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About News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 23, 1843)
POLITICAL STATISTICS. Table of Presidential Elections. We have prepared ihe following correct statement of the electoral votes given to the various candidates for President and Vice- President of the United States since the u doption of the Constitution. It should be observed that at the first four elections the colleges of electors were required to vote for two persons, the highest of whom should be President, and the next highest Vice- President, of the United Slates. In conse quence of the equal vote between Jefferson and Burr, in 1900, the Constitution wasa mended so as to require the President and Vice-President to be voted for separately as at present. 1789—Ten States entitled to 73 votes. George Washington 09 ; John Adams 34 ; John Jay 9 ; Robert Harrison 6 ; John Rut ledge 6 ; John Hancock 4 ; George Clin ton 3 ; Samuel Huntingdon 2 ; John Mil ton 1 ; James Armstrong 1 ; Edward Tel fair 1 ; Benjamin Lincoln 1. George Washington was unanimously elected President. Rhode-Island and North Carolina, not having at the above time rail ed the Constitution, chose no electors.— New.York did not vote. Two votes of Vir ginia and two of Maryland were not given. 1792 —Fifteen States entitled to 135 votes. George Washington 132 votes; John Adams 77 ; George Clinton 50 ; Titos. Jefferson 4; Aaron Ilurr 1. George Washington was again unani mously elected Presitb nt, and John Adams, bv a plurality of votes, Vice-President.— Two votes of Maryland and one ofSouth Carolina were not given. 1796—Sixteen States entitled to 138 votes. John Adams 71 votes; Thomas Jefferson 68 ; Thomas Pinckney 59 ; Aa ron Burr 30; Samuel Adams 15; Oliver Ellsworth 11 ; George Clinton 7 ; John Jay 5 ; James Iredell 3 ; Samuel Johnson 2 ; George Washington 2 ; J. Henry 2 ; Charles C. Pinckney 1. John Adams was elected President, and Thomas Jefferson, Vice-President. 1800—Sixteen States entitled to 188 votes. Thomas Jefferson 73 ; Aaron Burr 73 ; John Adams 65; Charles C. Pinckney 04 ; John Jay 1. No choice by the people. The House of Representatives, after balloting 6 days, and on the 36th ballot, elected Thomas Jeffer son, President. Aaron Burr was duly e lccted Vice-President. President. Vice-President. 1804—Seventeen States entitled to 176 votes. Tlios. Jefferson, 162|Georgc Clinton, 162 C. C. Pinckney, loiltufus King, 14 1808—Seventeen States entitled to 176 votes. James Madison, 122|George Clinton, 113 C. C. Pinckney, 26|Rufus King, 47 George Clinton, 4 John Langdon, 9 James Madison, 3 James Monroe, 3 One of the votes of Kentucky not given. 1812—Eighteen States entitled to 218 votes. James Madison 128!EHyidge Gerry, 131 DeWitt Clinton, 89 Jared Ingersoll, 86 One of the votes of Kentucky not given. 1816—Nineteen States entitled to 221 votes. James Monroe, 183 ID. D. Tompkins, 133 Rufus King, 34i.!ohn E. Howard, 22 Ijames Ross, 5 j.lohn Marshall, 4 IRobt. G. Harper, 3 Three votes of Maryland and one of the votes of Delaware not given. 1820— 24 States entitled to 232 votes. James Monroe, 231 I). D. Tompkins, 218 John Q. Adams, 1 Richard Stockton, 8 Daniel Rodney, 4 Piobt. G. Harper, 1 Richard Rush, 1 1821— 24 States entitled to 261 votes. Andrew Jackson, 99 John C. Calhoun, 18.3 John Q. Adams, 84 Nathan Sanford, 80 W. H. Crawford, 41 Nathaniel Macon, 24 Henry Clay, 37 Andrew Jackson, 13 Martin Van Buren, 9 Henry Clay, 2 No choice by the people for President. The House of Representatives elected John Q. Adams. (One of the votes of Rhode- Island for Vice-President blank.) 1828—24 States entitled to 261 votes. Andrew Jackson, 178jJohnC. Calhoun, 171 John Q. Adams, 83| Richard Rush, 83 ‘William Smith, 7 1832—23 States entitled to 288 votes. Andrew Jackson, 2191 M. Van Buren, 189 Henry Clay, 49 John Sergeant, 49 John Floyd, 11 Win. Wilkins, 30 William Wirt, 7 Henry Lee, 11 Atnos Elltnaker, 7 Two of the votes of Maryland were not given. 1836—26 States entitled to 294 votes. M. Van Buren, 170 It. M. Johnson, 147 W. H. Harrison, 73 Francis Granger, 87 Hugh L. White, 26 John Tyler, 47 W. P. Mangum, 11 Wm. Smith, 23 Daniel Webster, 14 R. M. Johnson elected Vice-President by the Senate. 