The Independent press. (Washington, Ga.) 1840-1???, September 30, 1840, Image 1

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VOL. I. VUBLI3HKD EVKRV Wi: I>N MS I) A Y MORNING. 8. FOUGIIE-Eciitopt ’ 1 ■""” “ 1 3 TERMS. Two Dollars and Firry Cents per annum, payable in advance, or if not paid Jn advance, Three Dollars and FirtY cents ill t lie end of the year. Advertisements will be conspicuously inserted ai Seventy-five Cents per square for I lie first insertion, and Fifty-Cents for each snbse (ilient insertion. —Those intended to be lim ited, must have the number of insertions written on them, or they will be inserted, till ordered out, and charged accordingly. (J'r’ All letters to the Editor must be post paid, or they will not be taken from the Of lice. ■Direction*. Sales of Lands and Negroes, by Adminis trators,'Executors or Guardians, are required by law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten in the fore noon and four in the afternoon, at the Court House ofihe County in which l he proper! y is situate. Notice of these sales must he given in a public gazette, Sixty days previous to the day ofsale. Notice of the sole of Personal property, must he given in like manner, Forty days, previous to the dav ofsale. Notice to debtors an J creditors of an estate, must be published for Forty days. Notice that application will be, made to the Court ofOrdiuary for leave to sell Lend or Negrac3, must be published for ['our Mimllts. Notice that application will ho made for Letters of Admfrrisiratinn, must be published Thirty days, and Letters of Dismission, Six Months. JPOLSTBCABs. ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF TilE SLAVE HOLDING STATES, by the Democratic Republican members of Congress from those States. At it meeting of the Democratic Re publican Senators and Representatives in the Twenty-sixth Congress from the slave-holding States, held in the Capitol of the United States on the 39'h of July, J 849, r tlie Hon. Wnt. R. King of the Senato was called to the chair, and the 11 no. Jesse A. livtium of the House of Representatives, appointed secretary. Thereupon, committee < i one mem ber front each of the said States, hereto fore appointed for the purpose, throindi Mr. ( May of Alabama, reported tin ad dress, to be submitted to the people of the slave-holding 8-tales, in reference to which, after consideration, the following resolution was utiatiiniouslv adopted: Resolved, That one member from each of the aforesaid States be mstructad to sign and publish the same. Whereupon the meeting adjourned-. WILLIAM R. KING, Chairman. J. A. Cvnlm, Secretary. TO THE PEOPLE OF THE SLAVE HOLDING STATES. It is not as members of a political par ty that we now address you. A crisis has arrived in the affairs of this country, which, with Southern men, makes the in terests of party, impoitant as they are, a secondary consideration. The current of events is fast hastening to the point where it must be determined, not wheth er the country shall be governed accor ding to the principles of tire Federal or Democratic creed, hut whether, in a large portion of the Union, society shall exist at all, in its present organization. It is an established principle with the whole human family, that one associa tion, or society, cannot justly interfere with another, in reference to the institu tions under which it chooses to he gov erned, arid that, ia this particular, each issovereign and independent. Muck less are one society, or the individuals of one society, responsible to Heaven or Earth for the justice or expediency of the institu tions of another. In Europe, the right of foreign intervention has been for years the dividing question between the friends of freedom and the advocates of heredi tary kings and absolute power. To maintain the right of interference and force on unwilling nations, hereditary dominion, under the name of legitimacy, was the grand object of the Holy Alli ance. The combined mnnarelis denied to the people any rights which were not obtained from tlie voluntary concessions of I tings and princes, and undertook to put down, by armed intervention, all up risings of the great mass of society, with the view to modify the Government i:i conformity with the general will. The friends of freedom, on the other hand, maintained that the people of each natiin have a right to change their institutions at will, that one has no right, in that re spect, to interfere with another; and that an absolute independence, in quell na tion, of all foreign interposition arid con trol, is the only safeguard of liberty among mankind. Twice did the Holy Alliance impose a legitimate monarch on France; but, after witnessing the devo tion of her people during the throe glori ous days of 1830, they dared not attempt to