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tice that Mr. Folk'does not say whether bo !
is opposed to, or in favor ofThe tariff of;
1842, ho dared not come out on that, hut I
ho leaves it to be presumed that he is, be
ing such a tariff as he declares himself in
favor of. Accordingly, we find the Demo,
cratic protective papers of the North chuck
ling in great glee over his letter as a de
claration in favor of the bill of 1842.
We believe there never has been a tariff
bill more strictly of a revenue character —
it may be objectionable in some of its de
tails, but the wisdom of the All-wise him
self (wo speak with reverence) could not
frame a tariff that would not bear hard on
some unit of our twenty millions of popu
lation, any more than he can suit His sea
sons to every man’s plantation. Wo be
lieve the tariff of 1842 is as near equable
and just as man’s wisdom—clogged as it is
with sectional prejudices—can make it.
Polk’s letter never was meant for the
South, where his party are mostly free
trade men, and never would have seen the
light here, had there been no Whig papers.
It puts those of the party, who have had
any opinions on the subject in a most pain
ful predicament. In Georgia they have
not a word to say—in South Carolina,
where they have been bellowing like bull
calves against all kinds of protection, the
pcoekvnever will know of if—the nobility
will manage that. It was intended solely
for tttu North, where Polk, having, very
justly got tiie reputation of a free trader,
“the old Coon 1 ’ was digging into the vitals
of the party with tooth and nail, in a way
which horrified the’ leaders, aha caused
them to dictate this unfortunate production
to their candidate.
For the information of our Democratic
subscribers and readers, and to prevent
their charging us with garbling it, we re
publish Polk’s letter entire. We do this
because ihe Democratic fafkks won’t
fuhlich it !
’ CoeHmsia, Tennessee, (
June 19th, 18441 \
De’arSir:—l received recently several
letters in reference to my opinions on the
subject of the Tariff, and among others
yours of the 30th ultimo. My opinions on
this subject have often been given to’ the
public. They are to be found in my pub
lic acts, and in the public discussions in
which I have participated.
I am in favor of a tariff for revenue, such
a one as will yield a sufficient amount to
the Treasury to defray.the expenses of the
Government,economically administered.—
In adjusting the details of a revenue tariff,
I have heretofore-sanctioned such moderate
discriminating duties as would produce the
amount of revenue needed, and at th - same
time afford re a sort a hie mcidtmul protection
to-our home industry. I an. opp.--.--d to a
tariff for protection merely, ’ar. i ->■ .!:■• •
venue.
Acting upJrn these general , :
is well known that I gave rny support tri
policy of General Jackson’s administration
on the subject. I voted against the tariff
act of 1828. I voted for the act of 1832.
which contained modifications of some of
the objectionable provisions of the act of
1828 Asa member of the Committee of
VVays and Means of the House of Repre
sentatives, I gave my assent to a bill repor
ted oy that Committee in December, 1832,
making further modifications of the act of
‘.828, and making also discriminations in
tm imposition of the duties which it pro
posed. That bill did not pass, but was su
pc• sed-ii by the bill commonly c alled the
Ci.mp.vmise tiiil for which 1 voted.
!n my judgement it is the duty of the
goveriimeti 1 to extend, as far as it may be
practicable to do so, by its revenue laws
and ail other means within its power, fair
and just protection to all the great interests
of the whole Union, embracing agriculture,
manufactures, the mechanic arts, com- I
merce, and navigation. I heartily approve ;
the resolutions upon this subject, passed by
the Democratic National Convention, lately
assembled at Baltimore.
I am, with great respect,
Dear sir, your ob’t servant, !
JAMES K. FOLK.
J. K. Kane, Esq., Philadelphia.
Riots in Philadelphia.
The city of “Brotherly Love” (! 1!) bias j
again been the, tcene of the most terrible ,
and disgraceful riots, which originated in |
consequence of a large quantity of arms |
being found in the Catholic Churcli ofi
° j
Saint Philip, placed there by the Governor
of the State at the truest of the Catholic
citizens who were apprehensive that some
violence would be offered to their church
es by the Native American party. Great
crowds of the people, iguorant of the reason
why the arms were placed in the church,
began to collect, and the arms were brought
out amid the cheers of the mob. The mili
tary were called out and the streets in the
neighbourhood occupied. The mob, still
remaining on the ground, were ordered
tc disperse, and upon refusal several per
sons were arrested, and an order was given
for the soldiers to fire. Hon. Chas. Nay.
