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About The daily sun. (Columbus, Ga.) 1855-1873 | View Entire Issue (Dec. 12, 1857)
in the insufficient sum of two thousand | dollars. I commend tho wholo subject to the se rious attention of Congress, believing that our duty and our interest, as well as our national character, require that we should adopt such measures as will be ef fectual in restraining our citiiens from committing such outrages. I regret to inform you that the Presi dent of Paraguay has refused to ratify the treaty between tho United Btates and that State as amended by the Senate, tho signature of which was montioned in the message of my predecessor, to Congress at tho opening of its session in December, 1853. The rensons assigned for this refu sal will appear in the correspondence herewith submitted. It being desirable to ascertain the fit ness of the river La Plata and its tributa ries for navigation by steam, the United States steamer Water Witch was sent thither for that purpose in 1858. This enterprise was successfully carried on until Fcbrunry, 1855, when whilst in the peaceful prosecution of her voyage up the Paraga river, the steamer was fired upon by n Paraguayan fort. The fire was re turned; but as the Water Witch was of small force, and not designed for offensive operations, she retired from the conflict. The pretext upon which the nttack was made was a decree of the President of Paraguay of October, 1851, prohibiting foreign vessels-of-war from navigating the rivers of that State. As Paraguay, how ever, was the owner of but one bank of the river of that name, tho other belong ing to Corrieutcs, a Htato of the Argen tine Confederation, the right of its gov ernment to expect that such a decree would he obeyed cunnot be acknowledged. But the Water Witch was not properly speaking, a vessel-of-war. She was a small steamer engaged in u scientific en terprise intended for the advantage of commercial Utates generally. Under these circumstances, 1 am constrained to con sider tho attack upon her as unjustifiable, and as calling for satisfaction from the Paraguayan government. Citizens of the United Htatos, also, who were established m business in Paraguay, have had their property siezed and tuken from them, and have otherwise been treat ed by the authorities in an insulting and arbitrary manner, which requires redress. A demand for this purpose will be made in a firm but conciliatory spirit. This will tho more probably be granted if the Executive shall hav authority to use other moans in the event of a refusal. This is accordingly recommended. It is unnecessary to stato in detail the alarming condition of the Territory of Kansas at tho time of my inauguration. The opposing parties then stood in hostile array against each other, and any acci dent might have relighted the flames of civil war. liesides, at this critical mo ment, Kansas was left without a Governor by tho resignation of Governor Geary. On tho 19th of February previous, the territorial legislature had passed a law providing for the election of delegates on tlie third Monday of Juno to a convention to meet on the first Monday of Septem ber, for the purpose of framing a consti tution preparatory to admissiou into the Uuiou. This taw was in the main fair and just; and it is to be regretted that all tho qualified electors hud not registered them selves and voted under its provisions. At the time of the election for delegates an extensive organization existed in the Territory, whose avowed object it was, if need be, to put down tho lawful govern ment by force, and to establish a govern ment of their own under tho so-called To peka constitution. Tho persons attached to this revolutionary organization abstain ed from taking any part in the election. Tho not of tho territorial legislature had omitted to provide for submitting to tho people the constitution which might be framed by the convention, aud in the ex cited stato of public feeling throughout Kansaß, an npprehensiou extensively pre vailed that a design existed to force upon them a constitution in relation to slavery, against their will. In this emergency it became my duty, as it was my unques tionable right, having in view the union of all good citizens in support of the ter ritorial laws, to express an opinion on tho true construction of the provisions con cerning slavery, contained in tho organic act of Congress of tho ‘3oth May, 1854. Congress declared it to be “tho true in tent and meaning of this act not to legis late slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exoludo it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own wny.” Under it Kansas, “when admitted as a Stato,” was to “be received into tho Union, with or without slavery, us thoir constitution may pre scribe at the timo of their admission.” Kid Congress mean by this language that tho delegates elected to frame a con stitution should have authority finally to decide tho question of slavery, or did they intend by leaving it to the people, that the people of lvausas themselves should decide tho question by a direct voto? On this subject l confess 1 had never enter tained a serious doubt, and therefore, in my instructions to Gov. Walker, of tho 28th of March last, l merely said thut when “a constitution shall bo submitted to the people of the Territory, they must be protected in the exercise of their right of voting for or against that instrument, ami the fair expression of tho popular will must not be interrupted by fraud or violence.” In oxpressing this opinion it was far from my intention to interfere with the decision of the people of Kansas, either for or against slavery From this 1 have always carefully abstained. Intrusted with the duty of taking care that the laws be faithfully executed,” my own desire was that the people of lvausas shouldfur tiish to Congress tho evidence required by the organic act, whether for or against slavery ; and in this manner smooth their passage into tho Union. In emerging front the condition of territorial depend ence into that of a sovereign State, it was their duty, in my opinion, to made known their will by the votes of tho majority, on the direct question whether this import ant domestio institution should or should not continue to exist. Indeed, this was the only possiblo inode in which their will could be authentically ascertained. The election of delegates to a conven tion must necessarily take place in sepa rate