Newspaper Page Text
the modern free traders propose to lose sight
of in their eagerness to carry out u theory,
which, however beautiful it may seem, is
founded in the most flagrant injustice, un
less it be operative on both sides of the At
lantic.
NEWS AND GAZETTE.
WASHINGTON, GA.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 18, 1844.
FOR PRESIDENT,
mmmz (Pjfc&jro
OiT’ We arc indebted to the Hon. J. M.
Berrien and the Hon. A. H. Stephens, for
valuable documents.
A person, supposed by many to be
BURNS, the murderer ofCapt. Collier, of
Augusta, and answering the description of
him in many respects, was in this county,
on his way to the up-country last week.
People in the country above this would do
well to take a good look at suspicious per
sons. Burns has many notable marks up
on him, as will be perceived by the des
cription which wo publish from the Augus
ta Chronicle.
Ctg’ The Election. —So far as we have re
ceived the returns, they demonstrate that
the Whigs have succeeded in electing their
candidate to Congress by, at least, 4000
majority. This result is gratifying, not
only as rendering it certain that Georgia
will give Clay a triumphant vote in Noveni
her, but as affording pleasing evidence that
the conduct of the Whig party in the late
session of the Legislature meets the appro
val of the people.
Congress.
Nothing of importance has yet been done
in Congress and nothing need be looked for.
This is to be the President making session.
All the movements of the Van Buren ma
jority are to tend to the sole object ofeleva
ting their favorite to the Chief Magistracy ;
accordingly the people are to expect very
little of public benefit, or utility, from them,
for they will make no move that will affect,
except beneficially, the prospects of their
leader. They have already perfected one
great object in annihilating the Calhoun
branch of the Democracy; as for the Whigs,
though their quietus could not be so easily
given, yet their number is too small in the
House, to offer much impediment to the
movements of the majority.
The 21st Rule, against the reception of
Abolition petitions, is, in effect, rescinded.
This may have surprised those who are ac
dustomed to believe in Locofoco professions
of peculiar friendship for the South ; hut
will not surprise tiiose who know how little
faith is generally to he put in their pledges
and professions. This measure is doubt
less intended to have, and will have, an
important hearing on the [’residential con
test. It is meant to conciliate the Aboli
tionists who in some of the Western and
Northern States already hold the balance
of power between the parties, and are daily
increasing in numbers, and will unite them
with the Democrats, who will have claims
to their favor, (besides, on account of hav
ing a Northern man for their candidate for
the Presidency, in opposition to Mr. Clay, a
Southerner and a slave-holder,) for thus
having granted them what they have been
contending for so many years, and what the
Whigs, whether judiciously or not, have
always denied to them. The accession of
this “ third party” to the Democratic ranks
will add more to their strength than will he
lost at the South, by the secession of some
of their partisans, on account of the mea
sure.
Nothing will he done with the Tariff.
The several propositions which have been
made in the House, preparatory to its modi
fication, have been voted down by the Van
Buren majority', who thus show that their
outcry against it lias been made with their
usual insincerity. They seem to be in
something of a dilemma on this question—
they neither dare to touch it, nor to let it
alone. Most of the Northern Democrats
are in favor of a protective tariff, and would
resent any abandonment of the principle,
or diminution of the duties. Their party
at the South expect some essential change
in the present tariff, and to make a deceitful
show of a desire to gratify jliem, some hill
to modify it may, perchance, pass in the
House, with the full expectation and hope,
however, that the Whigs of the Senate will
quash it summarily.
At the last accounts, the House was en
gaged in the discussion of a bill to refund
to General Jackson the amount o (that fine.
