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About Daily chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1837-1876 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 25, 1847)
CHRONICLE & SENTINEL. BY J. W. & W. S. JONES. JAMES M. SMYTHE, Associate Editor DAILY, TRI WEEKLY A WEEKLY. OFFICE IN RAIL ROAD BANK BUILDING. TRRMS-Daily Paper, per annum, in advance• • SlO Tn- Weekly Paper, “ “ “ *• .5 Weekly, (a mpnanco'.h sheet) “ ..2 < ASH S\ STEM.—In no case will an order for the j < per be attended to, unless accompanied with die money, and in every instancewhen the time for which any subscription may be paid, expires before the re ceipt of funds to renew the same, the paper will I e discontinued. Depreciated funds received at valu'' in this city. From the Philadelphia North American. French Weights and Measures. The direct communication between France and the United States, by means of the New York and Havre line of steamships, will bring us more in contact with French terms and technicalities of business and trade. The fol lowing table and observations, therefore, of the English value of weights and measures most in use will be useful to those who are not acquaint ed with the French language. It will be seen that the federal values of the French coins are approximations—but they are so near the truth as to answer all ordinary purposes. The foundation of all ’.he French measures, whether of lines, surfaces, solids, or the con tents of vessels, (generally called measures of capacity) is a quadrant of the earth’s raeridinai circumference. This is presumed to be con stant in the same hemisphere, and for the same longitude ; and the quadrant which they use is that passing from the equator through Paris to the north pole. This, according to the most accurate admeasurements and calculations, is estimated at 5,130,740 old French toises of 6 French feet each. The 10,000,000 th part of this is a metre ; and one metre is equal to 3 feet and 11 296-1000 lines, or 3 feet 1 inch of the old measure very nearly. The metre, the square metre, and the cubic metre, are the radical standards of the three measures ; for there are only three, as solidity and capacity, though differently named and used, are the same in reality. The radical denominations are not always the square and cube of the metre, because the first would be too small a measure for land, and the second too large for the greater number of sub stances estimated by quantity. The following are the denominations: Lineal measure. —The metre, which means “ measure” and is in round numbers about 39 9-25 English inches. Surface. —The are. which means “ surface” or “area,” and is the square of 10 metres, or 100 square metres. Capacity. —The litre, which means a “mea sured quantity,” and is the cube of one tenth of a metre, or the 1000 part of a cubic metre. In English measure, it is nearly a cube of four inches, and very nearly sixty-one cubic inches. Solid. —The strre. which means a “solid,”and is the cube of a metre, or nearly 35£ cubic feet. From these radical denominations the larger ones are procured by multiplying by 10, and the lower ones by dividingby the same. Thus Deca, prefixed means 10 times. Hecto, “ “ 100 times. Hilo, “ “ 1000 times. Myria, “ “ 10000 times. These prefixes, which are a sort of barbarous Greek for the numbers, are prefixed to the ra dical names, metre, are, litre and stere; and the number is understood to multiply the sur face of the solid, and not its side ; thus one de care is 10 ares, and not a square of ten times the side of an are, so of the others. The denominations below the radical ones are expressed by a sort of Latin prefixes: Thus Deci is one tenth. Centi is one hundredth. Milli is one thousandth. In the same mode of estimating, time was ar ranged into tenths, and hundredths: 1 day (24 hours) —10 hours ; 1 hour —100 minutes; and 1 minute—loo seconds. The circular, or an nular measures, were