districts. From this cause it may readily happen, ns has often been the case, that a mnjority of the people of a State or Territory are on one side of a question, whilst a majority of the representatives from the several districts into which it is divided may be upon the other side. This arises from (he fact that in some districts delegates may be elected by small major ities, whilst in others those of different sentiments may receive majorities suffi ciently great not only to overcome the votes given for the former, but to leave a large majority of the whole people in di rect opposition to the majority of the del egates. Besides, eur history proves that influences may be brought to bear on the representative sufficiently powerful to in- i duco him to disregard the will of his con- | stitucDts. The truth is that no other authentic and satisfactory mode exists of ascertaining the will of a majority of the people of any State or Territory on an important and exciting question like that of slavery in Kansas, except by leaving it to a direct vote. How wise, then, was it for Congress to pass over all subordi nate and intermediate agencies, and pro ceed directly to the source of all legiti mate power under our institutions llow vain would any other principle prove in practice ! This may be illustra ted by the case of Kansas. Should she be admitted into the Union, with a constitu tion either maintaining or abolishing sla very, against the sentiment of the people, this could have no other effect than to continue and to exasperate tho existing agitation during the brief period required to make the constitution conform to the irresitablc will of the majority. The friends and supporters of the Ne braska and Kansas act, when struggling on a recent occasion to sustain its wise provision before the great tribunal ot the American people, never differed about its true meaning on this subject. Every where throughout the Union they publicly pledged their faith and their honor, that they would cheerfully submit the question of slavery to the decision of the bona fide people of Kansas, without any restriction or qualification whatever. All wore cor dially united upon tho great doctrine of popular sovereignty, which’ is the vital principle of our free institutions. Had it then been insinuated from any quarter that it would be a sufficient compliance witli the requisition of tho organic law for the members of a convention, thereaf ter to he elected, to withhold the question of slavery from the people, and to substi tute their own for that of a legally ascer tmlied majority of all their constituents, this would have been instantly rejected. Everywhere they remained true to the resolution adopted on a celebrated occa sion recognizing “the right of the people of all the Territories —including Kansas and Nebraska—noting through the legajly and fairly expressed will of a majority of ac tual residents, and whenever the uumber of their inhabitants justifies it. to form a constitution, with or without slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equnlily with the other States.” The convention to frame a constitution for Kansas met on the first Monday of September last. They were culled togeth er by virtue of au act of the territorial legislature, whose lawful existence had been reeoguized by Congvess in different forms and by different enactments. A large proportion of tbo citizens of Kansas did not think proper to register their names and to vote at the election for del egates; but uu opportunity to do this having been fairly afforded, their refusal to avail themselves of their right could iu no inunner affect tho legality of the con vention. This convention’ proceeded to frame a constitution for Kansas, and finally ad journed ou the 7th day of November. Hut little difficulty occurred in the con vention, except on the subject of slavery. Tho truth is that the general provisions of our recent Stato constitutions are so similar—and, 1 may add, so excellent— that the difference between them is not essential. Under the earlier practice of the government, no constitution framed by tho convention of a Territory prepara tory to its admission into the Uniou as a State had been submitted to tho people. 1 trust, however, the example set by the last Congress, requiring that the constitu tion of Minnesota “should bo subject to •the approval and ratification of the peo ple of tho proposed State,” may bo fol lowed ou future occasions. 1 took it for granted that tho convention of Kansas would act in accordance with this exam ple, founded, as it is, on corro t principles; aud hence my instructions to Oovoruor Walker, in favor of submitting tho consti tution to tho people, were expressed lu general and unqualified terms. In the Kansas-Nebraska net, however, this requirement, as applicable to the wliolo constitution, had not been inserted, and tho convention wero not bound by its terms to submit any other portion of tho instrument to an election, except that which relates to the “domestic institu tion” of slavery. This will be rendered clear by a simplo reference to its language. It was “not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it there from, but to leave the people thereof per fectly free to form and regulate their domestio institutions in their own way.” According to the plain construction of the sentence, the words “domestic institu tions” have a direct, as they have an ap propriate, reference to slavery. “Domes tic institutions” are limited to the family. Tho relation between master and slave and a few others, are “domestic institu tions,” and are entirely distinct from institutions of a political character. Be sides, there was no question then before Congress, nor indeed Ims there siuce been any serious question before the people of Kansas or the country, oxcept that which relates to tho “domestic institution” of slavery. Tho convention, after au angry aud ex cited debate, finally determined, by a majority of only two, to submit tho ques tion of slavery to the people, though at the last, forty-three of the fifty delegates pro sent, affixed their signatures to tho cou stitutiou. A largo majority of the convention were in favor of establishing slavery iu Kan sas. They acoordingly inserted an arti cle iu the constitution for this purpose similar in form to those which had been adopted by other territorial conventions. In tlie schedule, however, providing for the transition from a territorial to a State government, the question lias been fairly and explicitly referred to the people, whether they will have a constitution “with or without slavery.” It declares that “before the constitution adopted b/ the convention shall be sent, to Congress for admission into the Union as a Stato, ’ au election shall bo held to decide this question, at which all the white male in habitants of the Territory above the age of 111 aro entitled to vote. They are to vote by ballot; and “the ballots cast at said election shall be endorsed ‘constitu tion with slavery,’ and ‘constitution with uo slavery.’ If there be a majority in fa vor of the “constitution with slavery,” then it is to be transmitted to Congress by the president of the convention in its original form. If, on the contrary, there shall be a majority in favor of the “con stitution with no slavery,” “then tlie arti cle providing for slavery shall be stricken from the constitution by the President of this convention ;” aud it is expre-sly de clared that “no slavery shall exist iu the State of Kansas, except that the right of property in slaves now in the Territory shall in no maunerbe interferred with;” and in that event it is made his duty to have tli constitution, thus ratified, trans mitted to the Congress of the United States for the admission of the State into the Uniou. At this election every citizen will have as opportunity of expressing his opinion by his voto, “whether Kansas shall be received into the Union with or without slavery,” and thus this exciting question may be peaceably settled in tho very mode require'l by the organic law. The elec tion will beheld under legitimate authori ty, and if any portion of tho inhabitants shall refuse to vote, a fair opportunity to do so having been presented, this will be their own voluntary act, and they alone, will be responsible for the consequences. Whether Kansas shall be a free or a slave State must eventually, under some authority, be decided by an election, and the question can never be more clearly or distinctly presented to the people than it is at the present momeut. Should this opportunity be rejected, she may be iu volved for years in domestic discord, and possibly in civil war, before she can again make up tho issue now so fortunately tendered, and ngain reach the point she lias already attained* Kansas lias for some years occupied too much of the public attention. It is high time that this should be directed to far more iinportaut objects. When once ad mitted into the Union, whether with or without slavery, the excitement beyoud her own limits will speedily pass away, and she will then for the first time be left as she ought to have been long siuce to manage her own affairs in her own way. If her constitution on the subject of slavery, or on any other subject, be displeasing to a majority of the people, no human power can prevent them from changing it within a brief period. Under these circumstances it may well be ques tioned whether the peace and quiet of the whole country are not of greater impor tance than the more temporary triumph of either of the political parties in Kansas. Should the constitution without slave ry be adopted by the votes of the majority, tho rights of property in slaves now iu the Territory arc reserved. The number of these slaves is very small; but if it wove greater the provision wold be equally just and reasonable. These were brought into the Territory under the constitution •of the United States, aud are now the property of their masters. This point lias at length been finally decided by the highest judicial tribune of the country— aud this upon the plain principle that when a confederacy of sovereign States acquire anew territory at their joiht. ex pense, both equality and justice demand that the citizens of one and all of them shall have the right to take into it what soever is recognised as property by the common constitution. To have summarily confiscated the property in slaves already in the Terrritory, would have been an act of gross injustice, and contrary to the practice of the older States of the Union which have abolished slavery. A territorial government was establish ed for Utah by act of Congress, approved the 9th September, 1850, and the consti tution and laws of the United States were thereby extended over it “so far as the same, or any provisions thereof, may be applicable.” This act provided for the appointment by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, of a governor, who was to be ex-officio superintendent of Indian affairs, a secre tary, three judges of the supreme court, a marshal, and a district attorney. Sub sequent acts provided for tho appointment of the officers necessary to extend our land and our Indian system over the Territory. Brigham Young wasappointed the first governor on the 20th September, 1850, aud has held the office ever since. Whilst Governor Young has been both governor and superintendent of Indian affairs throughout this period, he has been at the same time tho head of the church called the Latter Day Saiuts, and professes to govern inspiration and au thority from the Almighty. His power has been, therefore, absolute over both Church and State. The people of Utah almost exclusively belong to this church, and believing with a fanatical spirit that he is governor of the Territory by divine appointment, they obey his commands as if these were di rect revelations from Heaven. If, there fore, he chooses that his government shall come into collision with the government of the United States, the members of the Mormon church will yield implicit obedi ence to his will. Unfortunately, existing facts leave but little doubt that such is his determination. Without entering up on a minute history of occurrences, it is sufficient to say that all the officers of the United States, judicial and executive, with the single exception of two Indian agents, have found it necessary for their own personal safoty to withdraw from the Territory, and there no longer remains any government in Utah but tho despotism of Brigham Youug. This being the con dition of affairs in the Territory, I could not mistake the path of duty. As Chief Executive Magistrate, I was bound to re store tho supremacy of the constitution aud laws within its limits. In order to effect this purpose, I appointed anew governor and other federal officers for Utah, aud sent with him a military force for their protection, and