1840—26 States entitled to 294 votes. W. H. Harrison, 234 John Tyler, 234 M. Van Buren, 60 R. M. Johnson, 48 L. W. Tazewell, 11 James K. Polk, 1 A Queer Chap. —The lowa Patriot re lates an anecdote of the Rev. M. Scott, an eccentric preacher in that neighborhood, xvho wffs formerly a lawyer in Arkansas, to this effect. When lie first hung out his shingle, he inscribed on it: A. M. Scott, Attorney at law, ‘The tallest man in Arkansaw. Shortly after, the river being very low, he proposed wading that stream which he actually accomplished ; upon which the sign was altered, and ever after read in this wise : A. M. Scott, Attorney at law, The man that waded the Arkansaw. From the New York Courier and Enquirer. MR. WEBSTER’S ANDOVER SPEECH. We give on our first page the whole of this important speech to-day ; and we have no hesitation in saying that it is not only worthy of Mr. Webster, but meets our ut most expectations in regard to his opinions on the great national questions in support of which, the Whig party expects as here tofore, his powerful co-operation. Instead of occupying the time of the reader with our own comments on this speech, we deem it important to let Mr. Webster speak for himself; and as its great length will neces sarily prevent many persons from reading it, who at the same time are very desirous to know what Mr. Webster says in relation to a Bank of the United States, the Tariff, and his own relations to the Whig party, j we present the following extracts for their benefit. MR. WEBSTER ON A U. S. BANK IN 1838. “ Forthe sakeof avoiding all misappre hensions, on this most important subject, I wish to state my own opinion, clearly, and in a few words. I have never said, that it is an indispensable duty, in Congress, un der all circumstances to establish a Na tional Bank. No such duty, certainly, is created by the Constitution, in express terms. Ido not say u-liat particular meas ures, are enjoined by the Constitution, in this respect. Congress has its discretion, and it is left to its own judgement, as to the means most proper to be employed. But I say the general duty does exist. “1 maintain that Congress is bound to take care, by some proper means, to se cure a good currency for the People ; and that, while the duty remains unperformed, one great object of the Constitution is not at tained, If we are to have as many different currencies as there are States, and these ! currencies are to be liable to perpetual j fluctuation, it would be folly to say that we had reached that security and uniformity in commercial regulation, which we know it was the purpose of the Constitution to es tablish. mr. Webster’s present opinion. The tendency is this:—large prices by creating a demand for money, induce large issues from banks: large issues tend to raise prices. Thus prosperity begets ex cess, and excess terminates in revulsion, and this will be the history ofour business affairs most surely unless some check, some control, be exercised over the whole matter. Now, gentlemen, Ido not say, 1 never have said, that a Bank of the United States was an indespensabie agent for the good administration of the Government or the prosperity of the people. I only mean to say that it is the duty of the Government to take care of the currency ; and in favor of a bank I said that it had been repeatedly tried and uniformly with success. One other remark I will make upon this subject. Seven or eight years since I de clared in my place in the Senate, that hav ing very much desired the continuance of the charter to the bank from a sincere con viction that both banks which had been or ganized by authority of Congress had been productive ofgood, I made up my mind in Gen. Jackson’s time, that we could not pos sibly establish another Bank till there should be a decisive call by the people for such an institution. 1 remain of that opin ion. And I have said on another and more recent occasion that it appeared to me that a Bank oftlie United States, founded upon private subscriptions and invested with the power to discount, was out of the question. I think so still: because the circumstances of the country have changed since the ex piration of the charter. State institutions have greatly increased and many of the States derive a considerable portion of their revenue from taxes upon the capital of the banks within their limits. Nevertheless, I am quite willing to agree that a bank on the old model is perfectly constitutional ; and if the time should ever come when by the wisdom of Congress and the general judgement of the people, a Bank on the old plan and model should seem proper to be a dopled, it would have my hearty concurrence. But still I think an institution of that sort should be an institution rather for control, ling issues and for taking care of the issues of other banks, than for discounting paper and thus furnishing capital for private bu siness. MR. WEBSTER ON THE TARIFF. This power, [its constitutionality] was considered established by the framers of the constitution, and, this being admitted or proved, the question comes to the expedi ency of the exercise of the power. Here, again, let me say that I wish no such exercise without much consideration and moderation. The shipping interest, the mercantile interest, as well as the mechanic interest, are concerned ;so that both must be looked after and cared for. I wish in all laws on this subject, that nothing exces sive may he introduced ; that no traps shall be laid ; that nothing unexpected shall spring up in the way of the mercantile, or any other interest; but that only shall be enacted which will be expedient for the whole country. Gentlemen, I believe that a tariff of mod erate duties, carefully laid, is expedient forthe whole country. Ist. Because it augments the aggregate of national wealth by stimulating labor. Moderate imposts upon such articles as we can and do manufacture must inevita bly furnish a stimulus to our labor, and it is now the general, nearly the universal opinion that labor is the source of wealth. Capital is a stimulus to labor. Now, to me, it appears very plain that if the stimu lus can be applied here with greater effect than at a distance, the country will be ben efited accordingly. Gentlemen, I believe— 2d. That the Tariff favors every inter est of the country. The sugar planters of Louisiana,we know it encourages. Thecot ton growers of the South, I firmly believe it helps, because I deem the maintenance of a steady market here, of very essential benefit to them. I believe moreover, that it is expressly favorable to the agricultur al interest, but upon this I need not enlarge, as 1 huve recently in another place, taken occasion to speak upon this point. There isone essential difference between the United States and England, with res pect to agriculture. There, the produce of the soil does not feed the population; consumers therefore demand a free impor tation of foreign produce. With us it is exactly the reverse. Our agriculture is productive far beyond ourconsumption, and the greatest aims of our producers are an augmented demand at home, and as much increase as possible in the demand from a broad. We are sellers—the English are buyers, and this makes all the difference in the world, in the reasoning. Mr. Wf.bstf.r and his colleagues in Gen. Harrison’s Cabinet. “Gentlemen, exception has been taken to a note, addressed by me to the editors of the National Intelligencer, ofthe 13th of September, 1841, on the ground that that note implied a censure on my colleagues, for leaving the President’s cabinet. But I intended no such reproach. 1 intended, cer tainly, only to speak for myself, and not to reproach others.” Mr. Webster’s reasons for remaining in John Tyler’s Cabinet. “I am aware that there are many persons in the country, having feelings not un friendly towards me, personally, and en tertaining all proper respect for my public character, who yet think I ought to have left the cabinet when my colleagues did so. I do not complain of any fair exercise of opinion, in this respect; and if, by such persons as I have referred to, explanation be desired of any tiling in the past, or any thing in my present opinions, it will be readily and cheerfully given. On the oth er hand, those who deal only in coarse vi tuperation, and satisfy their sense of can dor and justice simply by tile repitition of the charge of dereliction of duly and infi delity to Whig principles, are not entitled to the respect of an answer from me. The burning propensity tocensureand reproach, by which such personsseemto be actuated, would probably be somewhat rebuked, if they knew by whose advice , and with whose appro bation, I resolved on staying in the cabinet. Gentlemen, I could not but be sensible, that great responsibility attached to the course which 1 adopted. It was a moment of great excitement. A most unfortunate difference had broken out between the Pre sident and the Whig members of Congress. Much exasperation had been produced, and the whole country was in a very inflamed state. No man of sense can suppose, that without strong motive, 1 should wish to dif fer in conduct from those with whom I had long acted ; and as for those persons whose charity leads them to seek for such motive in the hope of personal advantage, neither their candor nor their sagacity, deserves any thing but contempt. I admit gentle men, that if a very strong desire to be in strumental and useful, in accomplishing a settlement of our difficulties with England, which had then risen to an alarming height, and appeared to be approaching a erissis ; if this be a personal motive, then I confess myself to have been influenced by personal motive. The imputation of any other per sonal motive, the charge of seeking any selfish advantage, I repel with utter scorn. To be sure it excites contempt but hard ly anything so respectful as regret or in dignation, when persons capable of no effort in any cause, but that of making a noise, and with no other merit than that of inten ded partizanship—men, indeed, yet reek ing from their labors in support of the most questionable measures of General Jackson’s administration; and others, still odorous, even with the perfumes of the sub-Treasu ry, distend their throats and admonish the country to beware of Mr. Webster’s infi delity to Whig