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f St ; but the home market can only be pro. |
duced l>y diversified pursuits, creating sub.
y-t ts o r exehnngo, at home as well as a-|
broad. If one portion of iht population of |
a country be engaged in the business of j
an inufaofuring, it must derive its means of]
subsistence, from the agricultural products
of the country in exchange for their fabrics.
The e r ffect Os these mutual exchanges is
beneficial to both parties and the’ whole I
Country.
The groat’law, which regulates the pri- !
cos of commodities, is that of supply and do- !
mand. If the supply exceeded the demand, ;
the price falls ; if the. demand exceed the
supply, the pride rises This law will he
found to he invariably true. Any augment
•alien of supply is .beneficial to the consu
mer ; but, by establishing manufactures in
the United States, an additional supply ;s
created. Again, another principle, univer
sally admitted to be heneiioiul to consump
tion, is, the principle of competition. If;
Europe aiottc supply the American con |
aurnptionof manufactures, Europe will eq, I
joy a monopoly in that supply. That mo-!
n tpoly, it is true, nil! he subject to the com- :
petition which nu v exist in Europe ; hut it
would bo still restricted to that competition,
liy the existence of manufactures in the’
United States, an additional competition is j
‘created, and litis new competitor enters the j
American Market, contending for it with !
tno previous European competitors. The |
result it, an increase in the aggregate of,
supply and a consequent reduction in price, j
But it has been argued, that the fabrics
manufactured in America take the place
only of so many which had been before,
manufactured in Europe ; that there is no
greater consumption in consequence of the ‘
home manufacture than would exist with
out it ; and that it is immaterial to the con
sumer whether the theatre of manufacture ,
ho Europe or the United States. But 1 [
think this is an extremely contracted ami
fallacious view of the subject. Consump
tion is greater in consequence of the exis
tence of manufactures at home. They cre
ate a demand for labor, which would not •
exist without them, and the employment of
labor creases an ability to consume, which i
would not exist without it. How could the I
American labor, employed in manufac- ,
tures, at home, supply its consumption of!
European commodities, if It were deprived
of that employment ? What means of pur
chase would it possess ? It is in vain to ■
point to Agriculture ; for every department j
of that is already producing super-abun- j
dantly. It cannot he questioned that the I
chief cause of the reduced price of Cotton j
Is the excess of production. The price of;
it would rise, it'less were produced, bv di
verting a portion of the’ labor employed in !
its cultivation to some other branch of in-,
uusiry. This new pursuit would furnish
new subjects of Exchange and those wjio
might embark in it, as well as those who
would continue in the growth of Cotton, 1
would be both benetitted by mutual ex
changes. The day wilj come and it is not ;
dsiiant, when the South wiil feel an impe
rative necessity voluntarily to make such ,
“ft diversion of a portion of its labor. Con
sidering the vast water power, and other
facilities of manufacturing, now wasting j
and unemployed, at the South, audits pos- |
session, at home, choice of tiie raw !
material, 1 believe thq day will come when >
trie Colton region will be the greatest manu
facturing region of Cotton in the world.
The power of consuming manufactured i
articles being increased, in consequence of,
tiie domestic establishment of manufactures
by the wages of labor which they employ,
,and by the wealth which they create, there
is an increase also in the use and consump
tion of Cofton and other raw materials.—
To the extent of that increase, the Cotton
grower is directly and positively benefitted
by the location of manufactures at home
instead of abroad.
But suppose it were true that the shifting
to a certain extent, of the theatre of’ manu
factures, from foreign countries to our own
did not increase consumption at all, and did i
not augment the demand for cotton, there
would be nojust ground of complaint with
the cotton planter and the most that he could
-say is, that it would be a matter of indiffer
ence to him. All that would happen to
him would be a substitution of a certain
number of American customers, for an equal
number of European customers. But ought
it to be, can it he, a matter of indifference
to him, whether any portico of his fellow
citizens in the United States are in a state
of prosperity or adversity ? If, without pre
judice to him, his own countrymen can ac
quire a part of the wealth which arises out
of the prosecution of manufacturing indus
try, instead of the foreigner, ought he not to
nejoice at it ? Is it to him a matter of no
consequence that a certain amount of
wealth, created by manufactures, shall be
in hisdwn country, instead of being in for
eign countries? If here, its influence and
effects will be felt, directly or indirectly, in
all the departments of human business, and
in a greater or less degree in all parts of
•he country. It becomes a clear addition
to the aggregate wealth of the nation, in
creasing its resources, and forming a basis
/ftaxation and revenue in seasons of war
or peace, if necessary.