to aid as a posse comitatus, in case of need, in the execution of tho laws. With tho religious opiujons of the Mor mons, as long as they remained mere opinions, however deplorable iu them selves aud revolting to the moral and re ligious sentiments of all Christendom, 1 had no right to interfere. Actions alone, when in violation of the constitution and laws of tho United States, beconio the le gitimate subjects for tho jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. My instructions to Gov. Cuuiming have therefore been fram ed in strict accordance with these princi ples. At their date a hope was indulged that uo necessity might exist for employ ing tho military in restoring and main taining the authority of the law; but this hope has now vanished. Gov. Young has. by proclamation, de clared his determination to maintain his power by force, and lias already commit ted acts of hostility against the United States. Unless ho should retrace iiis steps tho Territory of Utah will be in a stato of open rebellion. He has committed these acts of hostility notwithstanding Major Van Vilet, an officer of tho army, sent to Utali by the commanding general to pur chase provisions for the troops, had given him the strongest assurances of the peace ful intentions of the government, and that the troops wuuM only be employed as a posse comitatus when called on by the civil authority to aid in the execution of the laws. There is reason to believe that Got. Young has loug contemplated this result, lie knows tlmt the continuance of hie despotic power depends ppon the exclusion of all settlers from the Territory . \- copt those who will a knowledge hie divine Yuro sion and implicitly obey his will; and that at • ts lighteued public opinion there would hood • a. trate institutions at war with the laws of God -.d rami, lie has therefore for several years, iumd r I to maintain his indejiendence. been industrim:* iy 1 employed in collecting and fabricatfng urnis ..ad [ munition* of war. aud is disciplining the Morin, n* i for military service. Aesuporiuteudent of Indian A Hairs he has had an opportunity of tampering with the Indian tribes, and exciting their hostile feeling* against the United State*. This, accord ing to our information, he has accomplished in re gard to some of the tribes, while others have re mained true to their allegiance, and have commu nicated his intrigues to our Indian agents. lie has laid in a store of provisions for three years, which, in ca*o of necessity, as he informed Major Van Vliet, ho will conceal, “and take them to the mountain*, and biJ and hauce to all tho power of the government.’ A great part of all this may be idle boasting; but yet no w.se government will lightly estimate the efforts whi ;h may be Inspired by such phrensiad fanaticism as exist* among the Mormons iu Utah. This is the first rebellion which hus existed in our Territories; uud humanity itself requires that we should put it down in such a manner that it shall be the last. To tritie with it wou dbo to en courage it and render it formidable. We OUgfct to goth re with such an imposing force as to convince these deluded people that resistance would be vain, and tlius spore the effusion of blood. Wo can in this manner best convince them that we are their friends, not their enemies. In order to accomplish this object it will be necessary, according to the estimate of the War Department to raise four addi tional regiments ; and this I recommend to Con gress. At the present momeut of depression iu the revenues of tlie country 1 am sorry to be obli ged to recommend such a measure; but 1 feel t\.n fident of the support of Congress, cost what it may, in suppressing the insurrection and in restoring and maintaining the sovereignty of tho constitu tion aud laws over tho Territory of Utah. Long experience has deeply convinced me that a strict construction of the powers granted to Con gress is the only true, as well as tho only bale, the ory of tho Constitution. Whilst this principle shall guide my public conduct, I consider it clear that under the war-making power, Congress may appropriate money for the construction of a mili tary road through the Territories of the United States, when this is absolutely necessary for the defense of the Btates against foreign invasion. The Constitution has conferred upon Congress power “to declare war,” “to raise and support* armies,” “to provide and maintain a navy,” and “to call forth the militia to repel invasions.” These high sovereign powers necessarily involve important aud responsible public duties, and among them there is none so sacred and so imperative as that of preserving our soil from the invasion of a foreign enemy. The Constitution has, therefore, left no thing on this point to construction; but expressly requires that “the United States shall protect each of them [the States] against invasion.” Now, if a military road over our own Territories bo indis pensably necessary to meet aud repel the invader, it follows, as a necessary consequence, not only that wo possess the power, but that it is our imper ative duty to construct such a road. It would be an absurdity to invest a Government with the un limited power to make and conduct war, and at the same time deny to it the only means of reach ing and defeating the enemy of the frontier.— Without such a road it is quite evident we cannot “protect,” California and our Pacific possessions “agaiust invasion.” We cannot by any other means transport men and munitions of war from the Atlantic States In sufficient time successfully to defend these remote and distant portions of the Republic. Experience has proved that tho routes across the isthmus of Central America are at best but a very uucertaiu and unreliable mode of communication. But even if this were uot tho case, they’ would at once bo closed against us in the event of war with a naval Power so much stronger than our own as to enable it to blockade the ports at either end of these routes. After all, therefore, we can only rely upon a military road through our own Terri tories and ever since tho origin of [the Govern ment Congress has been in practice of appropri ating money from the public Treasury for the con struction ot such roads. The difficulties and tho expense of constructing a military railroad to connect our Atlantic and Pa cific States have been greatly exaggerated. Tho distance on the Arizona route, near the thirty-se cond parallel of n rrh