We hope Congress will pass the bill and re
imburse the old soldier, as the discussion of
that fine in the National and States’ legisla-
tures has cost the country more than would
have repaid him ten limes over. VVeliavo
no idea, however, 1 hut the Locos themselves
desire Its repayment, as that would he an
end of t he matter, whereas, at present, it is
a fine subject to electioneer upon—serves
as a pole tostir up the old lion with occa
sionally, and to make him roar for the ad
miration of his worshippers. The Whigs
are perfectly willing to (and, we believe,
have once passed a law for) its repayment,
since the General seems to think he can
never he sufficiently rewarded for his servi
ccs, hut tiiey are unwilling that any cen
sure should be passed on Judge Hall, now
deceased, who justly and in discharge of his
duty imposed the fine. The Democrats de
mand that such a censure should he passed,
and t he ‘‘Hero” with a malignity only o
quallcd by that of tiio Hyena which feeds
on the putrid bodies of the dead, swears ho
won’t have the money unless the Judge is
damned to everlasting infamy. What is now
the difficulty about the passage of the law,
is more than we can discover, as the Demo
cratic majority is so great in the House that
they might pass any law, even one denying
the divinity of the Deity if tin y chose, and
much more easily one which only makes
infamous the memory of an upright and
courageous defender of the laws of our
country—of whom there now remains on
earth no kindred and none to defend his
honor, but a few generous Whigs in Con
gress, among whom wc rejoice to see our
gallant Stephens has taken a prominent
part, and who will not quietly and unre
sistingly see such heinous wrong done.—
When will the days of sucli wickedness
and humbuggery pass by.
OCT Hon. Wm. C. Rives, U. S. Senator
from Virginia, whose politics have hereto
fore been considered doubtful, hut who lias
generally classed among the Calhoun men,
lias declared in favor of Mr. Clay. He
says, in a letter published in the Virginia
papers, that he “ can conceive no greater
calamity to the nation, or deeper discredit
to tile cause and very name of popular gov
ernment, than tiie re-election of Mr. Van
Buren would he, after tiie signal and over
whelming majority !>v which lie was so re
cently deposed frohrr power, upon tiie full
est canvass of his measures, policy and
conduct.”
Thus are the Calhoun party dividing ;
the sensible, the patriotic and right-judging
arc coming over to the Whigs, since the
Greatf'lullilier lias himself been nullified
by \ f an Buren—tiie foolishly bigotted and
prejudiced are siding with Locofocos who
are welcome to them. Below is an ex
tract from ’.lie letter :
“And what are tiie wise and benignant
measures of administrative policy which
are promised us as tiie fruits of Mr. Van
Huron’s restoration ? A return to the glo
ric-s and blessings of the Sub-Treasury sys
tem —a renewed war upon the currency,
commerce and business of tiie country !
Just at llic moment when, bv the mere fact
of the withdrawal of the hostility ofthe gov
ernment, and that vis viedicalrix nalurce i
which is inherent in the energies of a free, 1
enterprising and industrious people, all the j
business pursuits ofthe nation are regain- j
ing titeir prosperity and activity, and tiie j
currency and exchange ofthe country arc
finding their proper and natural level, eve
ry tiling is to he again thrown into confu
sion, and we are to he re-plunged into a
chaos of wild arid pernicious experiments,
simply to signalize a rentorsless party tri
uinph, in the consummation of a measure
openly at war with every great practical
interest of die community. And to this
would be added, by a natural and necessa
ry connexion, all that long train of conge
nial abuses which so ingloriously illustra
ted tiie era of Mr. Van Buren’s former ad
ministration—multiplied schemes for ex
tending Executive power and Presidential
patronage —profuse and profligate expendi
tures of public money—die impunity and
protection of faithless public officers, pur
chased by tiie merit of their party services;
anew brood of defaulters, ofthe Hoyts and
the Harrises, a race, tiie entire disappear
ance of which, since 1340, is one of the
proudest proofs of tiie justice and necessity
ofthe change, then decreed by the voice of
tiie people. But it were vain to attempt
an enumeration ofthe teeming abuses tiiat
must ever attend tiie fundamental heresy
of Mr. Van Buren’s political system, which,
instead of regarding government as a high
and holy trust for the good of the country,
sees in it nothing hut a job to be adminis
tered for the benefit of a party, of which the
President is the head and grand almoner.