But the advantage resulting from domes
tic manufactures, in producing art Atut-i i
can competition with the European compe
tition, augmenting the supply of manufac
tured articles, and tending consequently to
a reduction of prices, is not the sole advan
tage, great as that is. A double market is
produced both in the purchase of fabrics
fir consumption, and in the sale of produc
tions of Agriculture. And h'ow superior is
the home to any other market in the condi.
tions of its proximity, its being under our
own control, and its exemption from the
contingency of war! It has been argued,
however, that we sell no more than we
should do if we were deprived of the home
market. I have shewn that to be other
wise. The importance of opening new
markets is universally admitted. It is an
object of the policy of all nations. If we
could open anew market for 400,000 bales
ofCutton with any foreign power,anoti'd we
rot giad'y embrace it? Everyone or’a* ‘
| the benefit whixih nrises out of various mar
kets. All who reside in the neighborhood
of largo cities or market towns, are srnsi
j blc of the advantage. It is said that our
manufactures absorb only about 400,000
hales of Cotton, which is a very small part
of the total crop. But suppose we were
thrown upon the market of Liverpool, u!- I
ready overstocked and glutted ? It wuuld
sink the price far below what it now is.—
Franco consumes also about 400,090 halos.
If the market of Havre were closed, and
that quantity were crowded in'., ihe mark
et ofLiverpool, would not the fn<,: be ru- >
inous to the Cotton grower ? Our American
market is growing, annually increasing, j
and, if the policy of the country can only j
become firmly fixed, the time will cojpe, Ii
have no doubt, when the manufuctOro of j
Cotton in the United States will exceed that |
of England. 1 do not desiro to see any mar
ket closed, rfornc.xtic or foreign. ! think it
; our true interest to cherish and cultivate all.
| But I believe it to be our indispensable du
j ty to afford proper and reasonable encour
! agement to our own.
But it must be borne in mind that, al
, though Cotton is by far the most important j
l of our agricultural products, it is not the !
! only olie. Where should we find a mark- ;
] ct for our Indian corn, if it were not for the I
] existence of our manufactures? Weshould |
! absolutely have none. My friend, Mr. Pet- !
j tigru, who sits before me, can find no mark- j
ct for his corn in North Carolina, because j
j ins neighbours, like himself, are occupied j
‘in producing it. Nor can he find any in 1
foreign countries. But he meets with a ,
good, sure and convenient market in Bos.
ton and Providence, and other Northern
; capitals. Where should we seek a mark- I
etPorthc flour, provisions, and other raw
agricultural produce now consumed by our |
manufactures ? If their present business
j were destroyed, they would be employed j
themselves in producing Cotton, corn, pro- i
visionsand other agricultural produce, thus
augmenting the quantity and inevitably
leading to a further decline of prices.
It iias been contended that the effect of
affording legal encourgement to domestic
j manufactures, is to enhance the price of
| commodities; and to impose a tax upon the
consumer. This argument has been a
’ thousand times refuted.
It has been shown again and again, that
the price of almost every article, on which
■ the system of encouragement has effectu
i ally operated, has been reduced to the con
sumer. And this was-the necessary con-
I sequence of that law of supply and demand,
i and that principle of competition to which I
| have before adverted. It was foretold long ,
: ago by myself and other friends of the poli- j
Icy. But it is in vain that we appeal to facts.