latitude, between the west ern boundary of Texas on the Rio Grande, and the eastern boundary of California on the Colorado, flow the best explorations now within our knowl edge, does uot exceed four hundred and seventy miles, and the face of the couutry is, in tho main, favorable. For obvious reasons, the Government ought not to undertake the work itself, by moans of its own agents. This ought to be committed to other agencies, which Congress might assist, either by grants of land or money, or by both, upjn such terms aud conditions as they may deem most ben eficial to the country. Provision might thus be made not only for the safe, rapid, aud economical transportation of troops and munitions of war, but also of the public mails. The commercial iuterests of the whole country, both East and West, would be greatly promoted by such a road; and above all it would be a p >wos ful additional bond of union. Aud although advantages of this kind, whether postal, commercial, or political, cannot confer con stitutional power, yet they may furnish auxiliary arguments iu iavor of expediting a work which, in my judgment, is clearly embraced within the war-making power For these reasons i commend to the friendly con sideration cf Congress the subject of the Pacific railroad, without finally committing myself to any particular route. The report of the Secretary of ths Treasury w ill furnish a detailed statement of the condition of tlie public finances of the respective branches of the public service devolved upon that department of the Government. By this report it appeirs that the amount of revenue received from all sources into the Treasury during [the fiscal year eudiug the 30th June, 1857, was sixty-eight million six hundred and thirty-one thousand five hundred and thirteen dollars aud sixty-seven cents, ($08,031,- 513 07) which amount, with the balance of nine teen million nihe hundred and one thousand three hundred and twenty live dollars and forty-five cents, ($19,901,325 45; remaining in tho Treasury at the commencement of the year, made an aggre gate for the service of the year of eighty*-eight mill ion five hundred and thirty-two thousand eight hundred and thirty-nine dollars and twelve cents. ($88,532,839 12.) The public expenditures for the fiscal year end ing 30th June, 1557, amounted to seventy million eight hundred and twenty-two thousand seven hundred and twenty-four dollars and eighty-live cents, ($70,822,724 85) of which five niilliou nine hundred and forty-three thousand eight hundred and ninety-six dollars aud ninety-one cents, ($5,- 943,896 91) were applied to the redemption of the public debt, including interest and premium, leav ing iu the Treasury at the commencement of the present fiscal year on the Ist of July, 1857, seven teen million seven hundred and ten thousand one hundred and fourteen dollars and twenty-soen cents, ($17,710,114 27.) The receipts into the Treasury fur the first quar ter of the present fiscal year, commencing Ist of July, 1857, wero twenty million nine hundred and twenty-nine thousand eight hundred and nineteen dollars and eighty-ono cents, ($20,929,819 81,) and the estimated receipts of the remaining three quar ters to the 30th of June, 1858, are thirty-six mill ion seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars, ($30,- 750,000,) making, with the balance before stated, an aggregate of seventy-five million three hundred and eighty-nine thousand nine hundred and thirty four dollars and eight cents, ($75,389,934 08,) for the service of the present fiscal year. Tho actual expenditures during the first quarter of the present fiscal y ear were twenty-three million seven hundred and fourteen thousand five hundred and twenty-eight dollars and thirty seven cents, ($23,714,528 37.) of which three mililon eight hun dred and ninety-five thousand two hundred and thirty-two dollars and thirty-nine cents ($3,895,- 232 39) were applied to the redemption of the pub lic debt, including interest and premium. The probable expenditure* of the remaining three quarters, to 30th June, 1858, are fifty-one million two hundred aud forty-tight thousand five hun dred ahd thirty dollars and four cents, ($51,248,- 530 04,) including interest on the public debt, ma king au aggregate of seventy-four million nine hundred and aixty-thieo thousand and fifty-eight dollars and forty-one cents, ($74,963,068 41.) leav ing an estimated balance in the Treasury at the close of the present fiscal year of four hundred aud twenty-eix thousand eight hundred and seventy five dollar* and sixty seven cents, ($426,876 07.) The amount of the public debt at the commence ment of the present fiscal year was twenty-nine million sixty thousand three hundred and eighty six dollars and ninety cents, ($29,060,386 90.) The amount redeemed since the Ist of July was three million eight hundred and ninety-five thou sand two hundred au 1 thirty-two dollar* and thir ty-nine cents, .($3,895,232 39,) leaving a balance unredeemed at this time of twenty-five million one hundred and sixty five thousand one hundred and fifty-four dollars and fifty one cents. (25,166.16451.) The amount of estimated expenditures for the remaining three quarters of the present fiscal year will, in all probability, bo increased from tho cau ses set forth in the .report of the Secretary. liis suggestion, therefore, that authority should be given to supply guy temporary deficiency by the issue of a limited amount of Treasury notes, is ap proved, and 1 accordingly recommend the passage of such a law. As stated iu the report of the Secretary, the tar iff of March 3, 1857, has been iu operation for so short a period of time, and under circumstances so unfavorable to a just development of its results as a revenue measure, that 1 should regard it as inexpedient, at least for the present, to undertake its revision. I transmit herewith the reports mode to mo by th* Secretaries of War and of the Navy, of the Inte rior and of the Postmaster General. They allcon tain voidable and important information, and sug gestions which X commend to the favorable consid eration of Congress. I have already recommended the raising of four additional regiment*, and the report of the Secre tary of War presents strong reasons proving this increase of the Army, uuuer existing circumstan ces, to be indispensable. I would call the special atteutiou of Congress to the recommendation of the Secretary if the Navy in favor of the construction of ten small