lor ran out crying, “No, don’t fire,” and
was immediately arrested by Gen. Cald
wailader. This more exasperated the
crowd, they procured cannon and muskets
attacked the church, broke in the side door,
and brought out Naylor, and carried him
home in triumph. They then returned to
the church and threatened to destroy it if
the Hibernia Greens, a military company, -
were not removed, whieh was finally done ,
and quiet was restored for a time, hut the
1 lighting between the military and the mob I
; (neither the Native Americans us a party, I
I or foreigners,seem to have taken partin it) j
was renewed and a regular battle took
placo in the street, the interior of the
church was gained by the rioters, though
nothing therein was destroyed or injured,
and it was left in the possession of a party
of citizens.
On Sunday night 7th inst., the most se
vere collision took place between the mob
and the military and about GO in all were
killed and wounded. We extract the des
cription of the combat from the United
States Gazette.
The Night. —Every thing remained quiet
until about seven o’clock, when a detach- j
ment of the military under Gen. Cadwal- 1
lader arrived upon the ground, and proceed- j
ed to take up positions for the defence of
the Church. Cannon were placed so as to
command Queen street, east and west, and
Scond street, north and south. Platoons of
soldiers were stretched across the street at
Third and Queen, Second and Queen, and
around the Commissioners’ Hall.
J'his disposition of force being made,
Gen. Cadwallader informed Mr. Grove that
the military would protect the Church, and
that the citizen force might be discharged,
which was done ; the men marching out
two by two, and mingling quietly with the.
crowd ; but before all had left the report of
fire-arms at Second street was hoard.—
This was occasioned, we believe, so far as
the many contrauictory stories can be re
conciled with probability, by the crowd
pressing on the company of Cadwallader
Grays, Captain R. K. Scott, and the City
Guards, Captain Hill. Orders were given
to the men to force them hack, and in do
ing so one of the officers encountered a
man who refused to retreat, the officer
thereupon struck him with his sword, and
the blow was returned.
A scuffle then ensued—a brick was
thrown from the crowd at the soldiers—
and immediately the firing commenced. It
seems from all that can be gathered that
the crowd were besought to retire by the
officers, and obstinate refusal compelled
them to resort to the last means.
The soldiers commenced firing by files,
and from thirteen to twenty shots told a
morig the crowd, and at least seven men
were killed almost instantly.
An intense degree of excitement was
, created against Captain Hill of the City
Guards, who it was asserted had given the
tho order to. fire upon the crowd without
•any previous warning to them to retire.
This volley caused the dispersion of the
crowd, but increased the exasperation of
the disaffected to a fearful pitch. A mob
gathered in the r-ar of the Commissioners’
Hall, where two or three of the bodies of
the slain were carried, and after angry
parley, broke into the Hall and took there
from a considerable Humber of the mus
kets, which had been brought from the
irhu.ch and deposited there.
Threats were made against a number
-.id rrs, who wore stationed in the lower
of the Hall, and finally a gathering
wj - had at the Hay Scales, near the Whar
ic-n Market, belonw the Southwark Rail
read-, and about 0 o’clock a body of men
came down Federal street, preceded by u
four pounder cannon, roughly mounted,
and drawn with ropi s. The men who fol
lowed in the rear were armed with muskets
in part, and with other instruments of of
fence. They proceeded to Front street,
and up Front street to Queen, where they
quietly placed th.e cannon at the middle of
the junction of the street, so as to range
along Queen street, towards Second, at
which latter street a body of military and
a six pounder were placed. The dark
ness favored their operations, and they
were undisturbed until they had tired the
piece, which was heavily loaded with frag
ments of iron, that had been hastily col
lected. At the same time the mob tired
with muskets in the same direction from
such covered positions as they could find,
and the fire was immediately answered by
| a volley from the military, and the dis
! charge of the field piece. The firing on
both sides was then kept up at intervals
until about 10 o’clock, when it temporarily
ceased.
j The mob had at that hour two pieces,
j placed so as to range Queen street, and
I had also a fifteen pounder, which they
i could not use, because it was not mounted.