It is in vain that we take up article by ar
tide, and comparing present witli former
i prices, show the actual and gradual rcduc
; lion. The free trader has mounted his
I hobby, and he iias determined to spur and 1
j whip him on, rough shod, over all facts, j
i obstacles and impediments that lie in his !
way. It was but the other day, 1 heard of]
; one of these free trade orators addressing i
an audience, and depicting in the most 1
plaintive and doleful terms, the extreme !
burdens and oppressive, exactions arising j
; out of the abominable Tariff. Why, says
i be, fellow-citizens, every one of you that
! wears a shirt, is compelled to pay six cents
n yard more for it than you otherwise
would do, in order to increase the enormous 1
i wealth of Northern capitalists. An old 1
man in the crowd, shabbily dressed, and !
with scarcely any thing but a shiit on, stop
ped the eloquent orator, and asked him how
that could be ? for, says he, “ I have a good
shirt on, that cost me only 5\ cents per yd.
and I should like to know how I paid a duty
of 6 cents.”
These ingenious and indefatigable theo
rists, not only hold all facts and experience
in contempt, but they are utterly inconsist
ent with themselves. At one time, they
endeavor to raise the alarm that the Tariff
would put an end to all foreign commerce,
! and thus drying up our principal source of
revenue in imports.it would become neces
sary to resort to direct taxes and internal
taxation. In process of time, however, their
predictions were falsified, and the system
was found to produce an abundant revenue.
Then, they shifted their ground, the Trea
sury, said they, is overflowing ; the Tariff
is the cause, and the system must be aban
doned. If they had have taken the trouble
to enquire, they might have ascertained
that, although England is the greatest man
ufacturing nation in the world, in amount,
extent, and variety, she nevertheless draws
a vast revenue from customs.
[Concluded in our next .]
From the Whig Rifle.
THE XOH- A. h- CHAPqqjjj.
We have received a second long and la
bored epistle written by this gentleman to
some of his former friends in Macon, in
which, with the gullibility of a political
pharisee, be recants, takes back, andswal-
I lows down all the past principles of his life.
Even the United States Bank, that darling
of all his affections, on the pleasing contem
plation of which his soul has hung with al
most childish fondness, is scouted with a
! disrelish bordering on contempt. Like
• every other turn coat, his associates have
deserted him, whilst, like the plains of Tex
as, or any other modern ‘ Gibraltar,’ he has
stood unmoved and firm. When the infa
mous traitor, Benedict Arnold , deserted the
flag of his country and took the gold of the
enemy as the wages of sin, he wrote a
phamphlet about the size of both of Chap
pell’s together, in which he swore by all
the saints in the calendar, that Washing
ton and the Whigs of the Revolution were
most arrant scoundrels, and that he himself
was the only true friend the country had.
From that day until this, the example of
that profligate and abandoned wretch has
been followed by his imitators, in the civil
as well as military department. But we
; have no words to waste on Mr. Chappell.
|He was nominated as a Whig, professing
■ and subscribing to their whole policy ; he
’ was supported and elected as one; and now i
’ he has deserted and betrayed them, he ’
j is wolcome to the contempt ho must receive
! from every high-minded member of the par
| ty. If his now associates find him as heavy
I to carry as his old ones did, they will shake
I him from thei’withers long before he is
1 willing to dismount.
1 1 —'""W <i l
NEWS AND GAZETTE.
WASHINGTON, GA _
THURSDAY, JULY 19, 1844.
FOR PRESIDENT,
IIENRY CLAY,
OF KENTUCKY.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
THEODORE FRELINGHDYSEN,
OF NEW-JERSEY.
. A - . ■
! EIGHTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT,
ROBERT TOOMBS,
OF WILKES COUNTY, GA
vYotice*
All readers of this notice with
their wives, children and neigh
; hours, are respectfully invited to
attend a Free Barbecue, given by
the Whigs of Wilkes, on next
Wednesday the 2ith inst. We
expect great doings.—Come !
£?* We are requested to remind
the Committee of the meeting at
the Court-House next Saturday,
at 11 A. M.
The Order to be observed on
the 94th instant:
At 10 o’clock, A. M-, the citizens are re
quested to align themselves on the Public
i Square, the right resting opposite the East
i end of the Court-House—when, under the
orders of the Marshall and his Aids, they
will ho wheeled into a column of four in
front—take up the line of march for the
Grove. The Clay*Club Banner and Mu
’ sic, will take post in the centre of the col
! umn. Citizens arriving after the column
j has been put in motion, will please form
! themselves on its left by fours.