war stea mers of light draught. For some years the Gov ernment lias been obliged on many occasions to take such steamers from individuals to supply it* pressing wants. At the present moment we have no armed vessel in the navy which can penetrate the rivers of China. Wo have but few which can enter auy of the harbor*south of Norfolk, although many millions of foreign and domestic commerce annually pa** in and out of these harbors. Some ! of our mo*, valuable interests and most vulnerable ! points are thus left exposed. Tiiis class cf vessels of light draught, great speed, and heavy guns, would be formidable iu cwut defense. The cost of their construction will not be great, and they will require but a comparatively small expenditure to keep them in commi*gion. In time of peace they will prove a* effective as k much larger vessels, and often more useful. One of them should be at eve ry station whero we maintain a eqnadron, and three or four should be .'constantly employed on our Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Economy, utility, ami -fliekney, combine to recommend them as al most in dispensable. Ten of theso small vessels would he of incalculable advantage to the naval service, and tho whole cost of their construction would not exceed $2,300,000, or $230,000 each The report.of tl3 Secretary of the Interior is worthy of grave consideration. It treats of the numerous, important, .and <!iversifit‘d,branches of domestic administration intrusted to him bylaw. Among these the most prominent are thc t public lands and our relations with the Indians. Our system for the disposal of the public lands, orfciimttog with tho father of the Republic, ha* boon improved as experience* pointed the way, and gradually adapted to the growth and settle ment of our western States and Territories. It has worked well in practice. Already thirteen State* and Seven Territories have been carved out of these lands, and still more than a ‘thousand mill ions of acres remain unsold. What a boundless prospect this presents to our country of future prosperity and power! We hav heretofore disposed of 363.862.464 acre of public land. Whilst the public lands as a source of revenue nro of great importance, their importance is far greater as furnishing homes for a hardy and inde pendent race of honest and industrious citizens, who desire to subdue and cultivate the soil. They ought to be administered mainly with a view of promoting thin wise and benevolent policy. In appropriating them lor any other purpose, we ought, to use oven greater economy than if they had been converted into money, and the proceeds wero already iu the public Treasury. To squander away this richest and noblest inheritance, which any people have ever enjoyed, upon objects of doubtful constitutionality or expediency, would bo to violate olio of tho most important trutts ever committed to any people. Whilst J do not deny to Congress the power, when acting bona Jiile. as a proprietor, to give away portions of tlura for the purpose of increasing tho value of the remainder, yet, considering the great temptation to abuse this power, we can uot be too cautious iu its exercise. Actual settlers under existing laws arc protect ed against other purchasers at public sales, in their right of preemption, to the extent of a quarter section, or one hundred and sixty acres of land. The remainder may then be disposed of at public, or entered at private, sale in unlimited quantities. Speculation has of late years prevailed to a great extent in the public lands* The consequence has been that large portions of tlmm have become the property of individuals and companies, and thus the price is greatly enhanced to those who desire to purchase for actual settlement. In order to liniit^the ®J ea °J speculation as much as possible, the extinction of the Indian titlo and the exten sion of tho public surveys ought only to keep pace with the tide of emigration. If Congress should hereafter grunt alternate section-, to States or companies, as they have done **" e .*° f ° re > ] recommend that the intermediate sections retained ly the Government be subject to pre-emption by actual 6ettlc-rs. I s ’ 6 !. t0 b ® our t cardin °l Policy to reserve the public lands as much as mav be for actual sot s Ut moderate priceH. We shall thus J f.? 1 pr “ m ? t 0 the prosperity of the new t?t..Us and Territories, and the power of tho Union, but shall secure homes for our posterity for many generations. J 3 Tlie extension of our limits has brought within our jurisdiction many additioual ami populous tribes of Indians, a large proportion of which are wild, uutractnble, and difficult to control. Preda tory and warlike iu their disposition and habits, it is impossible altogether to restrain them from committing aggressions on each other, as weil as upon our frontier citizens and those emigrating tc our distant States and Territories. Hence expen sive military expeditions are frequently necessary to overawe and chastise the mure lawless aud hostile. The present system of making them vuluable presents to influence them to remain at peace has proved ineffectual, It is believed to be the better policy to colonize them in suitable localities, where they can receive the rudiments of education and be gradually induced to adopt habits of industry. So far as tho experiment has been tried it has worked well in practice, and it will doubtless prove to be less expensive than the present system. The wholo number of Indians within our terri torial limits is believed to be, from tlie best detain tlie Interior Department, about three hundred and twenty-five thousand. Tlie tribes of Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creeks, settled in tho territory set apart for them west of Arkansas, are rapidly advancing in education aud in all tlie arts or civilization and self government; and we may indulge the agreea ble anticipation that at no very distant day they will bo incorporated into the Uniou as one of tlie sovereign States. It will be seen, from the report of tlie Postmas ter General, that the Post Uflice Department still continues to depend on the Treasury, as it has been compelled to do for several years past, for an im portant portion of tlie mcansof sustaining and ex tending its operations. Their rapid growth and expansion are shown by u decennial statement of the number of post offices, aud the length of post roads, commencing with the year 1827. In thut year there