Now, I would ask, what is there to he
apprehended from Mr. Clay’s election,
which ought to have the weight of a feather
in the scale, when compared with tiie fatal
and destructive evils, poisoning the vital
elements of Republican freedom and vir
tue, as well as the essential sources of na
tional prosperity and happiness, which, we
have every reason to believe, would inevi.
tably follow the restoration of Mr. Van Bu
ren. We shall, doubtless, have paraded be
fore our eyes, in stereotyped horrors, tiie
old and thread-hare apparition of the Tar
iff', Bank and Distribution. On the sub.
jectof the Tariff, I do not hesitate to say,
that Mr. Clay’s creed, developed in his re
cent letters, is in every respect, as just, as
sound and unexceptionable, as that of Mr.
Van Buren, and his practice infinitely bet
ter. Mr. Clay did not vote for, or approve
the Tariff of 1828, consigned to an odious
celebrity, under the name of the Bill of A
bominations, which Mr. Van Buren and his
friends carried by their votes. It is rather
an unfortunate coincidence, considering
the profession ofMr. Van Buren. that all
the Tariff’s which have boen most com
plained of in the South, owe their existence
upon the Statute Book to the votes of him
self or his friends. It is no want of chari
ty, then, but tiie result of tho most candid
and deliberate consideration, when I ex
press the decided opinion, that Mr. Clay is
far more to be relied upon for a practical
adjustment of this delicate and complex
subject, on terms just and satisfactory to
all sections of tho Union, (harmonizing
their various interests by tiie golden rule
of moderation, which is tha only pledge of
permanence and stability in any arrange
ment that may he made,) than Mr. Van
Huron. Tho wise and temperate spirit so
strikingly exhibited in his letters which
have been recently given to the public, sus
tained by his well known influence with
his friends, and disown high and unques
tioned character for frankness and deci
sion, is a guarantee which no portion ofthe
nation will lightly regard.
With respect to tiie Bank, if tiie country
shall he reduced to a choice between tiie
odious and grinding Sub-Treasury Scheme,
and a National Instiulion of Finance, pro
perly guarded against abuse by tiie jeal
ous restrictions of itscharter, as well as by
a vigilant public supervision and control, 1
do not believe that the sober judgement of
the people, under (lie pressure of sucli an
alternative, would find any cause of quar
rel against those w ho, free from constitu
tional difficulties on tiie subject, should go
for tiie latter, in preference to the former. —
And as to the Distribution of the proceeds
ofthe Public Lands, that stands necessari
ly and evidently adjourned, as a practical
question, ‘till the revenues of the nation,
compared with its expenditures and engage
ments, shall he in a very different situation
from that in which they now are, or are
likely to be for years to come. Mv own
individual opinions on these subjects, have
been so often and fully stated, that 1 need
not repeat them here. What I mean to say,
at present, is, that these are issues cither
hypocritical and speculative, or neutral
ized by equal and opposing considerations
oil the other side, and should not divert the j
mind, for a moment, from those higher and
more urgent and vital questions, which arc j
the true tests of a sound and correct deci- j
sion in the pending Presidential Election.!
Those tests I have already adverted to. —
They are such as are inseparably connee- j
ted with the purity, character and preser
vation of the Government itself, and in mv
humble judgement, are overwhelmingly ;
conclusive against the pretensions of Mr. I
Van Buren.
As little shall we permit ourselves, I
trust, to he “frightened from our propriety ”
Dy tiie old and hollow expedient ofa .sense
less and arbitrary useofpartv names.Tiiose
who are so prone to ring the changes on the
nomenclature of Federalist and Republican
would do well to remember tiiat tiiey have
reading and enquiring inen. to deal with,
and not children. Try Mr. Van Buren and
Mr. Clay by any test derived from ilia au
thentic history of political parties in this
country, or by the standard of those great
principles which exist in the essential ole-,
incuts of our popular institutions, and Mr.
Clay stands before the world tiie far better
Republican of tiie two.