The feeling among them seemed to he that
;of desperation, and threats of the most
! startling character were very generally
I used by them against the military, and
i especially against Gen. Cadwallader.
| It was utterly impossible to obtain a de
i finite account of the loss of killed and
| wounded in the last encounter, although
! the Reporter underwent a dangerous risk
in order to do so. It was generally said
that two of the mob at Second and Queen
streets were killed. Col. Pleasonton is
slightly wounded in the groin, and Capt.
R. K. Scott dangerously in the spine. It is
believed that the list of killed and wound
ed on both sides will be large.
At 11 o’clock, Major-General Patterson
detailed the German battalion, with two
field pieces, and the companies of Wash
ington Cavalry, and First County Troop
under the command of Gen. Rounfort, as a
reinforcement, and the column immediate- !
ly moved to the scene of action.
We understand that the Sheriff, late last j
evening, addressed a note to the command- I
er of Fort Mifflin, requesting him to send !
to the city as many of his troops as he j
could spare from his command.
The reports of the guns shook the houses ‘
in the vicinity—shattering windows and
damaging furniture. Balls passed into
many of them, and the inmates were com- ,
pelled to retire precipitately by the back ,
ways—leaving all their property behind ;
them. In one instance, an aged lady was !
! obliged to be lifted over a fence, and while ‘
’ this was being done, a ball cutoff a a branch i
. of a tree near by.
About’ dne o’clock, A. M., the First City
1 Troop of Cavalry, Captain Butler, was or- j
j dered to proceed to the vicinity of the j
• church, and ff possible capture und spike
the guns used by the mob. This duty was I
immediately performed, and at half past
one o’clock, information had been received
at Head Quarters that tho large fifteen
pounder had been captured at the corner
of Fifth and Queen streets, and spiked.
Late last night we heard that during the
encounter which occurred after nine o’clock,
a man named John Cooke was shot beside
the cannon stationed at Front and Queen
street. He iiad fired tfie piece twice, and I
was about to apply the match a third time,
when the discharge of a musket near him
revealed the position of the mob to the mi.i- ‘
tary, and they instantly tired their piece.
A grape shot took effect in Cooke’s groin,
land killed him instantly. An old man
i named Field, was also killed by two bullets,
i which passed through his breast. A young
man who was not recognized, was likewise
shot dead.
At half past one o’clock a meeting of
the disaffected was held at Wharton Mar
ket without ostensible object.
Rumors were generally prevalent that
they intended to make another attack upon !
the military, and had entered into an or
ganization, made arrangement for procur
ing ammunition, &c. .
Still Later. —We have learned from ;
Head Quarters that the origin of the firing ,
: upon the crowd at 7 o’clock last evening, j
was in consequence of an attack made I
upon the City Guards. Captain Hill was ‘
struck to the earth, and an attempt was j
made to stab him with his own sword ; |
while in this situation, one of his Licuton- j
ants gave the order to tire, which was I
done.
The military are continually harrassed I
by the mob, and men are said to be laying j
in wait upon the roofs of bouses in the vi- 1
cinity of the Church, ready to firs when- !
ever an occasion offers.
It is now said that three of the soldiers
are killed, two or three mortally wounded, j
and some more considerably hurl—in ail
about twelve.
The Philadelphia Inquirer in its account
of the riot of Sunday night, says :
The heaviest discharge of fire arms took
place at about half past 10, when two
pieces of artillery were firc-d in quick suc
cession against the military—-and instantly
followed by a rolling fire of musketry, evi
: dently from a large body of soldiers.—
j Again, a brief pause erisut d—only brief,
however, for the discharge sand volleys both I
of artillery an-J musketry, now carne thick
and fast. The scene in the immediate vi
cinity was indeed app,: ling; w ives scream
ing for their husbands, children fu, ti.i-ir
fathers ; and all alarmed and terrified in
the extreme. Mangled and dead bodies
ever and anon borne along, reports of
friends or relatives killed, rushes of the
crowd from some false or real ground of
apprehension—all bore witness to a fright
ful drama that was in progress.
The Philadelphia Ledger says, that at
midnight of Sunday, after the military had
dispersed the mob, they were occasionally
assailed by random shots from behind
houses, and from alleys, which did not do
much damage. Several horsemen, who
conveyed intelligence from tho scene of ac
tion to Head Quarters, were fired at, and j
one or two pelted with bricks as they pass- j
ed through the streets.