also arranged in hun dredths—4oo degreesin a whole circumference; 100 in a quadrant; 100 minutes in one degree, and 100 seconds in a minute. These measures have, however, been abandoned, or, at all events, they are far from being convenient, as none of the more useful angular divisions are tenths. We annex the details of those tables which remain the most in use. FRENCH AND FEDERAL COINS. F'rench money. Value in Federal currency. The 40 franc piece, double Napoleon, Louis 42 The 20 franc piece, Napoleon, or Louis 3 46 The thirty sous piece 2S£ The francs — 100 centimes 18| The fifteen sous piece 14| The half franc—so centimes 9| The quarter franc—2s centimes 4| The two sous piece—lo centimes 2 The sou, or one sou piece—s centimes 1 One centime 1-5 The hard i The piece ot two liards £ The piece of six liards TABLES OF MONEY. English money. Value in French. One guinea, or 21 shillings 26f.47c.* One pound, or sovereign— 2o shillings- • • 25f.20.8c. A crown, or 5 shillings piece sfißo-7c. The half-crown piece, or 2s 6d- 2f.90.4c. A shilling, or 12 pence If. 16.14 c. Sixpence (6d) 0f.58.07c. A penny (Id) Of.lOc. A half-penny (sd) Os. sc. A farthing (Id) Os. 2£c. A dollar sf. 7c. * The f stands hr franc or francs, and c for cen time or centimes. Weights.— Troy xceight. English weights. French weights. 1 grain—1-24 dwt. 0.06477 gramme. 1 penny w’ht—l-20 of an oz. 1.55456 gramme, 1 ounce —l-12of alb. Troy, —31.09130 grammes. 1 pound imperial, 0.3730956 kilogr’me. Avoirdupois weight. English weights. French weights. 1 dram 1-lb of an ounce 1.7712 gramme. 1 ounce—l-16 of a lb. 28.3384 grammes. 1 pound, or 1 lb. imperial, 0.4534148 kilog’mes. 1 cwt.— ll 2 lbs. 50.7824600 kifog’mes. 1 ton 20 cwt. —lols.649ooookifog’mes. English. French. 1 gr’ me—ls.43B grs. Tr0y—0.643 dwts.: 0.03216 oz. i k gme — 2.68027 lbs. —2 lbs. 8 ozs. 3 dwts. 6 gr. T. 1 k gme 2.20547 lbs. —2 lbs. 3 oz, 4-4 5 drs. Av’ps. Measures of Length. —Long measure. English. French. 1 inch, or 1-36 of a yard 2.539954 centim’s. 1 foot—i of a yd.— l 2 in. 3.0479449 decim’s 1 yard— 3 feet 0.91438348 metre. 1 fathom -2 yards _ 1.82877696 metre. 1 pole, or perch— s§ yards 5.02911000 metres 1 furlong, or 220 yards 201.16437000 metres 1 mile, or 1760 yards —1609.31490000 metrea French. English inches. 1 millimetre 0.039370 1 centimetre 0.393709 1 decimetre 3.937079 1 metre 39.37079 1.093633 yard 1 decametre 393.7079 10.939639 yards 1 hectometre 3937.079 —109.366300 yards 1 kilometre 39370.79 —4 furlongs, 213.633 y 1 rayriametre —393707.9 —6m. 1 fur. 156,288 y. French. English. 1 tause—6.394s feet—2.l3ls yards— 76.735 inches. 1 aune, or ell 3.893 feet—46.79; English inches. Square measure English. French. 1 square yard 0.836097 metre carre, 1 rod, or pole —30$ sq. yds, —25.291939 metres carres. 1 rood—l2lo square yds. —10.116775 acres. 1 acre— 4B4o sq: 40.4661 a— 0.404671 hectare. French. English. 1 metre carre—l centiare —1.196033 square yard. I are—3.9s English poles —0.98845 rood. 1 hectare —2 a. Ir. 5 perches—2.4736l4 acres. Measures for Liquors. English. French. 1 pint, or, I of a gallon 0.567932 litre. 1 quart, or I of a gallon 1.145864 litre. 1 imperial gallon 4.5434579 litres. Dry measure. English. French. 1 peck —2 gallons 9.0869159 litres. 1 bushel—B gallons —36.347664 litres. , 1 sack—3 bushels 1.09043 hectolitre. 1 quarter —8 bushels 2.907813 hectolitres. ~ 1 chaldron—l2 sacks —13.08516 hectolitres. French. English. v i |i tre —1.760773 pint —.8803865 qts. — .2200966 galls 1 decalitre —2.2009667 gallons. • 1 hectolitre—22.oo9667o gallons. The new French denominations having been D found very inconvenient for common purposes, - were, in 1812, arranged as follows ; 2 1 toise, or 6 feet—2 metres 6.5618334 English ft. 1 foot, or 12 inc’s —\ metre 1.0936389 English ft. e 1 inch, or 12 lines 1.0936389 English in. e 1 line 0.0911365 Eng s sh in. i 1 aune, or ell —1-5 metre 3.936 English feet. or 1 aune 47.244 English inches, e 1 bushel —§ hectolitre —762.85 cubic inches, i ] old Paris foot 1.066 English foot. 1 old Parish inch 1.056 English inch. ■ 1 old line .OBBB English inch. Old foot, inch and line to new, as 48 to 49 nearly. ; iUhronidc ani> Sentinel. i AUGUSTA, GA: j WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUG. 35, ’4T. I• - ' FOR GOVERN OR: * DUNCAN L. CLINCH, Os Camden. Our Mammoth Weekly ’ Will be issued this morning, containing the f Cambria’s accounts, and its usual synopsis of • news of the week, miscellany, &c., &c. Sin * gle copies for sale at the office. 