In that great array and struggle of tho
two parties of the country, (among tiie most
memorial in our history,) which arose out
af tiie controversy and war with England
in 1812, where was Mr. Clay and where
was Mr. Van Buren ? Mr. Clay gallant,
iy leading tiie Republican hosts in tiie
House of Representatives, and sustaining
tiie administration of Mr. Madison, with ail
the energies of his patriotism and elo
quence—Mr. Van Buren uniting with the
Federalists to depose that illustrious matt
from power, and to supplant his adminis
tration ! Try them again by that standard
which Mr. Van Buren himself in a most
elaborate speech delivered in the Senate of
tiie U. S. in 1823, declared to he the true
and legitimate distinction between tiie Fed
eral and Republican parties,—tiie otto seek
ing to extend, the other to restrain Execu
tive power. The public have not forgot
ten the various schemes so sedulously de
vised or countenanced by Mr. Van Buren
during the whole period of his administra
tion, and fully exposed at the time, to aug
ment Executive patronage, discretion and
power ; and nothing, surely, lias more emi
nently distinguished the career ofMr. Clay
than his constant and persevering efforts to
restrain, and to provide new dikes and se
curities again t Ihe enlargement or abu
sive exorcise of the powers of tiiat depart
ment of tiie Gov-emmet. Judging them,
then, by Mr. Van Buren’s own definition of
political parties, as correctly laid down by
him in 1823, hut totally lost sight of in his
subsequent practice, let the sober and im
partial judgment of tiie country decide
which is die Federalist and which tiie Re
publican.
Who is accountable for the Disasters
which have, fallen upon our Country ? —Gen.
Jackson retired from the Presidency, on the
3d of March, 1837,declaring to the nation,
in solemn earnestness, that he left ‘‘this
great people prosperous and happy ; in the
full enjoyment of liberty and peace; and
honored and respected by every nation in
the world/’ Four years and a few days
after this, Mr. Tyler comes to the head of
affairs, under circumstances to which he
thus alludes: “ When under a dispensation
of Divine Providence, 1 succeeded to the
Presidential office, the slate of public affairs
was embarrassing and critical Here was
an interval of a Presidential term, occupi
ed by Mr. Van Buren, in which, on such
high authority, we sunk from prosperity
and happiness, to dangers and embarrass
ments. At whose door shall the national
penury and disgrace be laid ? lie con
ducted us from national affluence to pover
ty ; and for this he is to be restored to the
high station he dishonored.
Connecticut Courant.
“Father, what do Printers live on?”
“ Why, child?” “You said you had not
paid him for two or three years, and yet
you have his paper every week !” “ Take
the child out of the room. What does he
know about right and wrong V’
From the Mil/edgevillc Recorder.
; As usual, tho Democracy are out in “elo.
| quent denunciation” against the Scnatori.
al district arrangemont. And many and
false arc tho misrepresentations they are
making about it. Tiie Whigs are charged
with violating all justice and right—and
| absolutely swallowing up their opponents
Iby legislative enactments. A baser shut.
| der, a viler misrepresentation, never es
j wiped the mouth of tho ranting demagogue,
i than are these charges. There is not to
he found in the annals of party warfare, a
I more liberal confession than that made by
| the Whig party to the Democratic party in
i the arrangement of those districts. Total,
j ly unlike the latter parly, something like
the relative Dumber of each has been re.
| garded in the distribution. In the Congres
sional district hil! last year, with a popular
i vote of not more than 2000 votes majority,
I they took six districts to themselves, and
j gave tiie Whigs hut two ! Hero then were
j three to one, declared by them to he a fair
representation of the Whigs in Congress.