Express from Philadelphia. —A messen
ger arrived here yesterday morning from
Philadelphia, by special express, having
left there at 2, A. M. for the purpose of
procuring the services of Major Ringgold’s.
efficient corps of U. S. Flying Artillery,
stationed at Fort McHenry, to aid in sup
pressing the riots in Philadelphia. After
calling on Major R. at Fort McHenry, he
proceeded to Washington by a special loco
motive, to lay his letters before ihe Execu
tive.
A gentleman who came on informed us
that on his way lo the depot, h-- was over
taken by a friend who stated ihat he had
just received information from the Treasu
ry Department that the Cabinet had deci
ded to send on the necessary aid.— Balt.
Atner. 9th inst.
Latest — By the Telegraph. —At 2 o’clock
this morning we received the gratifying
intelligence, transmitted from Baltimore
by the Telegraph, that the city was quiet
at three o’clock yesterday afternoon ; that
the Catholic Church was under tlie pro
tection of the Native Americans, and the
troops withdrawn ; and that there was ap
parently an end to the further shedding of
blood as well as the riots.— Nat. Int.
The New York Sun, whose accounts
were received by express, up to Monday
night, 5 o’clock, says : “ The lawless por
tion of the Philadelphia populace being en
raged at Gen. Cadwallader for his judi
cious conduct in firing upon the mob, he
has been forced to retire from the city; and
it was feared that the course pursued, by
one or two newspapers, would lead to an
attack upon his dwelling last night. Sev
eral leading Native Americans and influ
ential citizens had made arrangements to
guard it. It was not known where Gen.
Cadwollader had gone.”
The Loco Focos are laboring hard to 1
make something out of Mr. Polk. About)
all that can be said of him was once said of i
a servant girl by her mistress : “ This is to j
j certify that Sukey Davis lived with me won >
yer and leven months, cookin, bakin, and is *
I a vuceful kind of body—she is kinder onest |
[ and I never new her to be in likor, and she j
has n<t sweet arts.”
Rochester Democrat-
Newspaper borrowers are always the
keenest critics- Their noses snuff pollu
tion and their pure eyes drop water at er
ror, which they steal to read, and cheat to
obtain. Those who pay for their papers
always have a big bucket in their hearts |
filled with the milk of human kindness; and
they comment with indulgence. It takes [
; one of your stealing and borrowing frater- !
nitv to turn out the real double-distilled ;
bitterness of fault-finding.
. FOR THE NEWS dfc rIANTER",’ GAZETTE
Texas.
| TO THE PLANTERS OF GEORGIA.
“ And be these juggling fiend* no more believed, j
That patter with us, in a double sense ;
T'hat keen the word of promise to our ear,
And break it to our hop*-”
The self-constituted guardians of our
rights and our “peculiar institutions,”
; have almost hourly sworn these ten years
: past that they were in imminent peril, and
that nobody but themselves had either the |
; will or the power to save us. Such has |
been tho continued cry of the Georgia De- j
; mooraey and the Smith Carolina Chivalry. ‘
And if we have given them our support and i
confidence, they have given us neither
peace, security, nor relief from what they
tern; the most unmitigated plunder, it is |
very true, that few of us saw the dangers or I
felt tho oppressions of which they so hitter- I
■!y complained. And even they heeded
them not, until the period arrived when it I
i became necessary to make anew draft on
j our gullibility, to got our votes. One of I
’ those periods has come around again.— ;
’ And again, we behold their mixed indigna- !
} tion, rage.and fear, at our dangers, and
wrongs and oppressions. Their selfish !
I schemes, if they have heretofore been ii- i
jdiculous, have been comparatively harm- |
| less ; but it is my purpose to show you that j
j this late plot of theirs, the Texas scheme, j
I is fraught with unmixed evil as far as you j
| are concerned.
It seems that every section of this vast !
I confederacy is to get some substantia! bets
! efit from the annexation of Texas, but the
l .
j Jsouth-*-we are to be controlled by our i
; fears. ‘ln the working of the scheme, the
: Abolitionists are promised, that it will ,
I make Virginia, Maryland and Kentucky J
free States. So sav'those distinguished!
- r - °
- Northern Democrats, Wilkins, Ingersoll
and Woodbury. And they base their ex
pectations upon the sound political truth I
that slave-labor will certainly go from the I
regions where it is least, to those whore it is
most profitable. The Western and Middle I
States are told that they will have the j
market for their stock, provisions, grain j
I and hemp greatly widened and increased. |
The ship-owners are promised greatly in
creased profits from the extension of the
carrying trade ; the manufacturers are
promised an enlarged and profitable mark
et for their fabrics, and cheaper Cotton. —
These are plain, practical, legitimate re
sults. The practical men to whose avarice
they are addressed will understand them.
