News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844, May 23, 1844, Image 2
MR. WEBSTER’S SPEECH. A tremendous mooting of the Whigs of Canton, convened in the “Old Cradle of Liberty,” Eanucl Hall, on the 9th instant, to receive the Massachusetts Delegation on their return from the Baltimore Conven tion. Among the speakers on the occasion, was the Hon. Daniel Webster. We have ► not room to give his remarks entire, and therefore, content ourselves with the Billowing extracts: W Gentlemen, I think there can be no doubt ! that the proceedings of the Baltimore Con vention were such as, in their great re sults, both do, and ought to gratify the Whigs of the whole country. (Applause.) In regard to the nomination for the first office, the convention had nothing—or, at least, but little—else to do, than to give ut terance to the general, 1 may say universal, feeling which had taken possession of the public mind. It was not necessary for any one there, neither is it necessary for me, here, to enlarge in the discussion of the pro priety of that nomination. I do not come among yon to-night to ex tol the oliaract^rof. the ocr.tlcman who iias JhokfrsefecTed as the” Whig candidate for President. I have already said that the . nomination meets my entire ami hearty ap probation. (Cheers.; 1 come neither To praise, to commend Henry Clay For nte, who have spoken so often, here and elsewhere, my opinion of the merits of him whom the Whigs have selected as their candidate, without—so fur as my know], edge extends—a dissenting voice, for me to praise him were indeed “ Wasteful and ridiculous excess.” And as to burying him, gentlemen, howev er appropriate that may be to those who are his competitors, it is very inappropriate to him. (Great laughter and cheering.) 1 concur with equally sincere gratifica tion, gentlemen, with the nomination for Vice-President. (Applause.) I hardly dare venture to speak of the gentleman na med for this office, because, besides my great respect for him as a public man, be sides my high regard for his public virtues and public services, I cherish a particular, I may say an affectionate, esteem for the \ - “‘ r - -)JU>U ngrtvate chjfacter, for all to.,c- iirtues which adorn lis private life. (Obeers. Gt .Hitmen, our candidates arc now be °ilre before as under auspi perfect union, so far ass know, and 11 i 2—-Y question which remains f • consider is, whether bv ‘ „ ours a reasonable w- j-metous effort—We can e wicdl. With regard to the candidate for Vice- j President, it has the entire concurrence of the party. No doubt Massachusetts would have been gratified, if the gentleman whose name she sent to the convention had been chosen, and if the good of the cause had al lowed that body in its conscience and dis cretion to select the gentleman whom this State had recommended. But, as has been : remarked, there were several candidates; and for one I can only say, that they all were worthy, and that whoever had been selected would have received my hearty support. *■*■** * Now, gentlemen, our candidates being before tiie people, t he question naturally “cefifes’ up, what are we to do ? The field is open—the career is before us. What remains for us to do, in order to accomplish our own wishes and the desire of our whole party ? Gentlemen, the first pledge of our com ing success is our own union. A union of purpose, a union of action. Next, gentlemen, to the good omen we have in this our own union, is that which is nearly as advantageous for us, though not so good for our adversaries—the notorious disunion in their ranks. It is quite certain that the party opposed to us is broken into fragments, and undecided which way to look. But we may not rely too much on this discord of theirs. They have among them strong principles of cohesion, and we do not know what glue and putty and plas ter may do to bring the party together a gain. (Laughter.) 1 am happy to say that during iny polit ical life, I have known no time when the great principles of the Whig party, which I consider the cardinal principles of good government, were so generally received by Whigs in all parts of the country as now. (Applause.) I will allude to but one of these—a just and reasonable protection of American industry in raising a revenue ; in other words, a Tariff. (Great cheering.) Now, gentlemen, I feel much respect for the Whigs of the South for the nationality of sjtejjwit they have manifested upon this t nl them for for eracy ? Clearly to support the men we have chosen as fit to carry out our princi ples, with our hearts and our hands—to slacken not our efforts till we see the day— which we confidently believe will arrive— when the peopleofthe whole country shall ratify the nominations just made by their representatives. (Tremendous applause.) * * * * * + Fellow.citizens, in my opinion, the great principles of the federal constitution and the real interests of the country received a shock sixteen years ago, in the election of | General Jackson to the Presidency, from which it is but just recovering. (Great j cheering.) It is hardly too much to say ! that he caused a revolution, (Renewed ap plause,)—l do not so mean in the strict sense of the word, —but 1 do mean to say that by the strength of his determination, by the force of his iron will, which would submit to no counsel, by the