were 7,000 post offices; in 1837, 11,177; in 18-!., 15,140; and in 1857 they number 26,58 b. Iu this year 1,725 post offices have been established and 701 discontinued, leaving a net increase of 1,021. The postmasters of 808 offices are appolnlod by the President. The length of post roads, in 1827, was 105,336 miles; in 1537, 141,212 miles; in 1847, 153,818 miles; and in the year 1857 thereare242,6ol miles of post road, including 22,530 miles of rail road, on which tho mails are transported. The expenditures of the Department for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June, 1857, us ad justed by tlie Auditor, amounted to $11,507,070. To defray these expenditures there was, to the credit of the Department, ou the Ist July, 1856, the sum of $780,500; tlie gross revenue of the year, including tlie annual uiiowances tbr the transpor tation of free mail matter, produced $8,053,951; aud the remainder was supplied by the appropria tion from the Treasury of $2,250,000, granted by the act of Congress approved August 18, 1856, and by tho appropriation of $666,883 made by tho act of March 3, 1857, leaving $252,763 to be carried to tlie credit of the Department in the accounts of the current year, 1 commend to your consideration the report of the Department iu relation to the es tablishment of the overland mail route from tho Mississippi river to San Francisco, California. The route was selected with my full concurrence, as the one, iu my judgment, contemplated by Con- The into disastrous monetary revulsion may have one good effect should it cause both tlie Gov eeument and the people to return to the practice of a wise aud judiciouseconomy, both iu public and private expenditure. An overflowing Treasury lias led to habits of prodigality and extravagance in our legislation. It has iuducod Congress to make largo appropria tions to objects for which they never would have provided had it been nectssaiy to raise the amount of revenue required to meet them by increased taxatiou or by loans. We are now compelled to pause in our career, and to scrutinizo our expen ditures with tlie utmost vigilance; and, in per forming this duty, I pledge my co-operation to the extent of my constitutional competency. Jt ought to be observed, nt tlie same time, that true public economy does uot consist ill withhold ing the means necessary to accomplish important national objects intrusted to us by the Constitu tion, aud especially such as may be necessary for the common defense. In tho present crisis of the country it is our duty to confine our appropria tions to objects of this character, unless in cases whero justice to individuals may ciepipjnl a differ ent course. In ali cases care ought to be tajren that the money granted by Congress shall be faith fully uud economically applied. Under the Federal Constitution, “every bill which ahull have passed tho liouso of ltepreseuta tives aud the Seuate shall, before it becomes a law,” he approved anil signed by tlie I‘residont; aud, if uot approved, “ ho shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it originated.” In order to perform this high aud responsible duty, sufficient time must be allowed the President to read and examine every bill presented to him for approval. Unless this be afforded, the Constitu tion becomes a dead letter in this particular; und oven worse—it becomes a means of deception. Our constituents, seeing the President's approval aud signature attached to each act of Congress, are induced to believe that lie has actually per formed this duty, when, iu truth, nothing is, in many cases, more unfounded. From the practice of Congress, such an examina tion ot each bill as the Constitution requires lias been rendered impossible. The most important busiuess of each session is generally crowded into its last hours, and the alternative presented to the Piesident is either to violate the constitutional duty which lie owes to tho people, and approve bills which, for want of time, it is impossible he should have examined, or, by his refusal to do this, subject the country and individuals to great loss ami inconvenience. Besides, a practice bus grown up of late years to legislate in appropriation bills, at the last hours of the session, on new und important subjects. This practice constrains the President to suffer uieusures to become laws which he does uot ap prove, or to incur the risk of stopping the wheels of the Government by vetoing an appropriation bill. Formerly, such bills were confined to specific appropriations for carrying into effect existing laws and the well-established policy of the coun try. and little time was then required by the Presi dent for their examination. For my own part.l have deli her a ely determined that I shall approve uo bill w hich I have uot ex amined ; and it will be a case of extreme aud most urgent necessity which shall ever induce me to depart f out this rule. 1 therefore respectfully, but earnestly, recommend that the two Houses would allow tho President at least two days pre vious to the adjournment of each session within which no new bil 1 shall be presented to him for approval. Under the existing joint nils, one day is allowed; but this rule has been hitherto so con stantly suspended iu practice, that important bills continue to he presented to him up till the very last moments of the session. In u large majority of cases, no great public inconvenience can arise f rom the want of time to examine their provisions because the Constitution has declared that if a bill’ be presented to the President within the last ten days of the session, be is not required to return it either with au approval or with a veto, “ in which case it shall not he a law.” It may then lie over and be taken up and passed at the next session’ Great inconvenience would only be experienced in regard to appropriation bills; but fortunately under the late excellent law allowing a salaiv. iu’ stead of a per diem, to member, of CongrcM the expense and inconvenience of a called seasion’wili bo greatly reduced. I cannot conclude without commending to your favorable consideration the interests of the people of this District. Without a representative Jin the floor of Congress, theyjmve for Ibis very reason peculiar claims upon our just regard. To this 1 know, from uiy long acquaintance with tlnm they ale eminently entitled. JAMES BUCHANAN Waghiugton. Dec. 8,1857. CAITDIDATES. For Mayor, Tho friends of M. N. CLARKE, Esq., take