The Independent press. (Washington, Ga.) 1840-1???, September 30, 1840, Image 1
VOL. I.
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■Direction*.
Sales of Lands and Negroes, by Adminis
trators,'Executors or Guardians, are required
by law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the
month, between the hours of ten in the fore
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Notice of the sole of Personal property,
must he given in like manner, Forty days,
previous to the dav ofsale.
Notice to debtors an J creditors of an estate,
must be published for Forty days.
Notice that application will be, made to the
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Negrac3, must be published for ['our Mimllts.
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Letters of Admfrrisiratinn, must be published
Thirty days, and Letters of Dismission, Six
Months.
JPOLSTBCABs.
ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF
TilE SLAVE HOLDING STATES,
by the Democratic Republican members
of Congress from those States.
At it meeting of the Democratic Re
publican Senators and Representatives
in the Twenty-sixth Congress from the
slave-holding States, held in the Capitol
of the United States on the 39'h of July,
J 849, r tlie Hon. Wnt. R. King of the
Senato was called to the chair, and the
11 no. Jesse A. livtium of the House
of Representatives, appointed secretary.
Thereupon, committee < i one mem
ber front each of the said States, hereto
fore appointed for the purpose, throindi
Mr. ( May of Alabama, reported tin ad
dress, to be submitted to the people of
the slave-holding 8-tales, in reference to
which, after consideration, the following
resolution was utiatiiniouslv adopted:
Resolved, That one member from each
of the aforesaid States be mstructad to
sign and publish the same.
Whereupon the meeting adjourned-.
WILLIAM R. KING, Chairman.
J. A. Cvnlm, Secretary.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE SLAVE
HOLDING STATES.
It is not as members of a political par
ty that we now address you. A crisis
has arrived in the affairs of this country,
which, with Southern men, makes the in
terests of party, impoitant as they are, a
secondary consideration. The current
of events is fast hastening to the point
where it must be determined, not wheth
er the country shall be governed accor
ding to the principles of tire Federal or
Democratic creed, hut whether, in a large
portion of the Union, society shall exist
at all, in its present organization.
It is an established principle with the
whole human family, that one associa
tion, or society, cannot justly interfere
with another, in reference to the institu
tions under which it chooses to he gov
erned, arid that, ia this particular, each
issovereign and independent. Muck less
are one society, or the individuals of one
society, responsible to Heaven or Earth for
the justice or expediency of the institu
tions of another. In Europe, the right of
foreign intervention has been for years
the dividing question between the friends
of freedom and the advocates of heredi
tary kings and absolute power. To
maintain the right of interference and
force on unwilling nations, hereditary
dominion, under the name of legitimacy,
was the grand object of the Holy Alli
ance. The combined mnnarelis denied
to the people any rights which were not
obtained from tlie voluntary concessions
of I tings and princes, and undertook to
put down, by armed intervention, all up
risings of the great mass of society, with
the view to modify the Government i:i
conformity with the general will. The
friends of freedom, on the other hand,
maintained that the people of each natiin
have a right to change their institutions
at will, that one has no right, in that re
spect, to interfere with another; and that
an absolute independence, in quell na
tion, of all foreign interposition arid con
trol, is the only safeguard of liberty
among mankind. Twice did the Holy
Alliance impose a legitimate monarch on
France; but, after witnessing the devo
tion of her people during the throe glori
ous days of 1830, they dared not attempt
to repeat the experiment.
By the Revolution of 177(5, each ofihe
WASHINGTON, (Wilkes County, Get.) WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1840.
I United States acquired a right to sepa
rate and absolute independence as a na
tion, and a right to mould its institutions
according to the will of its own people.
And this was till that it acquired. Vir
ginia did not aeqoite u right to dictate a
Constitution or laws to Massachusetts,
nor Massachusetts to Virginia. The peo
ple ol Virginia did not become responsi
ble lor the institutions of Massachusetts,
nor the people of Massachusetts for those
ol'Virginia. Each was u separate and
independent State, ami the people of
each acquired the t ight to control their
own institutions, and became alone re
sponsible for their justice and expedi
, tmev.
Some of the States abolished slavery,
and others did not. From this circum
stance arose one of those diversities in hu
man society which pervade the earth.