J. W. ROBINSON, Marshall.
(FjT The public speaking at the Stand in
the Grove, will commence at 11 o’clock,
A. M., and continue until half past one, P.
M., when tiie interval of one hour will af
’ ford time for Refreshments and Dinner—
when the public speaking at the Stand will
! be resumed, and continue as long as cir
cumstances may justify.
The Committee of Arrangements
respectfully request the Citizens particu
larly, and all others in attendance, to form
a procession on the Public Square on Wed
nesday next, and hope they will conform
throughout, to the regulations adopted by
i the Marshall and his Aids, for the good or
der and government of the day.
E. M. BURTON, Sec’y.
July 17, 1844.
N. B.—The Committee are requested to
call on E. M. Burton for their badges.
OiT The Augusta Chronicle gives notice
that the Geo. R. R. Company has made ar
rangements for the transportation of thfe
Whig Delegations to the Madison Conven
tion—Fare, Two Dollars, there and back.
We are requested to enquire, for the bene
fit of the Delegates of counties along the
road, if the fare will be at the same rate in
proportion to the distance. Will the Chron
icle inform us ?
(ts?” A meeting of the friends of Texas
and Oregon (not of the Democratic party)
is to be held at the Indian Springs- on the
25th inst. A free dinner (they carried
round the hat in 1840) is to be given, and
Gen. Jackson and Col. Polk, are (not) ex
pected to be present. The crowd is to de
liberate whether Texas is to be quietly sur
rendered, if not, to see what they will do
about it! Oregon won’t be mentioned at
the meeting.
(The dieunionists of South Carolina
and this State have cooled down wonder
fully in the last few days. They found
the people not prepared to swallow the dose
of treason, and, that their proceedings were
“playing the wild” with the prospects of
their darling Polk. It is said, and we think
it quite probable, that they have received
orders from Mr. Calhoun at Washington to
keep dark till a more favorable opportuni
ty. We looked for a good deal of blood
and thunder in their 4th of July toasts, es
pecially from Gen. Quattlebum’s brave
brigade, but they all seem quiet and peace
able as lambs. The only things we see re
j markable in them, are toasts warmly prais
’ fng Henry Clay and his services! We are
■ . ■ ■v.’
glad to find that the Whig State* of (ho Un
ion are not to be Quattlebumbarded jlist at
present. The Chivalry, in its mercy, has
spared us for a time, and backed out from
its lofty position as is usual with it.
OFT A Candidate for the Presidency mur
[ tiered. —Joe Smith, the Mormon Prophet,
was murdered by some citizens of Carthage,
Illinois, in the Jail of that town, where he
had been lodged for some violations of the
law. Several Mormons shared his fate.—
Joe had just been nominated for the Presi
dency by his friends in Convention at Bos
ton, and was very sanguine of beating Mr.
Tyler.
(Kf* A writer in the Macon Democrat,
who signs himself “ Vigilance” calls Mr.
Toombs a “ new-born Federalist.” As to
being “ new-born” it strikes us that 34 is
most too old for a baby—as to his Federal
ism, Mr. Toombs is a Republican now—
always has been, and will be long after the
Penitentiary gets “Vigilance.”
Polk and the Old Soldiers.
The Polk party in their anxiety to make
capital for their candidate, have themselves
invited investigation into the details of Mr.
Polk’s pedigree, by claiming for him Whig
Revolutionary ancestry, but in the course
of these investigations, unfortunately for
them it has come out, that Polk’s grand-fa
ther was a rank Tory in the Revolutionary
war, just sucli an one as the Whigs of this
county used to try for horse-stealing—con
vict of high treason, and hang for being
grand scoundrels generally. Now weshould
not think this any thing derogatory to
Mr. Polk (for as our facetious friend of the
Columbus Enquirer says, “lie did not be
get himself,) if be had not betrayed by his
actions and votes the blood of the old Tory
still strong in his veins. He never has
forgotten how the Whigs of the Revolution
hunted, harried, and bedevilled his worthy
grandsire, and his revenge burns fiercely
against the few aged, needy and war-worn
veterans of those troublesome times. Ac
cordingly we find him steadily refusing to
concur with Congress and a grateful people
in giving a poor and pitiful pittance as a
compensation for their invaluable services,
although he is perfectly willing to squan
der ten millions of the people’s money upon
a patfk of Texas land speculators and stock
jobbers. The comrades of Washington
were nothing to him—they were few and
feeble with little political interest and that
little most generally against him and his
party, therefore the sooner they starved the
better for Isis interest, while the Texas spec
ulators are rich, powerful and intriguing
with all their might to elevate him to the
Presidency.