Principles. Gentlemen, I thought I saw an opportu nity of doing the State some service, and 1 ran the risk of the undertaking. * * * * * * Gentlemen, it must have been obvious to all, that my remaining iri the cabinet oftbe President, notwithstanding the personal good will between us, after the seperation between him and the great body of the Whigs, must be inconvenient and unpleas ant to both- My retirement therefore was the necessary consequence of political oc currences, and I am not, I think, called on to say more. Mr. Webster’s opinions as a private man and a Whig. Asa private man, 1 hold my opinions, on public subjects. They are all such, in their great features, and general character, as I have ever held. It is as impossible that I should tread back the path of my political opinions, as that I should retrace, step by step, the progress of my natural life, until I should find myself again a youtii. On the leading questions, arising under constitu tions and forms of government, on the im portance of maintaining the separation of power, which those constitutions establish, on the great principles of such a policy, as shall promote all interests, maintain gen eral harmony in the country, and perpetu ate the blessings of political and religious liberty, my opinions, the result of no little study, and some experience, have become a part of myself. They are identified with all my habits of thought and refection ; and though I may change my views of particu lar measures, or not deem the same meas ures equally proper at all times, yet I am sure it is quite impossible I should ever take such a view, either'Of the public interest, or of my own duty, as should lead to a de parture from anv cardinal principle. Asa private man, lam ready to do all in my power, to uphold principles, which 1 have ever deemed important, and to sup port measures, which the public interest, in my judgement, requires. And as meas urescannot be accomplished without the a gency of men, I am of course entirely wil ling to support the men ofthe highest char acter and most unexceptionable principles, and who may be most likely to be able to take an efficient and successful lead, in such measures. MR. WEBSTER A WHIG. “I am a Whig, a Massachusetts Whig, a Futieuil Hall Whig, and by the blessing of God, none shall have the power, now or hereafter, to deprive me of the position in which that character places me.” From the Georgia Journal. To the Editors : —lt will bo recollected that a very few days before the last gener al election in this State, an extract of a let ter from the lion. 11. Clay to Messrs. Joel Branham and Robert Bledsoe, was pub lished by them presenting his views on the subject of a Tariff'in a very odious light. The whole letter was withheld from the public, because, as al/edged, that he had re quested no part of it should be published. I immediately applied to Mr. Clay for a co py of the correspondence ; he enclosed me a letter directed to those gentlemen, requir ing them to give to me, or ‘any other friend,’ a copy of his letter to them. 1 applied to the gentlemen accordingly, and met with every favorable disposition from Gen. Bled soe, to comply with the demand,—Dr. Branham pertinaciously persisted in his re fusal to do Mr. Clay the justice he deman ded ; and it was alone by the perseverance of Gen. Bledsoe who permitted no honora ble exertion to pass without making it, that he obtained a copy oftlie letter from Dr. Branham, in whose possession the original was, and which he has furnished to me.— From him I have obtained a copy of the let ter to Mr. Clay, and his letter in reply— both of which I send for your publication. 1 likewise send you extracts from Mr. Clay’s letter to mo, from all of which his sentiments and views on the Tariffquestion will be fully seen. No man who read the garbled extracts which were published would ever have supposed that they came from the letter which is sent you. The position taken by Mr. Clay, are dis tinct and totally unexceptionable, and com pare well with ihe sentiments of all par ties in Georgia, in days gone bv He de clares as his opinions that the expenses of the Federal Government should be econ omical, that the revenue to support such ex penses should be raised by duties from im ports. That under a revenue tariff’ he would discriminate so as to afford “reasonable on eouragement” to our domestic manufac tures. That he is opposed to any duty which amounts to prohibition of the article on which it is levied—believing that compe tition would advance all interests. That he is opposed to that iniquitous and unjust system of direct taxes, and internal duties in time of peace. That he is opposed to the doctrine o (free trade, as it is called, with foreign powers, ‘all of whom’ subject our commerce with them to restrictions great and burthensome’ which restrictions deprive our farmers of a part of their labor, for the benefit of their own people—That a Tariff should be sta ble, and to secure that, the duties should lie MODERATE, REASONABLE AND CERTAIN.’ That the Tariffof 1828 was a “fraudu lent production ;” in many instances the duties were “extravagantly high” and in others not called for by any interests. These are the sentiments of Mr. Clay, which were so grossly perverted and mis represented before the election, and to the prejudice of the Whig party. They are now before the country ; let that impartial country say whether they are worthy of condemnation ? The friends of neither of ‘.lie Democratic aspirants to the Presidency can condemn them, since they advocate in the person of their favorites more obnoxious principles. Those who are opposed to du ties being moderate and certain, have am ple cause of complaint to the views of Mr. Clay ; none others will find an occasion for censure. Suffer me to add, in conclusion, that through Gen. Bledsoe alone am 1 enabled to present the correspondence which Mr. Clay has never feared should meet the pub lie eye. Your obedient servant, JAS. A. MERIWETHER. Extract from a Letter from Mr. Clay to Mr. Meriwether: Ashland, 2d, Oct. 1843. “You are right, so far as the record is concerned, in your statement that I did not vole for the Tariffof 1816 or 1824 ; but I supported their principles,and havealways admitted that I was in favor of them. I did not vote for the Tariffof 1828. for which, however, Mr. Van Buren, Col. Ben ton, Col. Johnson, Mr. Wright, and others of our present opponents did vote. And it is remarkable that from that period my ex ertions in Congress have been directed to the reduction and moderation of Tariffs.— Thus, in 1832 1 supported that Tariff, which greatly modified and reduced tiie Tariffof 1828, insomuch that it was sup posed by reasonable men that it would or ought to satisfy the Nullifiers of South Carolina. The next year, 1833, I brought forward the compromise. In 1841 I sup ported the Tariffof that year, which was limited to the free articles. I never was in favor of what I regarded as a high Tariff. And my present opinion is in perfect coincidence with that of the whole Whig party ofthe United States, in cluding Georgians I understand it. We all believe that the Revenue from the Gen eral Government should be derived from the Foreign imports to the exclusion of di rect taxes, and the proceeds of the sales of the public lands ; and that no more reven ue should be levied than is necessary to an economical administration of the govern ment ; but that in levying it, such discrimi nations ought to be made as will afford moderate and reasonable protection to A merican interests against the rival and pro hibitory policy of Foreign powers. I should have preferred that the com promise in all its parts (including the Home valuation) could have been adhered to.— But you will know from what quarter the opposition came to the home valuation, without the incorporation of which the Com promise act, that act never could have pas sed. 1 think the present Tariff, in the main, is right, and working much good. There may be excesses or defects in it, of which I have not here the means to judge ; and if there he they ought to be corrected by sup plemental legislation. I am your friend, and obedient servant, H. CLAY. The Hon. J. A. Meriwether. Eatonton, Ga., July 13th, 1843. Dear Sir :—Conflicting opinions of the principles you now entertain in relation to the protection of Domestic manufactures are held by many of the citizens of this State, while all who have acquainted them selves with your public course on this sub ject acknowledge you to liuve been the distinguished advocate ofthe system ol'pro lection. Many have been induced to believe ana to assert, that your views of it, have under, gone if not an entire change, at least some modification. The opinions we have always entertain ed of your frankness, candor and indepen dence, and of your unwillingness to conceal your principles, or to suffer them to be mis represented, induce us respectfully to pro pound to you the following questions : Are you in favor of a Tariff for the pro tection of American Manufactures? Have your principles in reference to this subject undergone change or modification? A reply will oblige, Very respectfully, &c. JOEL BRANHAM. ROB’T. BLEDSOE. To the Hon. HENRY CLAY, Lexington, Kentucky. Ashland, 23d July, 1843. Gentlemen :—1 duly received your favor ofthe 13;h inst., in which you inform me that conflicting opinions prevail in your State in regard to my opinions on the policy of protecting Domestic manufactures, and you request of me information in relation to them. I take pleasure in complying with your request. My opinion is that the Revenue necessa ry to an economical administration of the General Government ought to be derived, in a season of peace, exclusively from du ties imposed on our foreign imports, and that a Tariff for that purpose ought to be so adjusted ns to afford reasonable encour agement to our domestic manufactures. 