principles he carried into his cabinet, by the opinions to which he adhered and on which iie acted, pretty much in defiance of law arid the con stitution—he did much to unhinge the lib erty and destroy the well-being of the re public. His doctrines tended directly to i the subversion of all free government. He pronounced distinctly that he was the only representative of the whole American peo ‘ple. Where did he learn that doctrine ? The constitution speaks of no sole repre sentation of the people—it speaks of the President as no representative at all. The people choose their representatives them selves by states and in districts ; our whole fabric of government is a limited system, and when any one man takes it upon him self to say he is the whole representation of the people, he means just what Gen. Jack soudid. And what did he mean? I will not say he did not mean to govern well—as he understood the matter (laughter) —but he meant to govern at any rate. No will but his own should have any effect. This was his idea, and while the constitution speaks of checks and balances, his idea, his understanding was that his single depart mentof government embraced Mid absorbed all the others. (Plaudits.)- I think the country returning from this doctrine. Certainly, no one now pre tends to walk in the footsteps of General Jackson, with his own gigantic strides, (laughter and cheers,) and I therefore in cline to the belief, that we are coming back to a just review of the various relations of government, and to a reasonable consider ation of its powers and duties. (Much , , , , , -...0 point no plause.) But I will r. The Whigs have selected their candi- j dates and presented them to the people.— j The principles they profess and will main tain, are consistent with those which the W hig party has maintained up to the pre sent time. And what change do we want in those principles ? We see, under their influence when they are carried out, all in terests of the country springing up fresh and budding, like the shrubs and the plants and the flowers, under the genial ministry ; of spring, putting forth their shoots luxuri antly, and bearing abundant fruit. What need, therefore, of change from these prin ciples and these effects? Why not con tinue tosupport such principles and enjoy such fruits undisturbed by new agitations, j unseduced by novel experiments ? (Cheers) As 1 have said, we can elect both our candidates. (Vociferous applause.) It is r.ot in the chapter of probabilities, hardly in that of accidents, tlia! they can be bea ten. Whether one or ihc other of the gen tlemen spoken of as opposing candidates shall be run against us, or whether they shall all unite in a joint team, that team is sure of defeat. (Cheers.) Let us, rejoice, then, in the prospect before us. Blessed by Providence with personal good health, with prosperity in business, with bright hopes for the laboring and industrial clas ses. and with a certainty of success in the political contest to come—l beg to ask what is there which should not inspire us with joy ? Gentlemen, I wish once more, on this public occasion, to signify my hearty con currence in all the ptoceedings of the Bal timore Convention. (Enthusiastic ap plause.) And I pledge myself, my char acter, to exert whatsoever influence I may 1 possess to carry into effect the nominations I of that body ; to sustain the men who will | uphold the principles of the Whig party— ; that party which I regard as the true A tnerican party of the revolution and for all corning ages—nay, which I look upon as holding in its hands all that makes us great at home, or respected by foreign nations. Removal of an Ancient Deposite.—Con siderable excitement and curiosity was created among our citizens, a few days past, by an excavation recently made in the large mound near East Macon, about half a mile from the city. It is about six feet in diameter and ten feet deep. In the ifittom of it, when first discovered, was the Ifcybrm of a box of 15 to 18 inches M&fhc digging was undoubtedly ngfcht ; and it was discovered Bfe were perfectly frr■ h LETTER OF GEN. CASS. To the Editor of the Globe. Washington, May 16,1844 j Sir : The following letter having been i submitted to my disposal, 1 ask you to give j it an immediate publication in your paper. , I run satisfied that you will take pleasure j in complying with this request, that the i public may be apprised of the sentiments of : another distinguished democrat upon the in teresting subject to which the letter refers. Your compliance will much oblige yours, j C % W. T. COLQUITT. Detroit,* May 10, 1844. Dear Sir : In answer to your inquiry, whether I am favorable to the immediate annexation of Texas to the United States, I reply that 1 am. As you demand my opinion only on this measure, and briefly the reasons which influence me, I shall con fine myself to these points. I shall not dwell upon the policy of uni ting coterminous countries, situated like ours and Texas,with no marked geographi cal feature to divide them, and with navi gable streams penetrating the territory of both ; nor upon the origin of die people who inhabit them, upon their common language, manners, religion, institutions, and, in fact, their identity as a branch of her human family. Nor shall I urge the material in terests involved in the measure, by the free