Whether tins diversity was so great ns
to forbid it Confederacy or any sort of
uni.m among the Slates, was a question
which the pot riots of that day considered
and decided. They considered that, not
withstanding this and other diversities,
there was other great points upon which
the whole had a common sympathy and
interest. AI!It ad tin interest in preserv
ing peace between each other; in protec
tion against foreign aggression; in free
dom of commerce among themselves; in
the inviolability of contracts; in an uni
form currency; in the preservation of the
public faith, and in other general meas
ures and principles conducive to the
prosperity and happiness of man in all
societies and under all circumstances.
To refuse to unite with their brethren,
under a benign authority embracing only
*. n .
these points of common interest, leaving
ail else absolutely to the several States,
appealed to the men of that day as fool
i. It as to repudiate the governmeutoftlieir
great Creator, because it embraces the
tyrant and bis victim, the freeman and
the slave, nations where half society are
in bondage, its well its nations where all
are free—as ‘ridiculous as to hide from
the light of the son, and reject the genial
rain, because they descend alike upon
the evil and the good, on the unjust ns
well as the just. Nor did they conceive
that, by entering into a Confederacy with
limited powers, they made their several
co-States, or the people thereof, respon
sible for the institutions and laws of other
Slates, growing out of their reserved
rights and powers, tiny more than they
are responsible for the institutions and
laws of the nations of Europe, Asia, or
Africa, wit it whom they tire united by the
lews of Heaven and the laws of nations,
it not by treaties of commerce or alli
ance.
The power to regulate or abolish the
institution of slavery in the States which
we represent, was reserved by them ab
solutely w hen they entered into the Fed
eral compact. The other Slates, and
the people thereof, have no more light to
interfere with it than they have with the
same institution in the nations of Africa
or Asia. Nay, more: they cannot inter
fere with it without violating their na
tional faith its plighted in the compact,
v hicli, to a certain sxteut, makes as one
people. The Constitution of the United
States recognises the institutions, and
binds till live States and the people
(hereof to protect it, in the same manner
a ; they are hound to protect every other
institution vv hicli exists under the legiti
mate authority of the State Governments,
lin attacking the institution of slavery in
j. or Africa, the people of the United
plates would be guilty of an unvvarrmi
ti hie interference with the affairs of other
nations; in attacking that insli'ulion as it
ovists ill any of these confederated Slates,
they are not only guilty of mi mivvnmm
talde interferreneo, hut commit a palpn-
Lh: breach of their plighted faith. Yet
these attacks have been made and repeat
ed with a zeal and perseverance worthy
of a better cause. Vast associations have
been formed, extending over a largp por
tion of the Union, and have connections
injforeign countries, for the avowed por
poise of attacking the institution of sla
v< |y, not in the States where tl e associa
tions exist, hut in other States in whose
local affairs and institutions they have no
interest or concern. These associations
have become powerful in money and in
men, and control a considerable manlier
of presses, which are zealous in dissemi
nating their doctrines and strengthening
their organization,
The duty of all friends of the rights nf
the States, as well as the union ofihe
States, in relation to this fanatical sect,
is too obvious to he mistaken. It is to
have no connection with them, having
reference to the administration of the
Government; blit to leave them wholly to
themselves. Separated front the great
purities which divide the country; and ac
ting’ without countenance or eticnurage
me.ut from either, their extravagance and
the rjtisnuuduess of their principles would
clienk their increase and obviate all dan
get from their assaults upon Snutlireri
society and the principles nf the Cotisti
tuti/00. Unfortunately, ibis course lias
no?, been pursued. On t lie contrary, their
nidi has been song hi and their support
sr/cured in the party struggles, of the
tii/nes; they have been courted, encourn
g/rd, and by the same means strengtli
e/necl, until they aspire to the high places
i.n the General Government mid expect at
no distant dny to wield its power.