But what are we to gain? “Ah ! there’s
the rub.” Ask these traitorous politicians
who are endeavoring to sell your dearest \
rights for party power, what we of the
South are to gain ? Every body else is to
get some substantial advantage. The Tex
as scrip owners are to get one hundred
: cents in the dollar on their worthless Scrip
|by taxing us ten millions of dollars. The
land jobbers are to have their titles con
firmed and tho value of their lands increas
ed j but when we ask for our part of the
“ wages of this sin,” this national degrada
tion, we are mocked by the idiotic pretence
of additional security to our “ peculiar in
stitutiuns,” we arc to have “ a Gibraltar
for the South !” wu are to have our fears
quieted. Let us examine what wo are to
pay for this delusive peace. How much it
costs us, and see whether or not we are
paying “too dear for our whistle.”
Our industry is now ruinuusly depressed.
The cause is obvious. The production of
Cotton for the last five years bus run ahead
of the consumption. The markets of the
world have been glutted. This was pro
duced by bringing a vast amount of cotton
land into the market from 1834 to 1838,
and at a time when the currency was so
tremendously expanded by the ruinous pol
icy of General Jackson and the Democra
cy. This enabled a vast amount of people,
including the most reckless adventurers,
by means of easily acquired credits, to buy
up the Creek lands of Alabama, the Choc
taw and Chickasaw lands of Mississippi,
and an extensive cotton region in Louisian
a, and to buy and bring large quantities of
slaves from the tobacco and grain growing
of Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky j
and North Carolina, into this region, and to
employ them in raising cotton. The quan
tity of cotton produced in the United States
was suddenly doubled. The supply great
i ly exceeded a largely increased and in
creasing demand. Prices gave way and
the South was overwhelmed with peeunia,
,ry embarrassment. The low prices stimu
: lated consumption, and the demand is fast
gaining on the excessive supply. We
j have no more vast regions of new lands to
put under cotton ; the increase of supply
’ must henceforth be gradual and healthful,
1 hence we have good prospects ahead of us
for fair remuneration for our labor. But
annex Texas to the Union, and you imrae
diately bring under the cultivation of Cot
ton, an immense region of the finest cotton
land in the world ; lands which the friends
of annexation say, will produce from 2500
ito 4,000 lbp. of cotton per acre. Slaves by
I thousandswill immediately be carried there
| from Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, North
Carolina, Tennessee, and the poorer re-
I gions of South Carolina and Georgia ; the
’ production of cotton will again bo doubled
i within a few years. And what is even
i more important to us, it will cost th -m not
! more than a third or a fourth of the amount
!it will cost ns to raiso it. The price must
1 necessarily still further decline; what then
are we to do ? I speak not lo them who ;
i intend to emigrate to that country. I speak (
| to men, who, like myself, intend to stay :
here and abide the fate of Georgia through ,
weal and through woe. They are the men
[ whose interest it is our business to psotect. I
! —they who will go are the units; they |
i who remain are the thousands. With these, j
results, even the protection of our Slaves |
would he a boon without a benefit. That
such would be the result, is admitted by
many of the most distinguished friends of j
| the measure. Mr, Upshur expressly de- j
cluied it would “ cheapen Cotton.” The |
venerable Langdon Clieeves, who seems to j
1 have caught the madness of the “Clival.
: ry” upon the subject of annexation, in a !
i recent letter tells us “that the acquisition :
; 2
; of Texas would introduce and enlarge the :
J power of a dangerous rivat in the prodtic- |
1 tion of the great agricultural staple of the |
! Southern States but ho too, relying on J
| our folly and our fears, expects sup- -
j port the measure, because “ the South has j
. a peculiar institution on which she is sensi- j
1 live.” What have we done, that sober, dis- !
preet men should think us capable of so j
foul a Qt-'.'l as to sacrifice our acknowledg- ;
ed interest for 34 ignoble, base a principle j
as fear .’ I should be asiiaitjed of my coun- j
trymeu, if I supposed them weak and fool- >
ish and cowardly enough to sacrifice the
only advantages us slavery, the profits of
slave labor, to this absurd, idle babble, ü
bout our “peculiar institutions.” This
policy would soon bring us to our Arith
metic, and the sum to be worked out would
be, whether it were better to lose our
slaves, or have them valueless on our
hands. In looking out for imaginary addi
tional securities for our property, let.us
have a care that we do not make it not
worth tho trouble of securing. If we fol
low these gentry, “to this complexion it
must come at last.”
But what and where is the dangers we are
called upon to battle at such a fearful sac
rifice ? They were undiscovered, or at
least unproclaimed, until this Presidential
intrigue was set on foot; we are now told
that if we don't rob Mexico and take Texas,
that these patriots will throw themselves in
to the arms of England, and she is to work
out, somehow or somehow else, these
“ direful ills.” I had thought with all their
faults and crimes (and they have a plenty
of both,) that these Texans were at leas:
Republicans—l never supposed them Mon
archists, and ready for “ monies number
ed,” to throw themselves at the feet of Vic
toria. But their friends ought to know
them better than I do, and if such be their
character, we do not want them on any
terms. But their friends say, that if we do
not take them, England will, and then she
will free their slaves, and then “operate” I
on us. England and Texas both stoutly
deny the “ soft impeachment” of the un-i
natural alliance ; but the annexation men ;
neither believe friends or enemies, but will
have it so. I will give full credit to their
statement and then see how the matter will
stand, what would be the effect on tis of the
abolition of slavery in Texas. The disad
vantages would he, that Louisiana would
have an independent non-slaveholding gov-’
ernment on her frontier; this would be
disadvantageous to her, would facilitate the j
escape of her slaves on her borders. She j
would suffer just as Maryland, Kentucky j
and Virginia, and .Missouri do now ; but i
we in Georgia and the South, would forever
have the monopoly of the cotton trade.—
tree labor never lias, and never will suc
cessfully compete with slave labor in the
production of cotton. Brazil competes with
us in cotton, because it is produced by slave
labor. Mexico having boundless plains of i
the finest cotton lands in the world, exports
comparatively none, because she has no
slaves. Hence, whoever else, emancipa
tion in Texas would injure it certainly
j would not injure the Southern cotton plan
| ter. No longer having the rich plains of
Texas to compete with us, the growing of
cotton would, in all human probabilitv, be
profitable for centuries in the Southern
States. Let the South stand forth in her
true character, fearing nothing but dishon
or; castoff these alarmists, and consult
her interest and not unmanly fears. The
same men who charge the Northern man
ufacturers with fraudulently enriching
themselves by shutting out foreign competi
tion by means of Tariff laws, ask us to vio
late national honor and good faith, that we
may bring in competition against our la
bor. Will not the absence of competition
in the cotton markets of the world benefit
obtton growers as much as the absence of
competition at home benefits manufactur
ing labor ? Let us profit by their wisdom.
If our “ peculiar institutions” are not sa'l
enough, under the guarantee of the Cor.sti j
tulion, the sovereignty of the States and the 1
valor of our people, Texas can never save
it. You m ght as well hope to uphold tlie j
Universe with a broom-straw. The truth 1
’ is, they arc not in danger ; they ft ‘ as safe
as they have ever been since the fi imarten
i
:of our Government. The permanency ot
i slavery depends upon profits of ‘live-
I labor—-when it ceases to he profitable, it
j will cease to exist, and not till then, ihe
real eiv-mi sos slavery understand its tme
foundations much better ilan its Quixotic
friends. Wilkins, and Ingersoll iV Wood
bury, by striking at the profits of slave la
bor, have laid the axt ut the root of tho
tree. Let cotton planters lock to it, while
it is yet time, and give heed to the advice
of a brother COTTON PLANTER.
Hon. S. S. Prentiss. —When the Tcxa
bablers announced sortie weeks ago, that
the Hun. S. S. Prentiss, of Mississippi, had
abandoned Mr. Clay, on the Texas annex
ation question, we at once pronounced the
story false. We are now able to giw an
authoritative denial, which we l-yo will
be perfectly satisfactory to the pollutes,
Tylerites, Texasites nnd M<>rmnitcs.
The following card from .Mr. Puntiss,
appears in the Vicksburg Whig.— ‘Tropic.
To the Editor of the Vicksburg I Vhig •
Dear Sir: I have with surprise ui*d mor
tification seen it reported in several public
prints, that 1 find withdrawn from the sup
port of Mr. Clay, on account of his course
in relation to the annexation of Texas. It
is not with a view of obtruding my humble
opinion upon the public, nor for the fash
ionable purpose of defining my position on
the Texas question, that i ask the favor of
a very small space in vour columns, but
for the purpose of relieving myself from
the obloquy of the report alluded to, and of
asserting that it is unfounded and untrue
in every particular.
I look upon the Whig cause as far more
I important than the Texas question, ami
| would rattier see the cause triumphant, and
; Mr. Clay elected, than to witness the an
j nexation to the United States of all the ter
-1 ritory between here and Patagonia. 1 be
| Sieve the question of annexation, as now
l presented, to be a mere party question,
! brought forward expressly to operate upon
j the Presidential election, and that it oitgnt
I not to have the slightest influence upon the
j course or action ol'any member of the Whig
: party. Indeed, the ground taken upon it
m this quarter, that those who support Mr.
; Clay are unfavorable to the Southern insti
tutions and opposed to Southern interests,
i is as insulting as it is false, and ought to
i arouse an honest indignation in the breast
of every true Whig.
I am proud of the Whig party and its no
; hie leader ; they are worthy of each other,
: and of the glorious triumph tiiat awaits
• them both. ! would rather vote for Henry
Clay for the Presidency than any man now
’ living, and most assuredly shall do si in
November next, unless in the meantime he
turns Looofoco. And but for the pressure
;of my private business, I would no! hesi
; tate to devote the time between now and
. the election in persuading others to do like
wise. I have not deserted the Whig cause
in the times of its adversity, and certainly
-hall not do so upon the eve of victory.
In conclusion, I will say, if ever I join
the Mormons, 1 shall attach myself to Joe
Smith, the founder of the sect, and not to
one ofhis rival disciples. Ami should I
ever turn Locofoco on the question of the
immediate annexation of Texas, i will sup
port John Tyler, not James K. Polk.
Verv respectful! v.
S. S. PRENTISS
A locofoco editor in Mississippi congrat-
I ulates his State on the tiou,'ration of .Mr.
j Dallas, because he is uncle to Mr. Walk-
I er’s wife.
*
■in.,..—m———r— in. mi -- “
D I K 1) ,
In this <•< unty on the 7th instant, JOHN
PERTEET, Esq., in the 05th yeat of his age.
In Russell count}', Ala., near Fort Mitchell,
on Tuesday night, the ‘Jd instant, THOMAS
HEMPHILL, infant son of Gen. Paul J. and
Emily J. Semin* r, aged about IS in uths.
We are requested to say,
the Rev. P. 11. MELL will preach at this place
in the Baptist Church on Sabbath morning next.
July 18, 1844. 47
! __
SeUinff off at Cost*
r rUIE Subscribers’ respectfully inf m
friends and the public m genera:, that r.h* y
are now selling olf their
STOCK OF iiOODS
at Cost and Charges.
Tliey would particularly invite their custom-’
ers to call early and.select such Goods as they
may want—and to those who have open accounts
with us, Goods will he charged as heretofore
at Cost prices Our Stack of Goods is very
general, of recent purchase, and cur terms ean
u* * fad to be entirely satisfactory to all. Call
nh i
BOLTON & NOLAN.
July 1 \ 1844 47
GEORGIA, V Whereas Enoch Callaway
H ides f > irtlj. j applies to mo for letters of ad
min.stration on the Estate of liethany Callawav,
deceased *
These are therefore, to cite, summon, and ad
monish, all and singular the kindred and credit
ors of said deceased, to be and appear at my Of
fice, within the time prescribed by law, to shew
’ cause (if any they have,) why said letters should
not he granted.
Given under my hand at office, this 18th day
of July, 1844.
JOHN 11. DYSON, r - o
July 18. 47
GEORGIA, > Whcz'-ar, 1 i .both I’ertvA
Wilkes County's and John B I • ••*-:, apply *
me for Is*t*.: : A ant;:.:.-!: ‘ :r. thelAfi'e
of Joan P :• .ease i
ani redr -r. :. a: i-• if : apt ■ 1 1
ray office, Wittii:. *.*.*; t.::.‘ ~ t. . r.y law, t
show eausv, (ts atty t:. t‘ -■ ‘thin
should not be grunted.
Given under my hand .7. •. 1 th :
July, 1844.
JOHN 11. 1/I.A N. Ll-rk •.
July IS. jnfltu 47