1 am opposed to direct taxes and internal du ties, except in time of war, when they may be necessary to give vigor and success to our arms. lam opposed to the doctrines of free trade with foreign powers, all of whom subject our commerce with them to restric tion, often very great and burthensome. These opinions I have always entertain ed and still entertain. I never was in fa vor of duties being so high as to amount to a prohibition of articles on which they were laid. 1 have thought it best for all interests that there should be competition. 1 think it of great importance that a tariff’ should possess stability, as frequent chan ges affect injuriously all[our great interests. To impart to it that character il should be moderate, reasonable and eertain. 1 voted for the Tariff of 1816, 1824 and 1832. I think they were all reasonable and moderate, at ihe times they were res pectively passed. In the infancy of man ufactures, the object being to acquire tin skill and accumulate the capital necessary to their successful establishment, a greater degree of protection is expedient than is re quisite after they have made a considera ble progress. The difficulty lies in fixing that degree. In 1816, we were without much experience, and failed to make, in all cases, a proper adjustment of the mea sure of protection. Eight years experience in 1824, enabled Congress to fix it with more equity and precision. Eight years of progress in our manufactures in 1832, justified some reduction in the amount of duties, and generally the Tariff of'lß4‘2 is more moderate than that of 1832. As our manufactures advance and become perfect ed, less and less protection will he needed, until many articles will he able to compete with the foreign rival articles, w ithout any protection at all in the form of duties. I was not in Congress in 1828, and there fore did not vote forthe Tariff of that year. The duties in many instances imposed by that Tariff were extravagantly high, and, in others, duties were imposed which were not called for by any interest. That Ta riff was a fraudulent production. It was framed by a combination of some members from the South, and some from the North, who were afraid openly to vote against a Tariff, and yet wished to obtain credit for being favorable to supposed Southern inter ests. It was so shaped, with the design of defeating the passage of any tariff; hecause it was believed that, it was so injurious to the manufacturing interest in many res pects, that the honest and true friends of that interest would not vote for it. Had it been defeated, those Northern members, who united in concocting it, would have re turned home and asserted that they were the true friends of protection, and that its really honest friends were inimical to it. But it was not defeated. The genuine friends of manufactures resolved not to he cheated by such a combination, and deter mined to take the bill for the sake of the good that was in it, notwithstanding the had, which was put there against their eon sent. The scheme not having succeeded as was designed, the Southern members, who w'ere concerned in it, afterwards bit terly reproached their Northern confeder ates for the disappointment. I have more than half dozen times ex pressed within the lust two or three years on public occasions, the opinion which I now communicate as to a combination of the principles of Revenue and Protection in a Tariff. I send you herewith the last speech on that subject which I made in the Senate ofthe U.S. and also a brief sketch of the principles of the Whig party, as I un derstand them, which I prepared. -ikv * I have no other objection to the publica tion of this U tter hut that it would imply a sensitiveness in regard to my opinion which I do not feel, and 1 think ii has been alrradv sufficiently promulgatcd. 1 am your friend and ob’t. serv’t. H. CLAY. Messrs. Joel Branham, and Robert Bledsoe. From the National Intelligencer. We have heard somewhere of an objur gation addressed by a weathercock, about versatility, to the water-wheel of a good grist-mill, that was turning away pretty regularly below ; and the great abstrac tionist ofthe Enquirer—who perfectly com prehends Mr. Van Buren about the tariff, hanks, distribution, and all the rest—is greatly puzzled over Mr. Clay’s late letter to Dr. Brunson ; something like a certain perspicacious bird that blinks in the day light, and can only see clearly in the dark. The following, however, from the leading party paper ofthe interior ofSouth Caroli rtu (the Carolinian) goes quite a .ijow -shot beyond these examples : “Georgia politics are a continual puzzle 1 to all out of the State ; and the results of ‘ its election as uncertain and unaccounta -1 hie as Judge Dooly said was the verdict ‘of a pettit Jury. While a citizen of that ‘State, a very common remark to us when ‘out of it was. ‘We cannot understand ‘your Georgia politics.’ ‘No wonder,’ was ‘ the reply ; for if you did, it would be more •than do we ourselves.’ ’’ What a blessing and what a relief it must be to this bewildered politician to have escaped from the mazes of Georgia method. 4, and to have at last set his feet, in the paths ofSouth Carolina doctrine, .atft straight, as pleasant, and as peaceful’ those of wisdom herself. Modi The editor from which we have jcl j quoted says there exists in Georgia a body of well-thinking men, not to he blinded by the management or tricks of either party,’ but watching both narrowly, and. turning the scale always, by at once flinging them selves into the opposition of whichever par ty, that, being in possession of the power, is abusing it. If he is right as to this, we can hardly see how the politics of that State can be taxed with being so purblind, or why they should be looked on as so deplor able. For our part, we should not lament to witness the establishment of an equally calamitous state of things all over the coun try, and the iise, even in Carolina, of the misfortune of such a X'lass, obviously (ac cording to this authority)entirely unknown there. He then goes on to give the follow ing view of the causes of the late downfall of democracy in Georgia ; and as he is not only a next door neighbor, but, as we have seen, art old inhabitant ofthe State, his tes timony must be received as ofthe most de cisive weight, especially since he is sum moned by the Locofoco side. As their wit ness, they cannot discredit hint ; and the Whigs will not: “in Georgia where politics are so exci ted and personal, principles comparatively so little regarded, and parties ever so near equal these men hold the balance of’ and to the manner in which they vote -a gainst either party, according to its abuse of power, or abstain from voting, is lobe at tributed the frequent,almost annual change of party power. The just dissatisfaction excited by the legislation ofthe Democratic party for the last year or two, and especially the last, is well known, and was alluded toby us as a natural consequence of that reckless legis lation, after the subsequent defeat of the democratic candidate for Congress, which was in a great measure atfribuiable to it. And that the present defeat of that party is attributable to the change of votps and re fusal to vote of the men referred to, we have not the slightest doubt. They are greatly mistaken, however, who expect tilis change to be permanent, or believe it is in fluenced by tiie Presidential Election, or will materially influence the next elections forelectors. Much will undoubtedly de pend on the intervening administration and legislatioif*Dfthe Whigs; while it will be something of an anomaly in Georgia pol ities, if, coming suddenly and unexpected ly as thev do into complete power, they do not fuliv equal, if not exceed, the misrule of the Democrats.” We sympathize in the Carolinian's dread of an instability so little know n where the editor now resides —the instability of the good and wise, who abandon the party in power as soon as it goes wrong. The fears; perhaps we should say the hopes—of the Carolinian proceed on the possibility that the Whigs, once in power, “ will equal, if not exceed, the misrule of the Democrats.” We think it may dismiss all such apprehensions or aspirations: the “ Democracy,” has done so well that the thing is impossible. Character of a Whig—By Dr. Franklin. —The Whig lives inevery State, but wish es to live only in a free State. He claims no right to himself, hut what he is willing to give to his neighbor. He is not lifted in sects bv sounds, nor kept in them by preju dice ; his mind is not contracted by systems, nor soured by bigots ; it is open to God and nature. He is not attached to person or faction; but to things, to justice, to liberty, to virtue, to his country. He adheres to men that adhere, to these. With like con tempt of promises and menaces, unawed by power, he is attached to those. Not lurk ing as a drone, to reap what others sow, he cheerfully acts his part in society, lie does what he can ; he endeavors within his sphere to promote the general welfare.— No matter what you call him; what his rank, his profession, or the title of his reli gion, this is the Whig, and many such, to their immortal honor, has Providence raised up for the defence of Liberty. Texas. —lt is said that the Government at Washington has received informatiotK which goes to sustain the serious charges recently made against President Houston of Texas. If this be so, the fact, we pre sume, will not be long withheld.—Balti more American.