It is a matter of the highest importance
to the slave-bolding States to know and
mark the party and the individuals who
are thus encouraging the hopes,stret gtlt
eniiig the hands, and administi ing to the
designs of the Abolitionist. It behooves
our people, us they value tlieir proper! v,
their liberty, nnei their lives, to look nt j
this matter uninfluenced by party con
stderations, determined only to know the j
truth, and do their duty to themselves, j
Os what importance is it to them w lieliter
we have a National Bank or not; a pro
tective Tariff or not; Internal Improve
ment nr not; if a faction shall obiai.u
coot rolling power in t! o Government
which shall rob them of their property,
desolate their fields, destroy their duel- ‘■
lings, and massacre their families. r | hi>
subject transcends and supersedes nil
others; and the first question a Southern t
mail ought to ask, when lie is solicited to
allacli himself lu anv party, or vote for
any candidate, is, will it in any wav en
courage the hopes, miner -i.-elhe strength
of the Abolitionists’? SVe request each
one of you, to whatever parly von may
have heretofore belonged, to ask sour
self this question, and determined to lie
governed by the answer which truth shall
give to it.
That Northern men, generally et ter
tain opinions adverse to slavery, nod re
gard it as a great moral evil, may be ad
mitted. Many of both the great puli'i- |
cal parties may agree in abstract onit - j
inns on the subject of slay cry; but there is,
to us, a must important difference in nth- !
er respects. The Democrats of the
North, as n party, tire opposed to au\ j
action upon the subject by the Genera! 1
Government, whatever may he their ab
stract opinions; while the Whigs, in that
section of the Union, ns a party, are al
most universally the ally of die Aholi. iou-
Lts in their active measures, as exhibited
in the Congress of the United States, and
in the State Legislatures. In support of
this assrtion we cal! your serious atten
tion to the following fact :
ABOLITION IN CONGRESS.
At the December session of Congress,
1836, the following resolutions, ottered
by Mr. Pinckney of Smith Carolina, were
adopted by tire House of Ucprusesenta
tives, viz: f ,
“1. Resolved, That Congress possesses
no constitutional authority to interfere ia
any wav with the institution ol slavery in
any of the Slates of this Confederacy.
“2. Resolved, That Cougrassougbt not
ito interfere in any way with slavery in
the District ol Columbia.
“3. Resolved, That til! petitions, me
morials, propositions, resolutions, papers,
) relating in any way, o; in ■ v . • ten
i whatever, to the subject of slavery, shall,
| without being either primed or relen td,
belaid upon the table, and that to fur
ther action whatever shall he hut! thereon.”
The party vote on these resolutions
wits as follows, according to as accurate*
it classification its can be mode, viz:
Nine only voted against the (list reso
lution—all Northern Whigs.
For the second Resolution.
Northern Democrats G 7
Northern Whigs 4
Soul hern Democrats 35
Southern Whigs 28
Yeas 134
Against it.
Northern Democrats 9
Vortliern Whigs 31
Southern Democrats 00
Southern Whigs 60
Nays 43
For the third Resolution.
Northern Democrats 6*2
Northern Whigs I
Southern Democrats 33
Southern Whigs *23
Yeas 119
Against it.
Northern Democrats 17
Northern Whigs 43
Southern Democrats 3
Southern W higs 3
Nays 66
Some of the Southern votes on the
last resolution were goveri td by the opin
ion that the resolution technically admit
ted the reception of the petetions, to \\ Licit
they were opposed in every shape, while
it is not known or believed that a single
Northern vote was governed by that con
sideration.
Attl ■ uextsession of Congress, a reso
lution similar to the above was adopted
by a similar vote.
At the session of 1837-8, a direct propo
sition was made by Mr. Sltule, a- leading
Whig from Vermont, to refer tin Aboli
tion petition to a select comniitiee, “with
instructions to report a hill providing for
the Abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia.” Much excitement ensued,
and the House finally adopted the follow
ing resolution, prepared by a meeting of
Southern members and reported by JYlr.
Patton, viz;
“Resolved, That all petitions, memo
rials, mid papers touching the abolition
of slavery, ( or haying, selling, or the trans
ferring slaves in any State, District, or
Territory, of the United Stales, he laid
upon’ the luhle without being debated,
printed, read, cr referred, and that no
further action whatever shall he be bad
thereon.”
The party rote on this resolution was
as follows, viz:
For the Resolution.
Nottiu in Democrats* 51
Northern Whigs, 1
Southern Democrats, C 6
Southeru Whigs, 34
Yens, 122
Against it.
Northern Democrats, 1,5
Northern Wftigs, 51)
Southern Democrats, O
Southern \\ liigs, O
Nays, 74
At the next session of Congress, a se
ries of live resolutions was introduced in
reference tothissubject, and filially adop
ted by siniilni* party votes.