repeat the experiment. By the Revolution of 177(5, each ofihe WASHINGTON, (Wilkes County, Get.) WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1840. I United States acquired a right to sepa rate and absolute independence as a na tion, and a right to mould its institutions according to the will of its own people. And this was till that it acquired. Vir ginia did not aeqoite u right to dictate a Constitution or laws to Massachusetts, nor Massachusetts to Virginia. The peo ple ol Virginia did not become responsi ble lor the institutions of Massachusetts, nor the people of Massachusetts for those ol'Virginia. Each was u separate and independent State, ami the people of each acquired the t ight to control their own institutions, and became alone re sponsible for their justice and expedi , tmev. Some of the States abolished slavery, and others did not. From this circum stance arose one of those diversities in hu man society which pervade the earth. Whether tins diversity was so great ns to forbid it Confederacy or any sort of uni.m among the Slates, was a question which the pot riots of that day considered and decided. They considered that, not withstanding this and other diversities, there was other great points upon which the whole had a common sympathy and interest. AI!It ad tin interest in preserv ing peace between each other; in protec tion against foreign aggression; in free dom of commerce among themselves; in the inviolability of contracts; in an uni form currency; in the preservation of the public faith, and in other general meas ures and principles conducive to the prosperity and happiness of man in all societies and under all circumstances. To refuse to unite with their brethren, under a benign authority embracing only *. n . these points of common interest, leaving ail else absolutely to the several States, appealed to the men of that day as fool i. It as to repudiate the governmeutoftlieir great Creator, because it embraces the tyrant and bis victim, the freeman and the slave, nations where half society are in bondage, its well its nations where all are free—as ‘ridiculous as to hide from the light of the son, and reject the genial rain, because they descend alike upon the evil and the good, on the unjust ns well as the just. Nor did they conceive that, by entering into a Confederacy with limited powers, they made their several co-States, or the people thereof, respon sible for the institutions and laws of other Slates, growing out of their reserved rights and powers, tiny more than they are responsible for the institutions and laws of the nations of Europe, Asia, or Africa, wit it whom they tire united by the lews of Heaven and the laws of nations, it not by treaties of commerce or alli ance. The power to regulate or abolish the institution of slavery in the States which we represent, was reserved by them ab solutely w hen they entered into the Fed eral compact. The other Slates, and the people thereof, have no more light to interfere with it than they have with the same institution in the nations of Africa or Asia. Nay, more: they cannot inter fere with it without violating their na tional faith its plighted in the compact, v hicli, to a certain sxteut, makes as one people. The Constitution of the United States recognises the institutions, and binds till live States and the people (hereof to protect it, in the same manner a ; they are hound to protect every other institution vv hicli exists under the legiti mate authority of the State Governments, lin attacking the institution of slavery in j. or Africa, the people of the United plates would be guilty of an unvvarrmi ti hie interference with the affairs of other nations; in attacking that insli'ulion as it ovists ill any of these confederated Slates, they are not only guilty of mi mivvnmm talde interferreneo, hut commit a palpn- Lh: breach of their plighted faith. Yet these attacks have been made and repeat ed with a zeal and perseverance worthy of a better cause. Vast associations have been formed, extending over a largp por tion of the Union, and have connections injforeign countries, for the avowed por poise of attacking the institution of sla v< |y, not in the States where tl e associa tions exist, hut in other States in whose local affairs and institutions they have no interest or concern. These associations have become powerful in money and in men, and control a considerable manlier of presses, which are zealous in dissemi nating their doctrines and strengthening their organization, The duty of all friends of the rights nf the States, as well as the union ofihe States, in relation to this fanatical sect, is too obvious to he mistaken. It is to have no connection with them, having reference to the administration of the Government; blit to leave