intercourse it would establish between the various sections of a vast country, mutual ly dependent upon, and supplying one an other. These considerations are so obvi ous, that they need no elucidation from me. But, in a military point of view, annexa tion strikes me as still more important, and my mind has been the more forcibly im pressed with this idea from reading the a ble letter of General Jackson upon tills sub ject, which has just come under my obser vation. With the intuitive sagacity which makes part of the character of that great man and pure patriot, he has foreseen the use which a European enenij l, might make of Texas in the event of war with the Uni ted States. A lodgement in that country would lay open our whole Southwestern border to his devastations. We could es tablish no fortress, nor occupy any favora ble position ; for the immense frontier may, in a vast many places, be crossed as readi ly as a man passes from o 1 '” l la,v 1 >'-• farm to another rr, “'‘ ai van tages an ac —.„wy would enjoy under such ctr cumstances, it requires no sagacity to fore ; tell. j These considerations recall to my mem | ory an article which made its appearance j just before 1 left Europe, in a leading tory periodical in England, which is understood to speak the sentiments of a powerful party. This is Frazer’s Magazine ; and a more nefarious article never issued from a profli gate press. It ought to be stereotyped and circulated from one end of our country to the other, to show the designs which are in agitation against us, and to teach us that our safety in that mighty contest which is coming upon us, is in a knowledge of our danger, and a determination, by union,and by a wise forecast, to meet it, and defeat it. The spirit of this article is sufficiently in dicated by its title, which was, “a war with the United States, a blessing to mankind.” I cannot refer to it at this moment, but must speak of it from recollection. I have often been surprised it has not attracted more attention in our country. Its object was to provoke a war with the United States, and to lay down the plan of a cam paign, which would soonest bring it to a fortunate conclusion for England. The basis of this plan was the organization of the necessary black force in the West lnd:a Islands, and its debarkation upon our Southern coast. The consequences which our enemies fondly hoped for, in such a case, hut with an entire ignorance of the true state of the country, were foretold with a rare union of philanthopy and ha tred. I wish I had the number at hand, to cull some choice passages for your reflec tion. The result was to be the destruction of the Southern States, the ruin or depres sion of the others, ant] the dissolution of this great and glorious confederacy, on which the last hopes of freedom through the world now rests. What more favorable position could be : taken for the occupation of English black troops, and for letting them loose upon our Southern States, than is offered by Texas ? Incapable of resisting in the event of war between us and England, she would be ta ken possession ofby the latter, under one or another of these pretences, which every page of her history furnishes, and the terri tory would become the depot whence she would carry on her operations against us, and attempt to add a servile war to the other calamities which hostilities bring with them. He who doubts whether this would be done, has yet to learn another trait in the annals of national antipathy. It would be done, and be called philanthropy. Every day satisfies me more and more, that a majority of the American people are in favor ofannexation. Were they not, the | measure ought not to be effected. But as : they are, the sooner it is effected the better. the details of the negotiation. responsibility of m.n,st be i!:< it.-, i “, Ji MM t ;i mwk. ‘ : From the Savannah Republican. MR. CHAPPELL. The address of this gentleman was re ceived by us only two days ago, though we have been apprised for more than a week of its receipt by some of his immediate con stituents. Why it has thus been withheld from the press, we are not able to divine— unless the author was convinced in his own mind that it contained reflections upon the doctrines and policy of the Whig party, both in and out of the State, which would excite tile most unpleasant feelings among his old friends. We have known his position to be equiv ocal for months past, and after having care fully observed his whole course in Con gress, and endeavored to collect his opin ions, from his speeches, his associations, and finally from this address, we have con cluded that Mr. C. himself is in about as much doubt as we are in regard to his pre sent position. 110 is certainly in a transi tion state—his ultimate destiny however, being probably much more apparent to the lookers-on than to himself. We heard an old and consistent Whig at Milloageville last winter, regretting sin cerely the wrong-headed position of Mr. Chappell, on the question touching tiie right to his seat in Congress, and when asked— why so much concerned about so small a matter?