We would fain hope that the people of
the territory which anciently formed the
county of Wilkes—on whose soil British
or Tory foot never trod, with safety, in en
mity—the last refuge oT Liberty when
driven from all other parts of the State,
would unite to a man in setting the seal of
their condemnation upon this grandson of
one of their forefathers’ enemies—this true
chip of the old traitor block.
Here is a proof from the record of Polk’s
Tory votes, which won’t be denied by
any man whose character for veracity is
worth a straw, or who is not tory himself at
heart.
March 13, 1828, on the passage of the
bill for the relief ofsurviving officers of the
revolutionary war, Mr. Polk IN THE
NEGATIVE — Con. Debate, vol. 4, part 2,
page 2670.
March 18, 1830, he voted AGAINST the
revolutionary pension bill.— Same, vol. 6,
part 1, page 620.
i March 19, “Mr. Polk spoke some time
against the bill.” and voted against it.—
Same, page 635.
Feb. 17, 1831, he voted AGAINST the
bill for the relief of revolutionary soldiers.
Same, vol. 7, page 730.
May 2, 1832, he voted AGAINST the
revolutionary pension bill.— Same, vol. 8,
part 2, page 2713.
ON RELIEVING JAMES MONROE.
It is well known that James Monroe’s
personal sacrifices of his property to carry
on the war, was one of the,principal causes
which induced the nation, by a feeling of
gratitude, to place him in the Presidential
chair. After a life spent in the public ser
vice, he left that chair and returned home
a poor man. He left the nation indebted to
hitn for his patriotic services, both in a debt
of gratitude and a debt of dollars. James
K. Polk voted against paying the debt due to
that venerable patriot, James Monroe !
May 12, 1826, the bill for the relief of
James Monroe, being under consideration,
Mr. Polk voted against it. — Cong. Deb. vol.
2, part 2 page 2631.
Jan. 31, 1831, Mr. Polk opposed the
claim, (vol. 7, page 546,) and voted against
it, ( pages 575, 614.)
We often hear from the Locofoco presses
about the bargain, and sale,{and corruption
between Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, with re
gard to his appointment as Secretary of
State. None of them however, recollect to
say that his appointment was confirmed by
an overwhelming majority, and among
those who vote’d for it, were Thomas H.
Benton and Marttn Van Buren.
What Next?—They are getting up in
Philadelphia a Female Native American As
-1 sociation ! Though it is not so strange ei
ther, for (here would be no native Amerj
<*ans wHheut them. St Louis Reveille.
A |biiure of the mails.
Uncle Sam’s post office agent* get a pleiY- !
ty of abuse, and much of it is richly deser- ,
ved, but one of their late failures in duty’
beats any that have happened before. It
betrays not only a great neglect of duty,
but the most gross political partiality. Wo
refer to the manner in which they have sup.
plied the Whig papers of Georgia with Mr.
Polk’s important tariff letter, while the
Democrats have not yet given any indica
tions of ever having seen or heard of it, for
they have neither published, or made the
slightest mention of it, except one of them,
i who two weeks after its reception finuliy
mustered courage to stick it in a corner of
his paper where nobody ho hoped would
ever notice it. Yet, to this gross out
rage committed on them by the government
servants they submit (gentle lambs as they
aro) with such exemplary meekness as to
induce the suspicion that they don’t want
to know about the letter and that they a
bominate in their hearts this revelation of
their great prophet. If you hav’nt got it,
*“ why sleeps your thunder,” Messrs. Demo
cratic Editors, against the PostOfflce? 1 fyen
have got it (the Whig papers of the State,
at least, give it to you) why don’t you pub
lish it ?