them wholly to themselves. Separated front the great purities which divide the country; and ac ting’ without countenance or eticnurage me.ut from either, their extravagance and the rjtisnuuduess of their principles would clienk their increase and obviate all dan get from their assaults upon Snutlireri society and the principles nf the Cotisti tuti/00. Unfortunately, ibis course lias no?, been pursued. On t lie contrary, their nidi has been song hi and their support sr/cured in the party struggles, of the tii/nes; they have been courted, encourn g/rd, and by the same means strengtli e/necl, until they aspire to the high places i.n the General Government mid expect at no distant dny to wield its power. It is a matter of the highest importance to the slave-bolding States to know and mark the party and the individuals who are thus encouraging the hopes,stret gtlt eniiig the hands, and administi ing to the designs of the Abolitionist. It behooves our people, us they value tlieir proper! v, their liberty, nnei their lives, to look nt j this matter uninfluenced by party con stderations, determined only to know the j truth, and do their duty to themselves, j Os what importance is it to them w lieliter we have a National Bank or not; a pro tective Tariff or not; Internal Improve ment nr not; if a faction shall obiai.u coot rolling power in t! o Government which shall rob them of their property, desolate their fields, destroy their duel- ‘■ lings, and massacre their families. r | hi> subject transcends and supersedes nil others; and the first question a Southern t mail ought to ask, when lie is solicited to allacli himself lu anv party, or vote for any candidate, is, will it in any wav en courage the hopes, miner -i.-elhe strength of the Abolitionists’? SVe request each one of you, to whatever parly von may have heretofore belonged, to ask sour self this question, and determined to lie governed by the answer which truth shall give to it. That Northern men, generally et ter tain opinions adverse to slavery, nod re gard it as a great moral evil, may be ad mitted. Many of both the great puli'i- | cal parties may agree in abstract onit - j inns on the subject of slay cry; but there is, to us, a must important difference in nth- ! er respects. The Democrats of the North, as n party, tire opposed to au\ j action upon the subject by the Genera! 1 Government, whatever may he their ab stract opinions; while the Whigs, in that section of the Union, ns a party, are al most universally the ally of die Aholi. iou- Lts in their active measures, as exhibited in the Congress of the United States, and in the State Legislatures. In support of this assrtion we cal! your serious atten tion to the following fact : ABOLITION IN CONGRESS. At the December session of Congress, 1836, the following resolutions, ottered by Mr. Pinckney of Smith Carolina, were adopted by tire House of Ucprusesenta tives, viz: f , “1. Resolved, That Congress possesses no constitutional authority to interfere ia any wav with the institution ol slavery in any of the Slates of this Confederacy. “2. Resolved, That Cougrassougbt not ito interfere in any way with slavery in the District ol Columbia. “3. Resolved, That til! petitions, me morials, propositions, resolutions, papers, ) relating in any way, o; in ■ v . • ten i whatever, to the subject of slavery, shall, | without being either primed or relen td, belaid upon the table, and that to fur ther action whatever shall he hut! thereon.” The party vote on these resolutions wits as follows, according to as accurate* it classification its can be mode, viz: Nine only voted against the (list reso lution—all Northern Whigs. For the second Resolution. Northern Democrats G 7 Northern Whigs 4 Soul hern Democrats 35 Southern Whigs 28 Yeas 134 Against it. Northern Democrats 9 Vortliern Whigs 31 Southern Democrats 00 Southern Whigs 60 Nays 43 For the third Resolution. Northern Democrats 6*2 Northern Whigs I Southern Democrats 33 Southern Whigs *23 Yeas 119 Against it. Northern Democrats 17 Northern Whigs 43 Southern Democrats 3 Southern W higs 3 Nays 66 Some of the Southern votes on the last resolution were goveri td by the opin ion that the resolution technically admit ted the reception of the petetions, to \\ Licit they were opposed in every shape, while it is not known or believed that a single Northern vote was governed by that con sideration. Attl ■ uextsession of Congress, a reso lution similar to the above was adopted by a similar vote. At the session of 1837-8, a direct propo sition was made by Mr. Sltule, a- leading Whig from Vermont, to refer tin Aboli tion petition to a select comniitiee, “with instructions to report a hill providing for the Abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.” Much excitement ensued, and