The question upon the reception of
Abolition petitions came up nt the lu-t
session on a motion to amend the tides
“I the House, by incorporating in them
the siibslniLce of tin* resolution adopted
at the session of 137- , 8, nt the instance
of the Southern members ol all parties,
in the following words, viz:
“All petititions, memorials,nod papers,
touching the abolition ol slaverv, nr tin*
Imyitig, scllingor t he transferring of slaves
in any State, District, nr Territory of the
United ("Mates, shall, upon their presenta
tion, he laid upon the table, without be
ing debuted, printed, read, or referred,
and no further action whatever shall lie
had thereon.”
Upon a motion to lay this proposition
on the table, the yeas were lU2, (lo
novs 96.
For the motion.
Northern Democrats 9
Northern W higs 61
Southern Democrats 9
Southern Whigs 23
Yeas, 102
Against it.
Northern Democrats 54
Northern Whigs 09
Southern Democrats 30
Southern W higs 12
Nay, 96
After much agitation on the subject,
the following resolution was adopted, viz:
“That no petition, memorial, resolu
tion, or other paper praying tins abolition
of slavery in the District of Columbia, or
any State or Territory, or the slave trade
between the States or Territories of the
United States in which it now exists,
shall be received by tins House, or en
tertained in any way whatever.”
For the Re solution.
Northern Democrats 27
Northern Whigs 1
Southern Democrats 4(5
Southern Whigs 38
Yeas 112
Against if.
Northern Democrats 38
Northern Whigs 64
Southern Democrats 00
Southern Whigs 4
Nays 106
It will he seen, that at this session the
compact front ofihe South was broken,
which may justly* be considered as the
first froit-s of the political coalition which
produced the untoit.atiotts at llarrisbnrg.
The result of the last Congressiutial
elections ia the Northern,, Middle, and
Northwestern States, wits to make the
the Wltigs and Abolitionists from these
States but one party ia Congress, acting
in the most perfect harmony in most of
their votes, and proceedings.
The ciMiduct of the parties in the sev
eral Suite Legislatures has been in per
fect correspondence with the exhibitions
made by them in Congress.
M A INE.
The A I lolitiouists of Maine petitioned
the Legislature of that State in 1838-’9,
to take steps to effect the abolition of sla
very in the District of Columbia, and
prevent the admission of any new Slates
into the Union, with a Constitution toler
ating slavery. These petitions were re
ferred to a committee, a majority of whom
were opposed to any action upon the
subject ; but a minority made a long
‘report, tei initiating with the following
resolutions: y iz:
“ Resolved, That our Senators ant!
Representatives in Congress be requested
to use their utmost efforts to abolish sla
very and the slave trade in the District of
Columbia, and the Territories of” the
United Btates.
“Resolved, That our Senators and
Representatives in Congress lie requested
to use their utmost efforts to prevent the
admission of any new States into the
Union, whose Constitution tolerates do
mestic slavery.”
The only question taken in relation to
the report at.d resolutions, was, upon a
motion to print, which was negatived
yetis 76, nays 77. Os the 76 yeas, 59
were Whigs and 17 Democrats: Os the
nays, two only were W ltigs and 75 De
tnocrats.
NEW HAMPSHIRE.
The Legislature of the Democratic
Stale of New Hampshire, on the 13 h
day of January, 1837, and again on the
sth Jo'v, 1839, adopted resolutions upon
this subject, fit 11 v sustaining tin- rights < f
the South. We annex the last of tin
resolutions marked A, as introduced and
) passed by the Democratic party in the
| Legislature ofthnt patriotic State.
Wo know not by what to’ those of
183 1 were adopted; but by un extract
j from the jour inis, we find that those of
1839, except tlie fourth, were carried
without n division. The fourth resolu
tion was adopted by 137 yeas to 69 nays.
Os the 137 yens, 131 were Democrats,
and 3 \\ bigs; of the 09 uavs, 1 was u
i Democrat, and 68 Wltigs.
RHODE ISLAND.
In the Rhode Island Legislature on tlie
22d January, 1839, n preamble and reso
lutions were introduced, which we an
nex*, marked 15, condemning the resolu
tions of the 1 oiled Btntes House of Rep
resentatives, adopted on the lltli and 12th
of the preceding December, providing for
laying Abolition petitions on the tultle.