Pretty organs for the dissemination of
truth, are they thus to keep from their rea
ders the opinion of their candidate on a
most important subject ! Are they aslia
med of this production of their favorite—
are they ashamed to let it be seen how near
ly he approximates to Mr. Clay on the ta
riff question—are they ashamed to show
how completely he gives the lie, to all his
previous declarations against protection,
or do they wish to keep their party in the
dark as to their candidate and his opinions ?
If not, why don’t they publish his tariff
letter ?
We have said that Messrs. Clay’s and
Polk’s expressed senyments on the tariff are
much the same. The chief difference seems
to be that tiie former talks his ideas out in
a straight-forward way, and is more easily
understood than Polk. Here is a quotation
from Mr. Clay’s excellent spebdi. at Ra
lcigh, of which we commence the publica
tion on our first page, he says:
“ Let the amount w hich is requisite for
an economical administration of the Govern
ment, when we are not engaged in war, be
raised exclusively on foreign imports ; and
in adjusting a tariff for that purpose, let
such discriminations be made as will foster
and encourage our own domestic industry.
All parties ought to be satisfied with a ta
riff for revenue and discriminations for pro
tection.”
Now mark, how nearly identical in word,
phrase and sentiment is Mr. Polk's letter.
So nearly alike are they, that it would seem
that this Jupiter of Democracy had lowered
his dignity so much as to read some of the
speeches or letters of the “ Mill Boy of the
Slashes.” We quote from Polk’s letter
which we published last week, and which
the Democratic papers wont publish.
“ 1 am in favor of a tariff for revenue,
such a one as will yield a sufficient amount
to the Treasury to defray the expenses of
the Government economically administered.
In adjusting the details of a revenue tariff,
1 have heretofore sanctioned such moderate
discriminating duties as would produce the
amount of revenue needed, and at the same
time afford reasonable incidental protection
to our home industry ”
Is not that a most barefaced appropria
tion of other people’s goods ? Was there
ever a plainer case of larceny ? Why if
“Young Hickory” continues he will have
a set of principles as perfect as the Whigs !
He already surpasses them in number—
Texas, Tyler’s hobby—one presidential
term and the tariff, stolen from the Whigs
—three—which with the old principles of
the Democracy—“ five loaves and two fish
es” make ten—a goodly amount, but the
best are badly come by—no matter, lie
makes up in quantity what they want in
quality.
But Polk “ is a greater orator and States
man than Clay” and the Georgia Democ
racy, at least such part of them who are so
trammeled by party that they can’t kick,
will go for him notwithstanding he differs
from them about a system, which they have
told us for years past, is one of robbery and
plunder. Let us see how he differs from
the Democracy of this State; let the reader
again peruse the above extract from Polk’s
letter, and then compare it with the follow
ing from a manifesto of the party, met in
solemn synod at Milledgeville, setting forth
their principles.
“ You have ever held the doctrine, that
your Government may tax for revenue on
ly. In laying a tariff for revenue, Con
gress has no right to regard any interest or
class with a spirit of favoritism; because
it can not do so without a violation of the
plainest principles of justice and republican
equality. All persons and all interests
should be taxed for the support of Govern
ment according to their ability to pay.—
There is no middle ground between an open
avotoal, and total repudiation of the protective
policy. Incidental protection, is positive fa
voritism. It throws the burthen of support
ing the Government off the shoulders of
some. It must fall with accumulated
weight upon the shoulders of others.”
Then here is an extract from a speech
of Sir Oracle Colquitt, {deliegred in the:
Benato April 18, 1844,) who may well bfe
supposed to be sound in Democratic princi
ple—and perfectly conversant with
] creed of his party, since they rewarded his
superior knowledge and ardent zeal in their
cause with a seat in the United States Sen.
ate, the highest office in their gift.—-Listei*
to the words of his wisdom.
“ There is a limit to the rate of taxation,
besides the mere will of the legislator. The!
limit is revenue for the support of govern,
ment. Taxes cannot be levied for any
j other purpose. A tax imposed for revenue
and for, protection enlarges the granted
i power, which is granted for revenue only.