the House finally adopted the follow ing resolution, prepared by a meeting of Southern members and reported by JYlr. Patton, viz; “Resolved, That all petitions, memo rials, mid papers touching the abolition of slavery, ( or haying, selling, or the trans ferring slaves in any State, District, or Territory, of the United Stales, he laid upon’ the luhle without being debated, printed, read, cr referred, and that no further action whatever shall he be bad thereon.” The party rote on this resolution was as follows, viz: For the Resolution. Nottiu in Democrats* 51 Northern Whigs, 1 Southern Democrats, C 6 Southeru Whigs, 34 Yens, 122 Against it. Northern Democrats, 1,5 Northern Wftigs, 51) Southern Democrats, O Southern \\ liigs, O Nays, 74 At the next session of Congress, a se ries of live resolutions was introduced in reference tothissubject, and filially adop ted by siniilni* party votes. The question upon the reception of Abolition petitions came up nt the lu-t session on a motion to amend the tides “I the House, by incorporating in them the siibslniLce of tin* resolution adopted at the session of 137- , 8, nt the instance of the Southern members ol all parties, in the following words, viz: “All petititions, memorials,nod papers, touching the abolition ol slaverv, nr tin* Imyitig, scllingor t he transferring of slaves in any State, District, nr Territory of the United ("Mates, shall, upon their presenta tion, he laid upon the table, without be ing debuted, printed, read, or referred, and no further action whatever shall lie had thereon.” Upon a motion to lay this proposition on the table, the yeas were lU2, (lo novs 96. For the motion. Northern Democrats 9 Northern W higs 61 Southern Democrats 9 Southern Whigs 23 Yeas, 102 Against it. Northern Democrats 54 Northern Whigs 09 Southern Democrats 30 Southern W higs 12 Nay, 96 After much agitation on the subject, the following resolution was adopted, viz: “That no petition, memorial, resolu tion, or other paper praying tins abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any State or Territory, or the slave trade between the States or Territories of the United States in which it now exists, shall be received by tins House, or en tertained in any way whatever.” For the Re solution. Northern Democrats 27 Northern Whigs 1 Southern Democrats 4(5 Southern Whigs 38 Yeas 112 Against if. Northern Democrats 38 Northern Whigs 64 Southern Democrats 00 Southern Whigs 4 Nays 106 It will he seen, that at this session the compact front ofihe South was broken, which may justly* be considered as the first froit-s of the political coalition which produced the untoit.atiotts at llarrisbnrg. The result of the last Congressiutial elections ia the Northern,, Middle, and Northwestern States, wits to make the the Wltigs and Abolitionists from these States but one party ia Congress, acting in the most perfect harmony in most of their votes, and proceedings. The ciMiduct of the parties in the sev eral Suite Legislatures has been in per fect correspondence with the exhibitions made by them in Congress. M A INE. The A I lolitiouists of Maine petitioned the Legislature of that State in 1838-’9, to take steps to effect the abolition of sla very in the District of Columbia, and prevent the admission of any new Slates into the Union, with a Constitution toler ating slavery. These petitions were re ferred to a committee, a majority of whom were opposed to any action upon the subject ; but a minority made a long ‘report, tei initiating with the following resolutions: y iz: “ Resolved, That our Senators ant! Representatives in Congress be requested to use their utmost efforts to abolish sla very and the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and the Territories of” the United Btates. “Resolved, That our Senators and Representatives in Congress lie requested to use their utmost efforts to prevent the admission of any new States into the Union, whose Constitution tolerates do mestic slavery.” The only question taken in relation to the report at.d resolutions, was, upon a motion to print, which was negatived yetis 76, nays 77. Os the 76 yeas, 59 were Whigs and 17 Democrats: Os the nays, two only were W ltigs and 75 De tnocrats. NEW HAMPSHIRE. The Legislature of the Democratic Stale of New Hampshire, on the 13 h day of January, 1837, and again on the sth Jo'v, 1839, adopted resolutions upon this subject, fit 11 v sustaining tin- rights < f the South. We annex the last of tin resolutions marked A, as introduced and ) passed by the Democratic party in the | Legislature ofthnt patriotic State. Wo know not by what to’ those of 183 1 were adopted; but by un extract j from the jour inis, we find that those of 1839, except tlie fourth, were carried without n division. The fourth resolu tion was