—he replied that, “he had never known a person incorrigibly wrong in small matters that did not soon run wild upon great ones!” How strikingly has the re sult proved the correctness of the observa tion ! Mr. C. was then supposed to be a little ultra in his Whig notions. lie had just passed through a canvass, in which all the cardinal principles of the Whig party had been freely discussed, and in which the tariff of 194” was openly and zealously de fejidad by tiie Whig press—and to the ad vocacy of which by Mr. Stephens in the Cherokee counties, Mr. Chappell himself was mainly indebted for his election ! If Mr. C. iiad spoken a word against Whig principles it was not known to the party throughout the State. Had such been the case his election would have been a moral impossibility, for the Whigs of Georgia have been taught by sad experience, always to prefer an open enemy to a half-tonyfriend. If Mr. C. then entertained such views, (and he now avers he did,) it was his duty as an honest politician, to make them known, or . <o decline the candidacy tendered to him by i the party, nu km... a.. „e ,t,„ | Whigs on the Tariff question just as well then as now, and it is useless for him to at tempt to get oft’under cover of the vote of the Georgia Delegation in 1842. The ruse dons not even possess the charm of original ity. Colquitt, Cooper and Black, proved the party to have changed four years since; and Mr. C. will excuse the Whig Party of Georgia for not submitting to be trundled about like a foot ball. The feelings of the people were in advance of the politicians on this subject, as they were in the election of Harrison in 18-10. Mr. Chappell either knew this or ought to have known it, and shaped his course ac cordingly. Mr. Cs. peculiar views upon the question we will revert to hereafter— remarking here that we have no doubt the present tariff'might be equalized by a cau tious and well-informed Congress—but at present the country wants quiet, it wants uniformity of system, and it is hazardous to change thus, on the eve of an excited elec tion, when it is almost certain that the suc cessful party will take the whole subject into its own hands after the 4th of March, 1845. O i the Texas question also, he professes to differ from the Whigs, leaving us to un derstand that on all other doctrines of the party, he remains sound. Whether he will hereafter discover that the Bank—the Land Distribution—the one term principle, &c. &c., are doctrines “ dangerous to the lib erties of the people” and “ opposed to Southern interests” or not, we are unable to say. We think it highly probable from the following paragraph: “ Mr. Chappell says—‘ln spite of my long entertained confidence in Mr. Clay, and admiration of his chaiacter, I do not like the position he seems now to occupy on the Tariff question, nor will I disguise that, my zeal in his cause has suffered a batement by a close and anxious observa tion of the political character and princi pies of the great national party that must come into power with him and impress its policy on his administration.’ ” After such a declaration of sentiment, our readers will scarcely be less surprised titan we have been, to see Mr. Chappell re ported as one of the delegates from this State at the Baltimore Convention—voting for the nomination oj Mr. Clay ! We sincerely hope, on account of the re spect which we have heretofore had for Mr. C’s. character, that he was either not in the Convention, or that there were circumstan ces connected with his appearance there which have not yet met the public eye, and which may sustain his previous char acter for frankness and singleness of pur pose. The Tariff. —The Charleston “ Mercury ” of yesterday has the following notice of the rejection of the Tariff bill and the “natural allies of the South.” “We have tiie finale of oromise and per formance on the Tariff, in the proceedings of the House on Friday. The new bill was laid on the table by a majority of six— nearly the same that defeated the resolu tions of Rhett, Black and McDowell, in the early part of the session. They blustered and complained that we took those votes for test votes, and promised that we should be convinced of rashness and injustice. Still promising—still giving pledges to the very shinplaster banks, that keep arc called on good of vor of retaining unmodified the present n trocious Turiff, the Democratic caucus of the New York Legislature issued their an nual manifesto to their constituents.” What they Can and. what they Can t. — The following briefarticlo from the Louis ville Journal expresses a great deal in a small space, and characterises the Locofo co party as truthfully as anything we have seen. The Editor might have added, that they could find authority,—not in the con stitution, but in precedent,—to annex terri tory to the United States, but none what ever for improving what we have, or that which they would add to it: “It is a little remarkable that the Loco foco leaders cannot find constitutional au thority for any thing that is good, hut can find an abundance of it for every thing that is had. They cannot find constitutional authority for making a bank—they cannot find constitutional authority for opening roads and improving rivers—they cannot find constitutional authority for protection and encouragement to American industry; they cannot find constitutional authorty for the distribution of the land money among the States to which it belongs ; hut they can find constitutional authority for a Rhode Island rebellion—they can find constitu tional authority