In the Senatorial districts, the same rule of
distribution ought to give tho Whigs 35 dis.
triots, and tiie Democrats 12 districts. But
no sucli policy lias been attempted. Tho
districts, as laid off give to Whigs, under
the election of 1841, twenty-two Senators,
and the Democrats twenty, live Senators.—
Under the election of 1842, taking tiie votes
of Habersham and Cooper, they give the J
Democrats 26 Senators, and the Whigs 21 i
Senators. Is not this a most liberal con-I
cession ? But the Democrats say, that this j
is not fair test ; that we should take an a- !
veruge of tiie three elections (including j
that of 1840.) If wo adopt this average!
rule, then wo find that through each of I
these elections there were 10 dis! riots which i
in succession gave Whig majorities ; there :
were likewise 10 districts which gave in !
succession three times Democratic majori- j
ties. Then we have 10 Whig districts j
certain ; and 10 Democratic districts ccr- j
tain. There are than remaining 12 doubt
ful districts—of these, 5 districts voted
twice lor tiie Whigs, and once for the Demo
crats; and 7. districts voted for tiie Demo
crats twice, and once for tiie Whigs.—
What man, however deeply plunged in the
asperity of party violence, could ask more
concession than that hero made ? The j
Whigs, with a popular majority of 3,500 !
votes, take only a majority of three of cer- I
tain Districts ; tiie doubtful districts are in j
favor ofthe Democrats;, and should the!
doubtful districts go hereafter as they have j
gone before, tiie Whigs would have 24 dis- I
triots, and tho Deinocracts 23 districts.
The last Governor’s election, tho Demo- i
crats themselves say, is no criterion ; he- |
cause they say tiie old Union men would j
not vote for Mr. Cooper, and therefore they |
did not show their strength, and they have j
carried out this opinion by the Congression- !
al bill they introduced into the Senate, and
passed there by a full party vote. Tiiey
predicated this bill upon the election of
1842. Now if this rule is correct in one
instance, why not in another ? and by it the
Democrats get a majority of G districts un
der tiie present organization.
But go another step further—take the [
vote of 1843, between Senators in the differ
ent districts, and tiie Democrats have 21.
and the Whigs 26. No one looks to the
last Governor’s election as a test of any
thing, but us the demonstration of tiie fact
that a very unpopular man was beaten by
a pupular one.
But, the Democrats say, tiiat popular sen
timent is changing in favor of the Whigs, \
and that hereafter tiiey will have ovewliel- j
rning majorities—if tiiis is so, then a large
majority of tiie people ought to have a large i
majority in tlie Legislature—and lie who
would defeat ihis, is an enemy to tiie free
dom of elections Tho whole cause of com
plaint “has tills extent, no more.” Harris
county is attached to Muscogee, and here
after Mr. Iverson canot he permitted to an
noy the Senate, and prejudice the public
good. A.
From the Savannah Republican.
THE CENTRAL BANK,-THE STATE
FINANCES
We have before us a letter from a high
source at Milledgeville, for which we are
indebted to a friend, which states that it is
placed beyond a doubt that specie payments
will continued to he maintained at tho State
Treasury. “ And tiiis (adds tiie letter)
lias been accomplished without tiie expense
or charge of a cent to the Treasury.” The
Treasury is now in possession of ample
funds to meet all demands until tiie first of
March, when the State will have past
through the ordeal of tiie last appropriation.
li addition to ail this, it is gratifying to
know that specie payments are now flowing
into tiie Central Bank, with which tiie same
exchange may be made as has been made
between tiie Treasury and some of tiie sol
vent banks.
The active circulation of the Central Bank
will not exceed on llic first of February next,
$200,000. Let our readers go back with
us only fourteen months when the circula
tion of the Central Bank was on the 10th
November, 1842, $1,433,853. The Whigs
of the Legislature of 1842, aided by some
Democrats who threw off tiie trammels im
posed upon them by tiie Central Bank anti
tiie Federal Union, passed an act prohibit
ing all further issues by tiie Bank, and re
quiring that all the money paid in should
be burnt. This salutary process gradual
ly diminished the circulation, so that it a
mounted at the assembling of tiie recent
Legislature, to some $700,000, or only a
hout one half of the circulation one year j
previous, while tiie notes which had been
at 40 per cent discount rose to 10 percent j
discount.