adopted by 137 yeas to 69 nays. Os the 137 yens, 131 were Democrats, and 3 \\ bigs; of the 09 uavs, 1 was u i Democrat, and 68 Wltigs. RHODE ISLAND. In the Rhode Island Legislature on tlie 22d January, 1839, n preamble and reso lutions were introduced, which we an nex*, marked 15, condemning the resolu tions of the 1 oiled Btntes House of Rep resentatives, adopted on the lltli and 12th of the preceding December, providing for laying Abolition petitions on the tultle. I pon mnfinii, these resolutions were laid on the table, by a vote of 35 to 30. Os the 35 yens, 23 were Democrats, and I*2 W liixs. Oi'ilie nays, 2 were Democrats, ami 2ts \V Itigs. In Connecticut, the YVhig party, hav ing the ascendency in the Legislature in 1838, adopted resolutions favorable to ; tlie views of the Abolitionists, which we hereto annex, marked C. At their hist session, the Legislature referred the sub ject of Abolition to a committee, a ma jority of Which wits made up of Demo erats. They made n strong report with resolutions, against the object oftlie Abo lition petitioners, wliii-li the Whig ma jority oftlie Legislature refused even tut print, and they were left on the table.- j The resolutions we hereto annex, mark j ed D. Vermont lias long been equally cele brated <is a Whig and Abolition State, j In November, D37, the Legislature of that State adopted resolutions, in con [ fortuity with the views of the Abolition ists, which we hereto annex, marked E. W e are not informed bow individuals bc j longing to the two great parties voted; but I as the \A Itigs bad a decisive majority on their side, we have no doubt that the resolutions were carried almost exclu sively by their vote. PENNSYLVANIA. In Pennsylvania the views of the two’ parties are distinctly marked by their course in the convention of 1838, tot amend tin.* Constitution ofihe State. In that body two questions were raised bear ing on this subject: 1. A pioposition so to amend the Con stitution, ns to extend the right of trial by jury t-> fugitive slaves. 2. A pro; “silinn sc- to amend the Con stitution, us ?o extend me right ofsuffrage to negroes. On the dny the standing committees of the convention were announced, and its bnsiucsss organized, Mr. Thaddeus Ste vens, n leading Whig delegate, ofi'eted the following resolutions, viz: “ lie solved. That article 9, item 6, of | the hill of rights, he made to rend ns fol lows: ‘The trial by fury shall remain as heretofore, mid shall be secured to every human being, in all cases where his life or liberty is in question and the right there of sliai! reman inviolate.” This resolution was laid on the table The movement thus commenced in the convention, was promptly seconded by the presentation of petitions having the j same object; and the journals show that 1 between the ntotion of Mr. Stevens and 1 the next movement, in llte convention on the subject, fifty-free petitions, calling 1 upon that body to introduce the proposed j amendment in tho Constitution, were presented. Os tittle petitions, fifty-two were presented by Whigs, and three by Democrats. At the second session of the conven tion, after i he preceding petitions had been presented, Mr. Jusiph Konigmaeker, al so a leading AVI :ig delegate,again broil gilt the subject up, by ofiering tlie following resolnt ion: “ Resolved, That the 9th article of the Constitution he referred to the committee appointed to prepare and engross the amendments fora third reading, nttd that they be directed to report an amendment to said article, providing that the right of trial by jury may lie extended to every hu man being, ami that the said committee be directed to prepare and engross said article for a third reading.” This resolution was also laid upon tlie tnlde. In the following month, the subject was a third time brought up by Mr. James C. Riddle, also a leading Whig delegnte from Pliihidt Iphin, who offered the fol lowing resolution: “To amend the sixth section (relative to the trial by jury) by adding to the end thereof the words which follow, to wit: “It shall be grant! (I to nil persons w iio may* he arrested ns fugitives from labor,- and who shall claim to be freemen.” This resolution was advocated by the mover in a long and animated speech, and gave rise to considerable debate. It was resisted with teach eloquence as an infringriient oftlie constitutional conipact j w ith the South, especially by. Mr. H ood ; ward and Mr. Ingersoll , two of tlie lead ing Democratic members. The resu lotion was finally rejected by a vote of 76 to 39. Os the 76 voting ! against it, 61 were Democrats mid 15 Wltigs; of the 39 voting for it, 2 were D. -iiiocrats and 3/ \V bigs. The proposition jtni tv. tee ret : wed utii i ward-Ly l< ‘.ding V. g-, s. in , j after long discussion, tin which tlie Whig* JVO. 11.