I pon mnfinii, these resolutions were laid
on the table, by a vote of 35 to 30. Os
the 35 yens, 23 were Democrats, and I*2
W liixs. Oi'ilie nays, 2 were Democrats,
ami 2ts \V Itigs.
In Connecticut, the YVhig party, hav
ing the ascendency in the Legislature in
1838, adopted resolutions favorable to
; tlie views of the Abolitionists, which we
hereto annex, marked C. At their hist
session, the Legislature referred the sub
ject of Abolition to a committee, a ma
jority of Which wits made up of Demo
erats. They made n strong report with
resolutions, against the object oftlie Abo
lition petitioners, wliii-li the Whig ma
jority oftlie Legislature refused even tut
print, and they were left on the table.-
j The resolutions we hereto annex, mark
j ed D.
Vermont lias long been equally cele
brated <is a Whig and Abolition State,
j In November, D37, the Legislature of
that State adopted resolutions, in con
[ fortuity with the views of the Abolition
ists, which we hereto annex, marked E.
W e are not informed bow individuals bc
j longing to the two great parties voted; but
I as the \A Itigs bad a decisive majority on
their side, we have no doubt that the
resolutions were carried almost exclu
sively by their vote.
PENNSYLVANIA.
In Pennsylvania the views of the two’
parties are distinctly marked by their
course in the convention of 1838, tot
amend tin.* Constitution ofihe State. In
that body two questions were raised bear
ing on this subject:
1. A pioposition so to amend the Con
stitution, ns to extend the right of trial by
jury t-> fugitive slaves.
2. A pro; “silinn sc- to amend the Con
stitution, us ?o extend me right ofsuffrage
to negroes.
On the dny the standing committees of
the convention were announced, and its
bnsiucsss organized, Mr. Thaddeus Ste
vens, n leading Whig delegate, ofi'eted
the following resolutions, viz:
“ lie solved. That article 9, item 6, of
| the hill of rights, he made to rend ns fol
lows: ‘The trial by fury shall remain as
heretofore, mid shall be secured to every
human being, in all cases where his life or
liberty is in question and the right there
of sliai! reman inviolate.”
This resolution was laid on the table
The movement thus commenced in the
convention, was promptly seconded by
the presentation of petitions having the
j same object; and the journals show that
1 between the ntotion of Mr. Stevens and
1 the next movement, in llte convention on
the subject, fifty-free petitions, calling
1 upon that body to introduce the proposed
j amendment in tho Constitution, were
presented. Os tittle petitions, fifty-two
were presented by Whigs, and three by
Democrats.
At the second session of the conven
tion, after i he preceding petitions had been
presented, Mr. Jusiph Konigmaeker, al
so a leading AVI :ig delegate,again broil gilt
the subject up, by ofiering tlie following
resolnt ion:
“ Resolved, That the 9th article of the
Constitution he referred to the committee
appointed to prepare and engross the
amendments fora third reading, nttd that
they be directed to report an amendment
to said article, providing that the right of
trial by jury may lie extended to every hu
man being, ami that the said committee
be directed to prepare and engross said
article for a third reading.”
This resolution was also laid upon tlie
tnlde.
In the following month, the subject
was a third time brought up by Mr. James
C. Riddle, also a leading Whig delegnte
from Pliihidt Iphin, who offered the fol
lowing resolution:
“To amend the sixth section (relative
to the trial by jury) by adding to the end
thereof the words which follow, to wit:
“It shall be grant! (I to nil persons w iio
may* he arrested ns fugitives from labor,-
and who shall claim to be freemen.”
This resolution was advocated by the
mover in a long and animated speech,
and gave rise to considerable debate. It
was resisted with teach eloquence as an
infringriient oftlie constitutional conipact
j w ith the South, especially by. Mr. H ood
; ward and Mr. Ingersoll , two of tlie lead
ing Democratic members.
The resu lotion was finally rejected by
a vote of 76 to 39. Os the 76 voting
! against it, 61 were Democrats mid 15
Wltigs; of the 39 voting for it, 2 were
D. -iiiocrats and 3/ \V bigs.
The proposition jtni tv. tee ret : wed
utii i ward-Ly l< ‘.ding V. g-, s. in ,
j after long discussion, tin which tlie Whig*
JVO. 11.