Notwithstanding this ameliorating pro
cess however tho public credit was sti'.l
impaired, for a portion of tiie public credi
tors were only paid in promises. It is sat
isfactory to believe that under the prudent
and sagacious administration of Gov. Craw
ford, the condition of tiie Treasury will
continue to he such as to meet all liahili-.
ties, and command the respect and confi
dence of the world.
I From the A ugtista Chronicle f Sentinel.
! MONROE RAIL ROAD AITKOf’RIA
TION.
The Savannah Republican, of the Iltli
! inst., contains the subjoined letter from “<i
1 prominent member ofthe Legislature,” upon
j tho subject of the $200,000 appropriation,
which issuch a complete “settler’ to the
imaginary ghost of Repudiation, which has
lor some time haunted tho Drain ofthe edi
tors, that tiiey do not even venture a reply,
and content themselves with pertinently rc
j marking that if it was not repudiation in tiie
i Legislature 0f1843, it certainly was not in
1842! Very sage conclusion this! and
! wo congratulate the editors upon tiie flat
tering prospect of their returning sanity
i upon tiiis question—a question upon which,
wc doubt not, their decision was influenced
rather by feeling than by a cairn and deli
berate investigation of all t lie facts in tiie
case:
I think you greatly err in characterising
tho refusal of tho last Legislature to pay
McDonald’s subscription 0f5200,000 to tho
Monroe Rail Road Company, as an act of
I repudiation, and if it he an error, it is one \
i of nosmall consequence, lor if five term he !
frequently misapplied, it will likely loose I
much of its odium. Tiiis, in tho present
situation ofthe country, would he a nation- i
a! calamity. I voted for the appropriation
for two reasons—lst, because I believe the j
advantage to tiie public of finishing the j
Monroe Road to the South Eastern termin
us ofthe State Road was worth much more i
titan tho money ; 2dly, because I thought j
tho liability ofthe State to pay it was doubt j
ful, and 1 hold it to he a good rule, to give I
all questions of doubt against ourselves, and
especially when the State is a party. — ;
There being no forum before which she can
he brought to answer, a State should he i
exemplary in her justice. Though differ- j
ing with and voting against tiie majority, I j
have greatly misunderstood tiie term “re- f
pudiaiion,” if it can, with justice, he ap
plied to the State for refusing to pay tiiis
subscription. Hear the oilier side. 1 am
well aware of the fact that repudiation of
just debts is uniformly accompanied with
excuses for the degrading act. 1 am not
aware that any State has as yet acknowl
edged the justiceof'a debt and refuse to pay
it. Even Mississippi, degraded as she is,
offers excuses to justify herself at the bar j
of public opinion. Yet, because these things j
are true, a State cannot justly he branded j
with repudiation for refusing to pay every |
demand which may he made at Iter Treas- i
Ul 7- ‘ |
The character of tiie demand and the |
causes of refusal must he judged of by man- j
kind. These are the tests of good faith or
dishonor. By tiie act of 1838, the Gov
ernor was authorized to subscribe tiie
$200,000, when individuals had subscribed
one-half ofthe extention stock, hut the State j
was not bound to pay any tiling until two- j
thirds ofthe stock had been subscribed.—
Admitting that up to the subscription of tiie
Governor, he had the right tojudge of the
compliance with tho conditions precedent
by the company, and that tiie State was
hound by that judgement, yet as tiie remain
ing subscription, before tiie State was bound j
to [iay any tiling, it was not only tiie right, j
but the duly of the Legislature tojudge.—
Has then tiie subscription ever been made? j
“Much may he said on both sides.” If by i
subscription is meant such a subscription |
as is required by the Monroe Rail Road j
charter, it never lias. That charter declares j
ail subscriptions of stock to he void unless
ten per cent is paid at tiie time of subscrip
tion in cash. It is a mockery to call Mon
roe Rail Road bills in 1842 and 1843, cash.
But such was the medium in which a great
portion ofthe stock was paid for, as was ad
mitted by tiie officers of the concern before
tiie Committee of tiie two Houses ; other arid
by far tiie greater portion ofthe remaining
subscriptions were paid for in labor, at pri
ces little, if any, more advantageous to tiie
corporation, than the payment of its own
hills for stock.
