress, and the policy of its sale, even in its unfinished condition, has been indica ted. I ardently hope that this policy will not be pushed to a sacrifice of this great work. Asa means of its completion, we should mainly look to the resuscitation and employment of State Credit. The enter prise is worthy of the Slate; in peace, bind ing in bands of iron its distant parts in the kind offices of neighborhood, and stimula ting industry to its greatest capacity of pro duction, by enhancing the rewards and di minishing the burthens of labor; in war, furnishing a safe and speedy transit of its disposable and always reliable force, to the assailable and vulnerable points, thereby giving to the struggle vigor and assurance of victory. Experience has proved that in the ad ministrative justice of every people, unifor mity of decision is an essential element.— To suppose this result attainable under e leven judicatories, each having a Judge in dependent and final in his decisions, would be to suppose the exact similitude of so ma ny minds. Nor is the difficulty removed by the suggestion that the rule prescribed is the same to each. In matters other than of temporal concern we have seen discor dant and hostile opinions springing from a source eternal and “unchangeably the same.” From the variety of the human mind, we may therefore expect upon most subjects constant conflicts of opinion, until tliere is constituted some authoritative stan dard to which they may be referred and conformed. After the displacement of the royal and substitution of a republican government, the endowment of literary institutions was among the earliest acts of our ancestors.— VVhen, too, at the close of the last century, our constitution was revised and amended, we were solemnly appointed the constitu tional patrons ofletters. This example of the past, and this guaranty for the present and future, illustrate that the beginning was not to be the end—but rather as a con tinning proclamation of this fundamental truth, that the safest and clieupest defence of Republics, is to be found in their earnest . and unremitted exertions to promote and en large tiie blessings of education. These and other topics will doubt less provoke discussion and produoe oppo site opinions. They however constitute the evidences and when tempered with mod eration, tlie safe guards of free institutions. Then like the tributaries of tiie Father of Waters, though we had our origin in differ ent climes—though we have pursued differ ent courses—though we have met with va rious obstacles—and though we bear differ ent degrees ofstrength, yet here —in the ap priato channel, let our councils, as their wa ters, be commingled in peace. I am now ready to take the prescribed oatli which binds me to an office of arduous duties and grave responsibilities. Fiver distrustful of my own qualifications, I pro fess to bring to the task nothing save the wish and resolve, faithfully to perform tiie high behests of the Constitution. These, with your patriotic co-operation, and all un der tiie guidance of Heaven, I may hope will add something to tiie prosperity of our beloved land, and vindicate before -the world tiie form and wisdom of popular gov ernment, From the Hartford Courant. WHIG PROSPECTS—IB39 and 1843. Tiie remark which vve have seen in sev eral VViiig papers that Mr. Clay’s pros pects for the Presidency at this time are bet ter than were Gen. Harrison’s during the fall previous to his election, is one which may be made with great truth. Although it may startle some of our readers who do not keep election results in their minds, it is nevertheless true, that in the fall of 1839 there were but 8 States, giving 88 elector al votes, in the hands of the Whigs. Ten nessee, which was then against us, Govern or (25. VJ maj.) and Legislature, lias now chosen a Whig Governor by 3000 maj. and a Whig Legislature. Georgia, which then elected a Van Buren Governor by a ma jority of 1827, and a Legislature in which was a V. B. majority of 36 on joint ballot, lias now ciiosen a Whig Governor by a bout 4000 majority, and a Legislature in which the Whigs boast a majority in joint ballot of from 50 to 60. North Carolina which was then against us, is now for us.— in Maryland, in 1839, tiie popular vote ex hibited a V. B. majority of 1154, and his friends had a majority of 11 in the Legisla ture ; now tiie Whigs have the popular vote and a majority in botii branches of tiie Le gislature. In Pennsylvania, that year, they choose hut 11 members of Congress to the Locos 17, and in joint ballot of the Le gislature the majority against them was 39; now they have 13 members of Congress to tiie Locos 11, and the majority against them in the Legislature is 22. In Ohio, the Locos then had a ma jority in the House, of4o, now the Whigs have a majority.— Notwithstanding our disaster in the above enumerated States in 1839,they ail went for us at the Presidential election in 1840, and the result of their recent elections, indicates that they will be found on the Whig side in 1844. The official returns mav not give us a majority of tiie popular vote ei ther in Pennsylvania or Ohio, but we judge these States can be carried next fall from the great things which has just been ac complished in them without any organized efforts on the part of our friends. It is true we have lost Now Jersey, which was for us in 1839, but now no doubt can exist but that she will come out Whig at the next trial. Massachusetts went against us in 1839, but she will certainly be regained this fall. The Whig prospects are so much better now than they were one year before the last Presidential election, tiiat we may not only expect to carry our candidate for the Presidency, but to elect him by a majority still larger than that which Gen. Harrison received. He obtained the vote of nineteen States. Can vve not give Mr. Clav twen ty ? j From the Columbus Enquirer. HENRY CLAY. Your enemy, shall judge you. He, who having betrayed his friends and is now shamelessly prostituting the power and pat ronage of his high office to purchase the good opinion ofhis former enemies, shall speak. We allude of course to John Ty ler. It is true, that this man is now the bitter reviler of the vvhigs and their leader; that he slanders without compunction, and punishes without remorse every man, who dares believe that his administration is a libel on the character of the country ; but it is no less true that, in times past, he pro. fessed the most unbounded admiration for Henry Clay.