for a leg-treasury and its leg-treasurers—they t an find constitutional authority for disfranchising a Stato of its whole Congressional representation—they can find constitutional authority for setting at naught a law of Congress and creating representatives in defiance of that law— they can find constitutional authority for obliterating a party leader—they can find constitutional authority for trampling on the right of petition—they can find consti tutional authority for the annexation of a foreign country to the Republic—they can find constitutional authority for quartering on the country a standing army 0f200,000 men—in short, they can find constitutional authority for every enormity, moral, politi cal or financial, that ever entered into the imaginations of an unscrupulous party.” From the Savannah Republican. A few days since wo found it necessary to contradict the story which some of our opponents were endeavoring to set afloat in this city, that Mr. Frelinghuysen was an Abolitionist. Little did we suppose that at the same moment, the Northern Democracy •—liaTc in oiroulaticfn, flatly contradic tory statements, all equally intended to af fect the character of one of the purest and most patriotic of American citizens. Between this city and Charleston, by the inland passage, there is a channel so crook ed, that four times successively, eacli in the space of,a single square mile, the pilot is compelled to steer his vessel to every point of the compass ! If our readers desire a tangible illustration of the sinuosities of Lo cofocoism, they need only take a short trip to our neighboring city, during which the Kinderhook policy will be most strikingly illustrated. Lest they may not find it convenient to follow our udvice, we will give them a small sample, which they can examine at their leisure. Here it is : From the Albany Evening Journal. “ Theodore Frelinghuysen a Slavehold er /”—We are done for ! Mr. Frelinghuy sen is “ a used tip man.” The Emancipa tor has finally extinguished the Whig Par ty ! We have nominated a slaveholder for Vice President! And if you don’t believe it read what Mr. Leavitt, the Editor of the Abolition Emancipator says : ‘ Mr, Frelinghuysen is still a New Jer. soy Slaveholder. On this point we do not speak with absolute certainty. We know that within a few years he had upon his hands an old woman who had been a slave of his father, and whom he was maintain ing in comfort, as it was just he should : but nothing seemed to persuade him that ho could he just, and just as kind to old aunty after giving her free papers, as he was now. None of his neighbors believed it necessa ry for him to keep himself under the strip gent coercion of the law to make him do right in the matter, but he seemed to think it best that this pious mother in Israel should live and die a slave. Whether she is still living, or whether Mr. F. has ceased to be a slave holder by the irresistible pro vidence ofGod, we are not advised.” There it is, right out in meelin'! Mr. Joshua Leavitt has exposed this wicked, a bominable, inhuman Whig candidate for Vice President, who, instead of allowing an old woman who had been a slave of his fa ther, to go with “free papers” to die in the Poor House or starve in the streets, barbar ously “ maintained her in comfort !” Oh the monster! And yet the Whigs have naminated a man for Vice President who fed and clothed an old negro woman, in stead of turning her, when too old to work, friendless, helpless and destitute, upon the world ! What will Alvin Stewart and Ger rit Smith say to such “soul-killing” enor mities? Do that if you can ! —After an action be tween an English and Dutch fleet, news ar rived that peace had been made between the two countries. Whereupon, the sailors of the two fleets began to show off feats of agil ity and strength, in a spirit of rivalry. A Dutch sailor mounted to the cap of the main mast ofa 74, and stood upright on his head. No man, for a time, could be found on board the English fleet capable of performing this feat. At last an old Jack tar, who never stood on his head in his life, says “ I’ll try it, if I die for it.” His shipmates tried to change his resolutions, but in vain. He mounted to the cap of the mainmast of his ship, turned upon his head and fell over.— He was fortunate enough to catch by the rigging, and strange to say, came upon the deck alive. His comrades ran to pick him up, but he shook them off, and hobbling to the side of the vessel roared out to the Dutch man—“ Do that! if you can.” Conundrum. — Why is a dog log like a hoy cyphering a ■ arithmetic ! Bucause he puts down 1 LUDICROUS POLITENESS. Insincerity and extravagant adulation often betray people into uttering the nio£ ridiculous absurdities quite unintentional ly. A great rnun, addressing the House of Lords, said “It is my most painful duty to inform your Lordships that it has pleased the Almighty to release the King from hu sufferings.” This was equivalent to say. ing that he was sorry the King’s sufferings were over. A maid of honor, in France, being asked the hour by her royal mistress, obsequiously replied, “What your Mages ty pleases an answer even less definite titan that of the cow-boy who, after look ing up at the town clock, said it was “only half an inch past eight.” A nurse wishing to give a very polite answer to a gentleman who inquired after the health of a sick baby entrusted to her care, said, “Oh sir, 1 flat ter myself the child is going to die. A no bleman told a visiter that he had been talk ing to him iii a dream. “Pardon me ?” re plied the other, “I really did not hear you.” A lady of rank, having had the profession al services ofa village piper at a little fete which she had given on her estate, received the following ridiculously civil note from him:—“Your ladyship’s pardon for my boldness in thus applying for payment, would be almost a sufficient compensation for the labor of your humble piper, Patrick Walsh.’ Lord Clarendon, in his essay on the decay of respect paid to old age, says, that, in his younger days, he never kept his hat on before those older than himself, except at dinner. In the present day, the wearing ofit at dinner would be thought more disrespectful than at any other time. George IV, when Prince of Wales, used to return the bows of all persons in the streets except beggars : He justified this omis sion by remarking, that to return a beggar’s bow without giving him anything would ho a mockery, and to stop for the purpose of bestowing a sixpence would seem ostenta tious in a prince. Sir Robert Graham be ing apprised that he had, by mistake, pro nounced sentence of transportation on a criminal who had been found guilty of a capital offence, desired the man to be again placed in the dock, and hastily putting on the black cap, ho said “Prisoner at the bar, 1 beg your pardon,” and then passed on him the awful sentence of death. A country carpenter having neglected to make a gal lows that had been ordered to be erected by a certain day, the judge himself went to the man, and said, “Fellow, iiow came you to neglect making the gibbet that I or dered?” Without intending a sarcasm, the man replied, “I’m very sorry ; for had 1 known it was for your lordship, it should havo been done immediately.” While an officer Was bowing, a cannon hall passed over his head and decapitated a soldier who stood behind him. “You see,” said the of ficer to those near him, “that a man never loses by politeness.” Napoleon’s hat hav ing fallen off, a young lieutenant stepped forward, picked it up, and presented it to him. “Thank you, captain,” said the em peror inadvertently. “In what regiment, sire?” inquired the sub., quick as light ning. Napoleon smiled, and forthwith promoted the witty youth to a captaincy. Notwithstanding the fury with which the battle of Fontenoy was contested, it began with a great show of civility. Lord Charles Hay, a captain of the English guards, ad vanced before the ranks, and Count d’Au teroche, a lieutenant of granadiers in the French guards, stepped forward to meet him. “Fire ! gentlemen of French guards!” exclaimed the English captain. “No, my lord,” replied the French lieutenant ; “we never fire first.” This reminds us of an anecdote told ofCurran, who, being called out to give satisfaction to an officer for some imaginary offence, was told by his antagonist to fire first, which he declinod, saying, “As you gave the invitation, I beg you will open the ball.” At the battle of Trafalgar, a generous British sailor, seeing a brother tar bleeding profusely from a se vere wound, ran to his assistance. He had no sooner raised him from the deck on which he fell than the wounded man said,. “Thank you, Jack ; and please God, I’ll do the same for you before the sight’s over.”’ Chamber's Edinburgh Rev. EXTRAORDINARY DISCOVERY. Professor Van Grusselbach of Stockholm, lias very lately brought to a state of per fection the art of producing a torpor in the whole system, by the application of cold of degrees of intensity, proceeding from a les ser to a greater, so as to cause the human body to become perfectly torpid, without permanent injury to any organ or tissue of the frame. In this (hoy may remain one hundred or a thousand years, and again T after a sleep of ages, be awakened to exis tence, as fresh and blooming as they were when they first sunk into this frigorific slumber. The attention of the learned Professor was first led to the subject, by finding a toad enclosed in a solid fragment of calcareous rock, ten feet in diameter, which, when tak en out, showed unequivocal signs of life ; but it is supposed that the concussion caus ed by blasting the rock occasioned its death in a few hours after. The opinion of Bar on Grinthizen, who is at present Geologist to the King of Sweden, was that it must have been in that situation for at least seven thousand years—and his calculations were drawn from the different layers or stratajty which it was surrounded. From this hint the Professor proceeded to make experi. ments, and after a painful and laborious course of experiments for the last twenty nine years of his life, he at last succeeded in perfecting the groat discovery. Not less than sixty thousar.J reptiles, shell fish,~* &e. were experimented on before he tried the human subject. The process is not laid entirely before the public as yet, but I had the honor, in company with a friend, of visiting the Professor. I shall give a slight description of one of the outer rooms containing some of his pre parations. Previous to entering we were furnished with an Indian rubber bag, to which was attached a mask with glass eyes. This was put on to prevent the temperature