Then it is argued with great force that
there was no subscription in form or in sub
stance, and that therefore tiie State was not
legally hound. This was by no means an j
immaterial matter to tiie State. If the pri- j
vate stockholders had paid cash, the work i
could have been done on belter terms, and j
the State’s investment could have been
more valuable or at least less burthensome.
It was in trutli the gist of the contract. I
have not time now to consider the effect on
tiie State’s obligation, of the total and hope
less insolvency of the concern, of tiie lien
of tiie hill holders upon the whole road for
their redemption, and of the mortgage
which the officers of the company admit
they have made ofthe whole to contractors,
a!! of which would have made the State’s
subscription nothing more than a bonus to
the creditors of the corporation. The State
is now dealing with the original parties to
the contract. No innocent third persons
have been wronged or injured. lam well
satisfied that no court of equity would com
pel an individual who made precisely the
same contract to become a partner at a fu
ture day, specially to perform his agree
ment under tiie same circumstances. Is
the State under other or higher obligations
than an individual would he under in pre
cisely tiie same circumstances? I think
not. Tiie same rule of eternal justice ap
plies to both. It is no act of dishonor in a
State to refrain to do what no individual
would ho bound in law or good conscience
to do, under the same state of facts.
lam respectfully, yours, &e.
An unsophisticated Tennesseean, who
did not understand the allissima and affetu
oso of fashionable music went to hear Ole \
Bull, and after lie had been performing ono
ofhts most difficult passages, tiie audience
applauded vehemently. A lady turning
to him, exclaimed : “ is it not most delight
ful ?”
“ Well, I don’t hear any music, answer
ed the untutored Tennesseean, “but I do
I wish he would quit that tuning, and play
1 something.” Washington Standard.
| The WhigStandarif, at Washington, say*
tiiat tiie Logical Abstraction Society are
j discus:.ing the question whether, in case ot
: tho Annexation of Texas, Sain Houston or
I John Tyler would he President of the new
| Consolidated Republic. Sure enough. If
I tho Annexation would dispose of the Deplo
rable Accident, we far it would prevail o
, ver all opposition. The ikxi quv.-tioti to
; come before the Society is, in case J Jin
j and the President of the Senate should both
j decease and Speaker J mes should he ud
: mitted by Congress to be unduly returned
j to the House, who would then he President,
I Mr. Wise or Robert Tyler ! Tie Rule*
! and Orders do not solve the difii ulty.
j •
| From the Augusta Chronicle tp Sentinel, 13th.
STOP THE MURDERER.
Robert Burns, who assassinated Captain
j Edward W. Collier a few days since in our
! streets, has, up to this time, eluded the vig.
j ilunce of his pursuers. It is said tiiat, on
the morning he fled, he recrossed tDo river
[ about four miles above the city to the Geor
gia side, and hence it is suppos and tiiat lie
is making his way West. In older to con
tribute all in our power to liis detection, wo
: subjoin a more mipute description of him,
; than lias hitherto been published, and ask
! the press throughout tiie country to notice
| or copy it in connexion with tiie fact tiiat a
j reward of Five Hundred Dollars is offered
I by the city authorities for his apprehension
! arid and. livery to the Jailor of Augusta,
Burns is about 5 feet 10 inches tiigir, be
tween 35 and 43 years of age, and weighs
130 to 170 pounds; his right cheek hone
has been broken in—his nose lias also been
j mashed, which has rendered it what is
j commonly called a pug nose—lie lias quite
! a scar, about two inches in length, running
j down his left temple—was quite bald on
tho top of his head light blue eyes inclin
ing to grey—his hands are also scarred on
the inside—is a bony, athletic looking man,
rather round shouldered, and speaks at
times very’ politely and pleasantly.