* What has the great Ken tuckian done, since 1839, that has so chan ged the opinion and lost the love of the present Chief Magistrate ? Then, Mr. Clay was all that a patriot ought to be, standing, according to John Tyler, in the midst of an impending war, when the clouds of coming strife were gathering thick over and around, threatening to pour down upon the fair land all the elements of ruinous dis cord and bloodshed ; and lifting aloft the olive branch of peace, he stayed the migh ty torrent and bade the troubled waves be still. In that hour of proud and almost holy triumph the said John Tyler acknowl edges that he envied the great pacificator. And what true hearted American did not ? It was a time and an occasion that required a master spirit. That controlling spirit was found in Henry Clay. But let us see what Mr. Tyler thought ofhis disinterested devotion to the peace of the country in 1839 In a speech in the Virginia House of Delegates, the accident thus speaks: In my deliberate opinion, there was but one man, who could have arrested the then course of things, and that man was Henry Clay. It rarely happens, Mr. Speaker, to the most gifted and talented, and patriotic to record thoir names upon the page of his • lory, in characters indelible and enduring. But, sir, if to have rescued his country from civil war—if to have preserved the Consti tution and Union from hazard of total wreck, constitute uny ground for an im mortal and undying name among men, then do 1 believe, that ho has won for him self that high renown. ’ I speak what Ido know, for 1 was an actor in tho scenes of that perilous period. When lie rose in that Senate Chamber, and held in his hand the olive branch of peace, I, who had not known what envy was before, envied him. I was proud of him as my fellow countryman, and still prouder, that the slashes of Han over, within tiie limits of my old district, gave him birth. CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS. Our friend of the Constitutionalist finds an argument against Congressional Dis tricts, in tiie fact that in Pennsylvania the Whigs have elected twelve Representatives to Congress, besides one half-way Democrat and the Democrats only eleven, when vve had a majority of 10 or 15,000 in tho pop. ular vote of tiie State. Tiie editor certain ly knows that we lost two or three dis tricts by running two Democratic candi dates against one Wiiig, and that if we had fought the battle on equal terms, our ma jority in the delegation would have corres ponded with that of the voters at large.— Suppose the election had been by general ticket, and we had run two setts of candi dates; the Whigs would have elected the entire delegation, notwithstanding our ma joritv. But vve admit that a in a State may sometimes elect a rijority of Repre sentatives under the This inequality of representation is incident to every mode of election that ram be adopted ; but it may be more unequaimnder the gen eral ticket .than tho district system. Sup pose Nevv-York, with her 200,000 voters, elects her 34 Representatives by general ticket, and the Whigs succeed by 100 ma jority. Then suppose that Delaware, with her 10.000 voters, elects a single Democrat ic Representative by 6,000 majority. In these two States, 102,050 voters would have 34 Representatives, and 107,950 vo ters would have but one Representative.— Is not this a greater inequality than it is possible can happen when vve elect by dis tricts ? The error into which the advocates of a general ticket fall, results from a misappre hension of tiie proper organization of the House of Representatives. That body is intended to represent the aggregate people of the Union—it is tiie popular branch, as distinguished from the Senate, which repre sents States as States. Hence, in endeav oring to avoid inequality, vve must not look to the effects of any particular system in a single State, but in all the States taken to gether. Congressional districts being of equal size, and States being of unequal size, it is plain tiiat there is less probability of a majority of Representatives being elected by a minority of tho people, under iho dis trict than under tiie general ticket plan.— This is the great reason why vve advocate tiie district mode of election. Another reason in favor of our views, is to be found in the public convenience.— When a vacancy occurs, as is often the case, it is much easier to call out the voters of a single district, to supply it, than of the whole State. This is no slight considera tion, if vve regard the time and money spent in attending an election. For those and many other reasons here tofore given, vve hope that in Georgia, and in all the other States, Congressional Dis tricts will be established ; and we shall feel that our Legislature, now in session, will not consult the public will, nor tho inter ests of the people, should they fail to estab lish this important measure. — Athens Ban ner. From the Columbia S. Carolinian, 9 111 inst. . ANOTHER SHOWER OF FLESH AND BLOOD! Mr. Editor: I suppose it will be remem bered by most newspaper readers, that in the year 1841, accounts were published, of two showers of flesh and blood ; one in Ten nessee, and the other in Massachusetts. I am now about to relate a similar circum stance, which lately occurred in our own State. Mr. Wm. M. Inlow, a gentleman of undoubted veracity, related it to me, as follows : On Saturday last, while lie and his two sons were picking Cotton on his plantation, (in Laurens District, near Eno ree river, and about two miles below Mus grove’s Mill,) the younger son called to tiie others, who were a little distance from him, to listen, for he heard something falling near him. They thought he was mistaken, and paid but little attention to it; bnt he in sisted, and told them if they would come, he could show it to them on the ground.— They went and found the ground strewed with what appeared to them to be pieces of meat, varying from the size of an ounce ball, to larger than a hen’s egg. These pieces were very moist, and as red as blood or anything else could make them ; and the grass, cotton, or whatever they came in contact with, was stained as with blood.— They were scattered several feet apart, over a space of ground some 20 or 30 yards in width ; and they examined it for some thing like 50 yards in length, but did not go to the end ofit. I was informed of it yesterday, and went in company with two gentlemen, to visit the place in person. We were so lucky as to find some of the article still remaining, and all agreed that it had the appearance of flesh, of the finest mould much finer than we had ever seen before. Some of the pieces seemed to be entirely fat, but most of it lean, very red, and somewhat transparent, when held up towards the light; “hut it waS considerably dried when I saw it, having lain 24 hours. The younger Wm. Inlow, a very intelli gent and credible youth of 14, says he first heard a few scattering pieces fall, and looking up, saw the air darkened with them; and that it looked something like snow fal ling slowly, when the flakes ar/far apart:
