The Independent press. (Washington, Ga.) 1840-1???, August 12, 1840, Image 1

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VOL. I. * rUBLISHFD EVERY WKUNKSDAY MORNING. S. FOECHE—Editor. TERMS. Two Dollars and Eifty Cents per annum, payable in advance, or if not paid in advance, Three Dollars and Pinv cents at the end of the year. Advertisements will be conspicuously insetted at Seventy-Jive Cents per square for the first insertion, and Fifty-Cents for each subse quent insertion.—Those intended to be lim ited, must have the number of insertions written on them, or they will be inserted till ordered out, and charged accordingly. (U* -Ml letters to the Editor must be post paid. _ Tttrpsiinutn, Sales of Lands and Negro**, bv A’mi.vis trators, Executors or required by law, to ffh rife first Tuesday in the month, between the hours often in the fore noon and four in the afternoon, at the Court House of the County in which the property is situate. Notice of these sales must be given in a public gazette, Sixty days previous to the day ofsale. Notice of the sale of Personal property, must be given in like manner, Forty days, previous to llie day of sale. Notice to debtors and creditors of an estate, must be published fur Forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court ofOi Jinary for leave to sell L-. nd or Negroes, must be published for Four Months. Notice that application will he made for Letters of Administration, must be published Thirty days, and Letters of Dismission, Sir Months . POLITICAL. MR. PINCKNEY’S LETTED, In reply to an invitation to attend the late celebration at Milledgeville. CHARLESTON, June 29, 1 -10. Gentlemen : I have the honor to ac knowledge the receipt of your favor, in viting me, on hehalf of the citizens of, Knldwiu county, opposed to the election of William 11. II arrisou, to the Prcsidcn- j c y of the United Slates, to unite with! them at Milledgeville, in the eeh lnuiiou j of the approaching anniversary of Ainuti cau Independence. Il'gl'lv sensible us the honor conferred upon me, by this iu\ nation, I respectfully tender to you, nod through yon, to thosci whom you represent, the grateful exprcs-N sion of toy thanks, begging you, at the same time, to receive the declaration, equally sincere, of my deep regret that my olliciul duties w ill not permit me to accept it. In declining to attend, however, I can not softer the opportunity, thus a Horded me, to puss, w ithout a few remarks upon the important National controversy, that is now agitating every portion of this ; Union, and in reference to w hich, and for the purpose of a full and free discus sion of its merits, this interesting celebra tion lias been appointed. No more appropriate occasion could have been shosen for such an object; see ing that the crisis, at which w e have ar rived, is little less important than that of the Revolution itself; and that, upon the decision of the controversy now pending, I depends the fearful issue w bother we shrill continue in the possession and enjoyment of all our rights ns freemen, or he again subjected to the painful consequences o.f arbitrary violations of the federal com pact, aggravated, perhaps, by more pow erful and furious assaults than ever upon the peculiar property and domestic in stitutions nl the south. Certainly, then, no day could have been better selected, than the one on which the Declaration of American Independence was adopted, to endeavor to revive the spirit of “’Hi, to establish anew Declaration upon the ba sis of the old, to confirm and perpetuate the rights acquired by the’vnlorand trans mitted by the virtue of our Ilcrolunlnry fathers, audio rescue, from the perils that surround it, that glorious Constitution which they established as the bond of our Union and the palladium of our Liberty. That such may he the result of your proceedings, 1 fervently pray—that such will he the result, 1 most confidently be lieve—for I am not more satisfied that an unprecedented system of intrigue and de ception has been resorted to by our op ponents, to cheat us of our priuciules and rights, than I am that this base system will be treated ns it merits, by every American, who lias sufficient ilitefligcnce so underslcnd bis rights, and sufficient in- ; dependence to maintain them. So fear ful, indeed, are some of the principles in- ; volvcd in this contest, that I have no hesitation to sav that the people of the South have twice taken up arms against Great Britain, for matters much less dan gerous-to their rights as freemen, than some of those for which they are now actually called upon to support the pre tensions of Gen. Harrison to the Presi- j deucy of the Union. It is only necessa-’ rv, then, that they should reflect upon the J principles on which the contending par lies are engaged against each other, (spurning, ns they should do, every at tempt to deceive them bv appeals to their passions, and ull the senseless noise and WASHINGTON, (Wilkes County, Ga.) WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 12, 1840. J revelry by which the movements of the 1 federal party are characterised,) and they cannot foil to perceive; that if ever they w ere called upon by patriotism or inter est to resist Great Britain, they are now urged by the same motives, and in a much more powerful manner, to resist the (-Hurts, to obtain possession of tU, I Government, of that most extraordinary | and dangerous combination that is now j i:im shalied, not only against till their eh’ rished principles, but even against their private pence and domestic institu- I lions. Never, since the Revolution, have I the interests and liberties ofthe Southern ! I States been in such imminent peril ns j tlu-v are at present. Never before did abolitionism assume a political character, | or aspire to the actual possession and ! regulation of the Government. But now, I it not only constitutes a component part | ol a powerful and desperate, faction. but I wcti-ry. U o .cgntniiug t n ‘.vti:■cuts of that faction, and compel ling it to take abolition candidate fur i I President. Yes, the federal party, in its miserable desperation and anxiety for power, has not only changed its name and attempted to conceal its principles, but. has actually succumbed to the uholitiati ists, sacrificing to them a distinguished statesman of whom they Lave eterv rea son to he proud, and t’ lmiil-Wu fanatics i rejected because he had spoken against the abolition of slavery in the district of Columbia, and taking at their hands, the more supple and managehie candidate whom they were pleased to nominate. I nil! not stop to contemplate this proceed ing in relation to the dignity of the old i federal party; hut I ask every friend of the south to look at the fact itself, and then to consider w hether it is not more than probable that these fanatical cut mil s oftlie south, who have thus compel led tin federalist to take an abolition can didate in opposition to one whom they ; mucl preferred, will hove a decided nnd mini longerons influence in the admin.s t.r.i am-of thtT’tioverninenl, in tlrr-cv.uit /\ inu election of the individual whom” titer have lints succeeded in foisting up on ‘li it party and the country. In my humble judgment, this very fact above should he sufficient to carry every true |miherner in opposition to the candidate yluis avowedly nominated by the power /and” the abolitionists, ns n component por liinn of the whig party of the Union. But, Fconclusivc ns this alone should be w ith !% very friend of the south, it is only one of L long catalogue of objections equally I yccisive. Let us lot.lt fora moment at / lie claims and principles? of the riv a I e ■ u •lid .tc, a..2 of the contending parties by fvvhie.li they arc respectively supported. B-Vhv should we oppose the I e-election <if j wit. Van Burcu? What has been dune to j ! injure the interests, or uliehiile the attach ud rit, ol the Deiuoeratie part)'! lias he to the cardinal prin- i ciplos ol dMllW'iacy, tlodr-lwim. tin ; wliole’of his admini: ration! lias he nor faithfully and ably discharged the duties of his important station, increasing the interests of commerce, remedying the ; disorders of the currency, repressing In dian hostilities, repelling every movement against the domestic institutions of the south, adjusting our recent controversy with Great Britain, with consummate w isdom, opposing the establishment of a National Bank, opposing the rettewai of aj’rotective Tariil'and its necessary ad junct, a system of Internal Improve j meals, by the General Government, op- I posing the assumption of Slate debts by Congress, earnestly advocating the entire scperalion of the Government from all hanking institutions, nnd the restoration In the country of the Constitutional cur rency of gold and silver, and evincing by these, and other measures, equally salu tary and important, not only the posses sion of a higher order ol intellect, nnd a moral fortitude worthy of his station, but a sincere nnd undeviating adherence to all the cardinal principles of the Jeflcrso- : niaii school ! Has he not manfully nil liered to his inaugural pledge against the , abolition ol slavery in the District ol Go ! Itimhin! lias he not promptly and une- I tptivocally responded to every demand | for his sentiments, on the interesting questions oil which parties tire divided! j Has he shrunk from any responsibility ! or attempted the slightest concealment of j his views? Did not Congress pay, to his acknowledged prudence and sagacity, the most extraordinary compliment, that ! was ever paid to any President, by nu- I tliorizing him, during our late contest with Britain, concerning the disputed ter ritory,to raise an army if necessary, and thus virtually place at his disposal the important question of pence or war? and was that not high tribute to his prudence and patriotism paid him, too, by a vo’e | very nearly if i.ot entirely unanimous? :iud lias lie not fully justified the extrnor | diunrv confidence that was thus reposed ,n his discretion? Has not a war with ! Britain, not only been inerted, of which ihe principal calamities would have fallen 1 oil tlie south, but an arrangement been etfeeted for the filial settlement of the honorable and ndvanta toonr ctlntum I party, whose principles he rep ents arid upon w hose principles he /acts, repeatedly put.forth expositions of [their views perfectly satisfactory to every I- *te Bights man, and showing that the ■food old days nf Jeffersonian simplicity! Ere fas! returning? Is there a principle i_i ■; it party that_i_s ..not uriphaticallv 1 Southern, or which, earn,a, out prncti ; callv, would not operate fir- J ho pecuni ary benefit, and political l.'Ndom of the South! Mby then slioul .ivve oppose his i re-election! Is it for unj pcculiurnnd overpowering merit in his Apouent! Has General Harrison ever i!tie anything, V hieh, of Itself, entitles lin to the high dignity of President! 1 ;yhe ever cx j hibited, or does lie pos . . , anv thing comparable to the proft. J.I and capa cious intellect displayed h-wdr. Van Bii ren, or that would in any “,'jy enable him ;to illustrate the office ho j ihly to him- J self, or to the enlightened 1 aiple of this I great Republic! and if ill, . , nothing jin Harrison that entitles ■ i personally j l‘> ihe preference, vvlmt there in the j party, or rather in the I'fteragi “oous t combination of factions, ! y vv'.ich be t.- supported? Do w e pr : and,: ili‘ in to 1 .-.a . .li.l togii t ,iriu to tree trade—extravagant expenditures to an economical udminis : tion ol public afl’airs—the assumption of I wo Hundred Millions of State dolus to a Government owing no dolus, at nil—nr : an administration friendly to the aboli ■j lionists, to one that sets bis ace like a | lint against their dangerous am nefarious schemes? Such are the iJsuel now lie fin e tis-Vand w ha? fi iend of (be .Stem'll ; run hesitate; “vvliich ftfwlietwo litelioosi * Isitnofa fact that Mr. t'laV, was put aside lor Harrison, at the II arris I urg Con vention, through the influence ti the nb olitionist ami that every almlitio i press in the country is warmly advocatin his elec tion? Is it not a (act that General Harrison ! has written letters calculated to conciliate the abolitionist on the one side, tiid letters pretending opposition to those fiiinties on the other, to he used by Ins friends for Ids advantage, hut w ith strict injune ous lli t none ol them should lie perniitlid to np penr in print? Is it not n fact in at he is j it: filter of an application of tile public j revenue to the general emancipation of slaves throughout the country! \s it not ji fact that with nil his nhlmrrrncAof ne 'gro slavery, lie gave his official saifetion, I as Governor of the North-West TtVrilo- | if, to an net, by which til! white men, | who w ere nimlile to pay lines that might he legally imposed upon them, should be cbh! into slavery to those by whom the ijjnrs might he paid, nnd if, they nhseon u* and from their masters or mistresses, ! : should receive thirty-nine stripes fortheir \ hvc tj liberty! Is an individual, bolding ‘to ll sentiments as his, either in relation ! to blacks or whites, a fit representative of • outturn rights and interest,? Is it not j o(|uct that iijljiudiitxd .. .-y .o‘’ ...ro ‘!irf’ Ohio Senate, cnTTing tip.in > ‘(ingress j the introduction of negro rla -1 cry into the North-West Tv. O'*-)', and to promote domestic inani.rnctures by prohibiting duties upon foreign importa tions? Is it not a fact, moreover, that, tpai fid of avowing these principles on the [one side, or denying them on the other, he lias relused*duriiig the present can vass for the Presidency, to make anv disclosure of Ids views upon anv question of public policy whatever? Is it lint a fact, too, that, w hilst neither he nor Ids j party will make any public avowals of their principles, they have been sedunus ly endeavoring to entrap the people, by the grossest system of intrigue nml de- , ceptton, and by constant appeal- Jo the basest passions of our Nature? It has been truly said that nothing lias ever been exhibited ill any country, equal to the contempt manifested for the understan dings of tlxf people. Dealing ohlv in the most unmeaning generalities, nod hav ing no arguments hut general and un founded denunciations of the mlministin tion, to which they impute all the nets of extravagance that originated w ith them selves, they accompany their harrangues with the most disgraceful scenes of bac chanalian revelry and riot, firmly believ ing that the American people mv so sense less as to take pngeiilrv lor principles,or so besotted as to join their party for the j mere love of liquor? The reign of this ! ( pitiful artificial excitement, honettr, has drawn to a close. The people have be ! nine disgusted with scenes, which, pre senting nothing for reflection to their min (Is, have'been addressed entirely to the lowest propensities of llieir niiiinal nature. The holy alliance of the v* bigs niidsdmli tionists, is daily losing strength. It melts; like snow, beneath the united rays of lib erty and reason. General Harrison's se cret letters have driven from him many of 1 1 is most powerful nnd influential friends. His refusal to avow Ids principles and j policy, publicly, is driving many more: : and numbers more are daily leaving him i on account of the factions, unprincipled I and degrading manner in wlilch the op position of the administration is conduc ted. Never was the old adage, (fam Dens vull perdcre, prius dement a!, more | literally verified. Well knowing that defeat awaits them, they rosilly pursue a career which will inevitahlys-ender their .overthrow’ more thorough and decisive. The only question, then, is, shall we do anv thing to hinder it? Shall welAideav nr to Mist do ti patty, nil of whose principles and measures are hostihfTo the Jaoittli? or shall we not rather go with the democ racy of the North nnd West, where alone Ivve cat. find Stale Heights principles, nnd ja fixed determination to maintain the ■compromises of lire federal Constitution? ■Mv firm conviction is, that the decision •t tfie controversy will settle the politics Wf this country, and ensure the ascendan of Southern dvctiines, for at leRSt leu V | years to come. The pri Suit advrfiTiistra j don has substantially restore!* the Gov ernment to its nrigiomil and : purity, and Republicans can ugaiiAkiifite in the triumph ofihose grr | which the incniornhle Revolution ofllrs accomplished, aud which Inwling lujlertil tyranny and vqifiressiiifv from the * tnronc, placed the illustrious apostle of iVmocracv in theclmieof State. Tltese j are the npvv openly avowed ! and maintnineoliv the deiuoeratie parte. It is notorious oil the contrary tlint Gene j ral Harrison was not only u supporter of j die black eoukade nnd alien nnd sedition law federalism of the Adams, hut j that he was, also a devoted partisan of j die younger Adams, who so far improved 1 upon Ihejyraiinicui system of his father, as to menace the sovereign State of Geor gia v. iih in: iippiiciitiiTti of the military of , 1 - -**’ -ki ah J elParry WTiliin Tfefjurlsdictiun, but ahso ; Ititely necessary to the mninlaiunnee 0 f j her legitimate power as a State. Neither | the event here alluded to, nor the noble j manner in which the arrogant interfer ence of Mr. Adams was met and repelled hv the patriotic energy ol Tinup, has vet ] been forgotten by any State Bights c'iti- ; zen of Georgia. It was for his support ! of that, ho,never, and all the other nrbi iuv ofginhority by whigli the dynasty of the ymmgFr AdntnVvv.is pre-eminently marked, that Gen. lliwrison was rewarded with that inissiomto Mexi co, from which he was re-called by I’rosi- J dent Jackson, ns soon as popular indig nation had inflicted on the Government 1 •he same retributive justice w hich it had formerly visited on the misrule of the lit ther. Flitting out of view then all the ! evidence ol Harrison’s intimate assoeia- ‘ tmn with the abolitionist, nnd of his de- ! pendonec upon them for his election to the Presidency, and admitting for argil- j incut’s sake, that he is its sound as his ! competitor in relation to abolition, it nun 1 well be asked whether he possesses any political principle whatever in common! with the South, or exhibits the remotest : j sh tdow of a claim to our confidence as a ! ! politician or a statesman? Is he not a led- i I Cl'nlist dyed in the wind?—n Whig of the j first water, the selected Representative I land champion of vv liiggery—an abolition- j list who secretly corresponds with anti-I J slavery societies—whose name is paraded ‘■ I at the head of every abolition pru t j whose successful unmiualieti over Uluv I I is hailed by the fnnatiei* as a gh j uinpli of their principles — vv lion ... ,. j is anxiously desired by them ns die ! mrritrr-vrf I giv.it’ r“~ a, ps*,. _yj, { J .y • tidiiiinistraliot’, should ho tie el-swa, vvouM necessarily lie subject to influences of the most pernicious and destructive character!—Can lie tie trttstrrt, thru, m j the subject, of ull others the most impor- , til lit nnd interest ing to the South?— \\ ifnld it not he the height of iofntunTtrm vest with the power of the Presidency a : man entertaining such sentiments, sup- ! ported by such a party, and subject to j the operation of such baleful influences? j and not only this, could he he trusted on any other subject tifleciiiig the distinctive interests nnd political sovereignty of the Southern States? Is he not supported by Clay and Webster? In the event of his ! election, would not they be the leaders of his administration in Congress, and vie- i In ally the directors ol all his policy as President? Would the people of the Smith place either of those gent'eincn ut the head of our Government! llow then can they support one, who, having little or no talent, aud no fixed prim iplt s by which to direct his course, would only he an instrument in the hands of a cabal? What possible security would the South era States have, in relation to any of those measures by which the federal com pact might again he violated, the ii politi cal rights assailed, and the freedom of their commerce, nnd consequently the value of their agricultural properly de stroyed? Is lie not supported by nil the .Slades and Adamses and Garrisons in the country; and what possible security, then, could the Southern Stales have, that instead us that firm and patriotic nnd ; uncompromising rejection of abolition petitions vv liieh they have received and i may always confidently look for, from a i democratic majority in Congress, they ; may not he culled upon “to stand to their arms,” by the actual .introduction nnd passage of a Bill abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia? Is it not our true policy, then, to go with the democracy of the North, who are the natural allies c.f the South, and upon whom we may de pend for all those measures that are most : in accordance w ith our own rights aud interest, nnd not to jeopardize every ‘ “ j that we hold most dear, by rashly ourselves nr the power of | vv hn.-e principles in .1 mien sis r.^H’ 1 sed looms? Really the ohv , 1 lie cause so clear, I hut conceive how many Southern State qHK men can hesitate about it.— It is a of moral philosophy, that where two soli? of a question are presented, of which the due is doubtful nnd the other safe, it is \ the part of wisdom to adopt the latter. How forcibly this maxim applies to the | present contest. By rc-electing Mr. Van Bnrrn vve know that we shall be safe— hut if, discarding tlint sound republican aud faithful servant, we should most un wisely commit ourselves to the weakness and vanity of his opponent vvlmt would the vesta of futurity present hut .-tdoudsjand darkness for the South? And otln or rather**tTic vv lude SI nig • stem of deception nnd im- I*’SHne. Inn in tailed, we are now urged rifh. ter nndv certain Southern I jMfctgs, us a .t resource, to remove Mr. jnti Huron “for -the’ suite of change’’— in:, it lie slionid“he hovvould 1 , ’be benefit'.'l hv the TTffrpeo | |j|e of the No ! Mr. Webster and tic nUoliti i .-u^Airohably-—but certainly not tiiß pom South. They have tjK'd Mr. Ii Buren a:i|Hutitid hh*fuith la). iiity i. ive judged nie administfa : b°tt by its ..tit and found them good, •’heir maxi'ii is “let very, well alone.” ‘l’liey write no change, amf’lemK of all eh chan w as Mr. I, . lister and the I.hi > , c* J- . do and tiie Abolitionists, ’■vonld giv. tl . (ii. They know their friends, I a lid < ill . sell tin ,n. They know 1 h i Lepnlihrai: prinyq’ es of Jtflerson, and Inive no ilesiie to uni :■ w ith Monarchists. , They go tor State sovereignty andjiopu -1 lar equality of rights, nnd desite no alli | arice with the party of monopolies, who would sacrifice the welfare of the many to the aristocratic aggrandizement of the lew. a word, they go for strict con i strucliiin atftl luee trade, and wish no con i nexioti wit Aii'party, according to w hose Constitution may he construed m fejinii anything or nothing, and miller whose our country would ngtiin be cursed with ualinual Banks, proteclivo Talifls, Internal Improvements by the General (lovernment, monied monopo lies, suspensions ol specie payments, ir redeeinnlile paper,spurious currency, the j subjection ol the Government nnd eoutis try to the aristocracy of w onlth, and every other species of unconstitutional legisla tion and general corruption, by which the government could he consolidated, or the rights ol the States, and the welfare of the people, trampled under foot. But I have already made this communication longer than i had intended, and therefore* as the lu st apology for having so lung de tained you, I conclude tit once, liy beg ging you to accept my best wishes for the success ol the good and great cause in which you nrc engaged, which is em phatically the cause of Southern freedom aud prosperity, nnd the assurance of the high respect nnd esteem with which, 1 remain gentlemen, your Icllovv-sitizcny li. L PIECKNEY. To Messrs William A. Tento” h’orG . and others. the British Whigs M.• .iiutrinK t|vtt.lWflb It* litußO Who ur, cn og out rvgr„t,M 1 I ration and ’be Democratic party, for the enlightened course pursued by them on ftrr rttrvcnry q.r.-Hii.m, and hope they will , reply in sueii a manner, as will throw ’ some light upon the important principles involved in their elucidation. In the years refrrr..4j pi, he it remembered the f nited States Haul tens in gull operation. W hy diil real estate which cost in ISI7, g 1,500,000 bring only $500,000 in 1818. Was it the v, ant of a United Slates Bank! Why was it that flour sold for from sl2 to 13 per barrel in 1817, and only four and a half, in 1818? Was it Gen. Jack son tinkering w ith the currency/ Why were nor imports sixty millions more than our exports ill 1810? Was it the specie humbug. Why were thousands nnd tens of thou sands thrown out of employment in 1818 ami 1819! Was it the “Sub-Treasury? Why was it that in 1810 mid ‘l7, wild aud reckless speculations were engaged in, and wanton extravagance nnd luxury w ere the order of the day?—Was it the “want of paper money?” Why was it in 1818, ’lf), ’2O, nnd ’2l, our hunks, our merchants, and our mantt fai tillers, front Maine to Georgin, were all involved in common bankruptcy?— Was it “caused by the administration of .Alai tin Van Buren?” AVI it were the exchanges more derang ed in ISIS, mid the three subsequent t ears, tliiin they were before, or have been since?—Was it the want of a “great regu lator?’’ Now we defy the British AVbigs to dis prove the facts contained in the above queries. If they uU* nipt it, it will lint attest their ignorance of our official his tory; and make mare manifest ilie glur ing by pad t which marks the policy llicv m, ning ill rchilion “to high prices,” ad “better times.” The truth is, that tin very ci uses which have pro duced nil the misery and distress in this country —hank and paper money—they are • >w trying to renovate nntl perpetu ate, ‘t tav iay again launch out in j ’ o. of speculation, extravngnnco 1 1,, v, unmindful of their consc qnv eci iq- n the great mass of the peo ple. T. ii.-h-’ them, however, ill their k 1 i wa. refer them to Nile’s Rc '.'i-tcr, th taitcs n Congress, proceedings l,iflliedil! Slate Legislatures, prices run-.. 1 dnv, reports of the Secre laVi sos tlie Treasury, newspapers, and’ last, 11 11111<:h M l least, the inecliaiiics and labor'll g men, who now have a vivid re '•ollect.ua of the siifferin*' - - they experi- I enced from the grand breaking up of I a system of finance, being conceived in’ ; sin, - and brought forth in iniquity, carry ing in its train—ns all measures must,’ which are not founded in justice or the | immuluhle laws of nature—ruin and drs olntion, ns well on the innocent as the’ \ guilty.— y. Y. New Era. NO. 4.