pl ea . sure in announcing him as a candidate for Mayor at the ensuing election. I announce myself as a candidate for Mayor of the city of Columbus, ut the ensuing election. JOHN QUIN. We are authorized to auuouuce the name of WILLIAM PEIIKY as a candidate for Mayor of Columbus at the ensuing election. Messrs. Editors:— Many persons, these days, are induced to declare themselves candidates f„ r office, from the fact that they are unable to resist the importunities and solicitations of mauy friends I have not been so fortunate as to have been impor tuned or solicited, and being anxious to fill the of fice of Mayor for the next municipal year, an nounce myself a candidate lor re-election to the Mayoralty, at the election in December next. F. G. WILKINS. Messrs. Editors Permit me, through your j, ;t . per, to suggest W. S. IIOLSTEAD, Esq., as a can didate for Mayor, ut the ensuing election. liis administration, when Mayor, and the state of the finances at the expiration ol iiis term, gives him a strong claim on the citizens. TAX PAYER. For City Marshal. We are authorized to announce BENJAMIN R FOLSOM as a candidate for Marshal at the ensuing election. Election second Saturday iu December. We are authorized to announce JAMES M. HUGHES as a candidate for re-election for City Marshulat the ensuing election. For Deputy Marshal. We are authorized to announce H. p. ROBIN SON as a candidate for re-election as Deputy Mar shal of Columbus, at the ensttiug election. Elec tion on second Saturday iu December next. Messrs. Editors: You will please announce through the columns of your paper my name as a candidate for tlio office es Deputy Marshal of the City of Columbus at the ensuing election JERKE GAMMEL. For Clerk of the City Council. We are authorized to announce J. J. JONES as a candidate for Cierk of the City Council of Colum bus at the ensuing election. City Sexton. JOHN H. MADDEN is a candidate for Sexton ut the ensuing election, and will he supported by MANY FRIENDS. IVe are authorized to announce the name of WILLIAM T. WEBSTER, as a candidate for Sex ton of the City es Columbus, at the ensuing election. We are authorized to announce the name es JOHN PITTMAN as a candidate for Sexton of the City of Columbus at the ensuing election. Wo are authorized to announce THOMAS NIX as a candidate for re-election to tho office of City Sexton, at the ensuing municipal election. We are authorized to announce the name of JERRY TERRY as a candidate for the office of City Sexton, at the ensuing municipal election. The friends of JOHN TILLMAN will suppoit him at the ensuing election for Sexton of tlie City ofColnmbus. Candidates for Aldermen. A number of the citizens of Columbus, after conferring together relative to the selection of Al dermen for the City, and each Ward being rep resented, tlie following ticket was selected, and is offered to the citizens for ther support at the ensu ing election, as being fully competent for the im tant trust to be confided to their management. First Ward—T. B. Slado aud Wm. C. Gray. Second Ward—R. A. Ware aud Peter Preer. Third Ward— Joseph Kyle and H. V. Meigs. Fourth Ward— C. C. Cody and D. L. Booher. Fifth Ward—o. Danforth and D. B. Thompson. Sixth Ward—S. Ogietree and W. K. Brown. For Aldermen. We arc authorized lo announce JAS. VERNOY as a candidate for Alderman in the Second Ward. GEO. OULLEN and JOSEPH SMITH are solici ted to become candidates for Aldermen of tlw Fourth Ward, anil will receive the support of MANY VOTERS, The friends of J. It. EASTHAM and E. H. MUSGROYE announce them us candidates for Aldermen of the Third Ward at the election on Saturday next. The friends of JOHN R. HULL announce him as a candidate for Alderman of the Fifth Ward at tho ensuing election, Saturday, 12th December. JOHN T. WALKER and D. B. THOMPSON will be supported for Aldermen of the Fifth Ward at the ensuing election by the citizens of the FIFTH WARD. Fof City Treasurer, We are authorized to announce ROBERT 0, MITCHELL as a candidate for City Treasurer at tlie ensuing municipal election. JOHN LLOYD announces himself as a candidate for re-election to tho office of City Treasurer, and will be thankful to his friends and fellow-citizens for their suffrages. For Coroner. We are authorized to announco tlie name of J. B. WRIGHT as a candidate for ro-clection for the office es Coroner for Muscogee county, at the ensu ing election. We aro authorized to announce the mime of WILLIAM LIGON as 11 candidate for the office of Coroner for Muscogee County at the ensuing elec tion. For Clerk or the Superior Court. We aro authorized to announce A. S. KUTUER- F0K1) a* a candidate sos re-elpctio|i as Clprk of t|io Superior Court of the County of Musoogpo. For Clerk of tke Inferior Court. We are authorized to announce the name of JOHN HA Z ELTON as a candidate for tho office of Clerk of the lnferier Court of Muscogee County, at the ensulpff election in January next. For Sheriff. W’e are authorized to announce the name (f FRANCIS M. BItOOKS as a candidate for tiiM office of Sheriff of Muscogee County at the ensuing election in January next. We are authorized to announce A. K. AYLIt as a candidate for Sheriff of Muscogee County at the ensuing election in January next. Receiver of Tax Returns. We are requested, by many friends of J. BAIL NL\ IIICKS, to announce his name as a candidate for reflection to tho office of Receiver of Tax Ke* turns of Muscogee county at tho ensuing January election. Titx Collector. Wo are authorized to auuouuce the name us THOMAS CHAFFIN, Sr., as a candidate lor Tax Collector. Oct. 20-te We are authorized to annonnee Mr. JAMKS C, COOK as a candidate for re-electiou to the office of Tax Collector of Muscogee County, at tho election on tho first Monday in January 1858. COTTON NOTICE. ADVANCES made on Cotton consigned to my friends at Apalachicola, New York, or Liver pool, JOSEPH IIANSERD. Office at Lowel Warehouse. Persons desirous of making shipments to New York, Boston, or foreign port*, through Apalsclii’ cola, will receive all necessary Information at* vessels, rate* of freight, Ac., on application as above. Dec. 11, 1867—Em FOR SALE OR RENT. r |MIE Dwelling House, wilh five rooms. Am*. _| kitchen, smoko house and negro houses, good well of water, Ac., on the Fe-J***- male Academy Square, occupied by Mr. DeWolf, i* offered for sale till the first of January, after that time it will lie for rent if not sold Apply to F- A CLAYTON, or F. G.WILKINB. December 9-ts