This difficulty is so obvious that an attempt
is made to evade it, by saying the tax is im
posed for revenue, and for incidental pro
tection. This does not change any thing
but the mere name ; for there can be no
difference, except in terms, whether the tax
be levied for protection, or for incidental
protection. The power of levying a, tax
for either is not granted. No matter what
tax you levy upon imports, there are cer
tain results which follow, ineidendal to
such tax. The one incident, which fol
lows from necessity, is that it increases the
price of the imported goods which aro tax
ed : and another incident is, that home
manufacturers are benefited. These arc
incidents; and are legitimate, because in
evitable. Hut to levy a tax for file puft jj
pose of producing the incident, is not legiti.
mate because the incidents are not nccessa
ry tor the support of government, and the
power has not been granted-to raise a tax
iii order to increase the price-ofgoods, or to
benefit manufacturers. Whenever a tax is
imposed for protection, or incidental pro
tec! ion—it being a mere change of name—
it is a substantive and distinct power The
incident becomes the principle ; th’e shadow
Incomes the substance. This would bo.
quite clear, if no revenue was wanted, and
the duty was imposed for the Sake of what
is called tire incident. But as revenue is
wanted, and you .impose a tax to raise it, if
you make the incident the object of the
levy, you add to and enlarge the granted
power, which Congress has no authority
from the constitution to do ■ so that, the levy-
ing a duty upon imports, and discriminating
for the purpose of bent fling manufacturers,
is not constitutional
But we have no room for more extracti
on this point. There are an. abundance
which we might mak ■ from democratic pa
pers, address* s (Mr. Chappell’s for it, stance
the new acquisition to the Porker party)
and specches-all proving conclusively that
Polk and hus party in this State arc rvide,
as the pole.-, asunder. But it would be
useless, for when the Democracy finds out
Polk’s sentiments throng!) the Whig papers
(their own papers dare not publish his let
ter) one half, if not the whole of them, will
swear most lustily that they were always
in favor of just such. tariff as In proposes i
Polk falsifies all his fb'm- r declarations
against protection ;in this letter’he tells
us that “it is the duty of thi Cy, -nmfn!
to extend, as far as it may lie practicable. ‘
to do so, by its revenue laws and all other
means within its power fair and just protec
tion to all the great interests of the whole U
ninn”—in this declaration, he beats Whig
gcry all hollow—no Whig ever asked that
the General Government should exert all
its vested powers in the protection of Ameri
can industry—the most ultra-prb'ectionist
never demanded so much as that! Hire
he is opposed to Mr. Clay, fer he goes an
immense length beyond him. Tbis ‘es ac
knowledgeiiig, the principle o” prriei iirii
distinctly', unqualifiedly a yielding up hi
former opinions unsurpassed in the annals
of tergirversation. Tim reco Js of his en
mity to protection are abundant ar.d vve take
those which first come to hand Hear him
in his address to the people of Tennessee of
last year.
“That my opinions were already fully
and distinctly known. I could not doubt. I
had steadily during the period I was a repre
sentative in Congress been opposed to a pro
tective policy, as my recorded votes and pub
lished speeches prove. Since I retired from
Congress I had held the same opinions.”
* * * * * *
“ Distribution and a Protective Tariff are
measures which I consider ruinous to the
interests of the country, and especially to
the interests of the planting States —I have
steadily and at all times opposed both.”
Now, is not this the most extraor
dinary change of mind that ever took place
in one year ? Why, the man eats his own
words with as much ease as his emblem
and namesake, that dirty bird the
poke swallows an eel.
There are a few points in Polk’s produc
tion which we must touch on slightly. The
Democracy may attempt to shuffle off the
ill effect produced by his letter because
he says that he “is opposed to a tariff for
protection merely, and not for revenue.”
We never heard of the man that was not
opposed to a tariff for protection merely. —
The Whigs opposed that of 1828 because
it was intended for protection mainly. Mr.
Clay was also opposed to it—condemned it
as imposing exorbitant duties and denounc
ed the manner in which they were made so
high—the intrigues of Southern members
themselves, by which they were madehigh
er than the protectionists themselves de
sired, that the tariff might be the more odi
ous. The Southern Whigs objected to the
tariff of 1832 because it was thought too
protective in its character ; Mr. • Clay
thought differently and vfl’.ed for it—so did
i Mr. Polk, it seen)** Tako partimtlar no.