He was, for a considerable time, an a
gont and runner for the opposition omnibus
and line of stages, ami more recently a bar
keeper at tiie U. S. Hotel, and a runner
with the omnibus to solicit passengers from
the Railroads ; from which circumstances,
it is presumed that lie is known to a great
many persons, by sight, who do not know
Dim by name. He Dad on, when lie left
Augusta, a cap of cloth or leather, blue
coat and light-mixed pantaloons.
Since the above was penned, a report has
reached ns, that lie passed through Colum
bia, S. C.
Route per Central Railroad. —We find in
one of our exchanges, tiie following route
and prices for travelling South : “From
Charleston to Savannah, 105 miles, $5 :
from Savannah to Macon, 192 miles, $7 ;
from Macon to Griffin, (iO miles, $2,50 ;
from Griffin to Franklin, Ala., 110 miles,
$lO. Total distance and expense, 407
miles, $24 50.
MAYER &, BROTHERS,
HAVE just received a lot of NE\V (JOODS
consisting of—Broad Cloths, Sattjnets,
Kentucky Jeans, Silk and Satin Vestings, Prints
of all descriptions, a variety of Woolen Shawl.-,
Linen Cambrics, Irish Linen, plain and plaid
Linsevs, a lot of Blankets, Fine Tobacco and Se
gals, Sugar and Coffee, and a var.ety of oilier
Goods. Call and suit yourselves.
January 18, 1344. It 21
Family Groceries
AT COST.
njAHE undersigned, wishing to bring their bu-
JL siness to a close, offer the remnant of their
STOCK at cost, for Cash—consisting of Sugar,
Molasses, Iron, Sait, Tobacco, Segars, V\ hi e
Lead, Nails, Blacking, Glass 8 by lit, and 10 by
12, and many other articles net mentioned.
MERRY ,V POPE.
January 18, 1844. It 21
M R. SIMEON ELLINGTON, will attend
. to my business, during my absence
Persons wanting BRICK will apply to him.
L. G. JBASSFORD.
January 18, 1844. 3t* 21
ADMINISTRATOR’S SALE.
\iriLL be sold on Wednesday the tweuty
* * eighth day of February next, at the late
residence of Nathaniel Banks, deceased, in El
bert county, all tiie Perishable Property (except
the Negroes,) belonging to the Estate of Na
thaniel Banks, deceased, consisting of Horses,
Mules, Cows, Hogs, Corn, Fodder, Wheat, Plan
tation Tools, Blacksmith’s Tools, Household and
Kitchen Furniture, and many other articles not
here mentioned. The sale to continue front day
to day until all is sold. Terms will bo made
known on the day of sale.
FRANCIS A. BANKS, Adrn’r.
January 8, 1844. 2t 21
ADMINISTRATOR’S SALE.
WILL be sold on Friday the first day of
March next, at tiie late residence of
Frances Jones, deceased, in Elbert county, all
the Perishable Property (except the Negroes,)
belonging to the Estate of Frances Jones, de
ceased, consisting of Horses, Cows, Com, Fod
der, Wheat, Household and K.tche . Furniture,
Plantation Tool.-, and many other ar.cles not
here mentioned. Terms will be it ae known on
tiie day of sale.
BARDEN RUt. iIEU, Adra’r.
January 8, 1844. It 21
j, till. It raontiis alter date, application will be
made to the Honorable the Inferior Court
j of Elbert county, while sitting : s . Court of Or
! dinarv, for leave to sell all the Lands and Ne
groes belonging to the Estate of RhodaCiein
land, deceased, late of Elbert county.
JACOB M. CLEVELAND, Mm’r.
January 3, 1844. m4tn 21
GEORGIA, } Whereas, Felix Shank, ex-
Wilkes County. ( ecutor on the Estate of Wil
liam Poss, deceased, applies to me lor letters
of Dismission.
These are therefore to cite, summon, and ad
monish all and singular the kindred and creditors
of said deceased, to be and appear at mv office
within the time prescribed by iavv, to shew citnrc
j (if any they have,) why said letters should not he
granted.
Given under my hand at Office, this 11th day
of January, 1844.
JOHN U. DYSON, c. c. 0..
January 18. mfim. 21