5 The Next Congress. | The Richmond IVhig, in a calculation as to 3 the strength of parties in the next House of > Congress, estimates that the Whigs will have a majority of fourteen, provided the elections I yet to be made, result as in the last Congress. What a commentary is this upon the nomina tion of Mr. Polk, who entered upon his duties with a majority of seventy in the House of Representatives ! Can there be better evidence of the weakness, imbecility and rashness of an administration than the ballot-box thusfurnish ’ es. Where, in what section of this vast Union is . the boasted popularity of Mr, Polk and the ; Mexican war, with which the Democrats and their organs were wont, within the last year, to regale the faithful? Has it no abiding place in the land? Whence has it escaped so suddenly ? Whither, oh whither art thou gone, thou airy vision of Democratic day-dreams 1 Hark, to the voice of the independent freemen of America, so sud -1 denly driving you from the dreamy fancies of the Democracy ! Verily thou hast lived only I in their dreams, and the ballot-box has destroy ed the last hope of their bewildered imagina tions ! We rejoice at this result, although we could have preferred, that the Democracy should have encountered the responsibility of relieving the President and his miserable advisers from the difficulties in which they are involved—hut we fear that confusion would be worse confounded: but we rejoice because the President and his Cabinet can no longer stifle inquiry and inves tigation, by the aid of the crawling, servile sy cophants of the House of Representatives.— We rejoice, because an expose will be made of these miserable tricksters, these asses in lion’s skins, who have trampled under foot the constitution ol the country, to accomplish their unholy purposes—to secure the spoils. And we rejoice because the people, the masses— the sovereigns themselves have been equal to the emergency—worthy to be classed as Ameri can freemen, who dared point the reckless spoilsmen to the writing upon the wall. It is an omen of good—and one from which Mr. Polk and his party, we hope, may learn a little wisdom ere it be too late— a lesson that may serve to aid him to escape the infamy and deg radation that an indignant, and intelligent, and just people will otherwise certainly award him. People of Georgia, you will be required in a few weeks to endorse the course of this Ad ministration, or put the sea! of your reproba ion upon them and their policy. It behooves you, then, as Georgians and as American citi zens, to pause and reflect what you are about to do—whether you are ready to sanction the ruthless violation and disregard of the constitu tion by Mr. Polk, in involving the country in war, or whether you will rescue that great chart of American liberty from the hands of the vandals, and endeavor to hand it down pure and unsullied to posterity. A majority of you, by your votes, aided to place its desti nies in the hands of Mr. Polk for a term of years ; how important then, that you should vindicate your birthright, by exhibiting your regard for that sacred instrument, and hurling forever from your confidence, one who has sought power but to deceive and betray. “He may be as zealous an enthusiast for the re charter of a National Bank as was John Minor Bolts, or John M. Clayton, or J. J. Crittenden, in the first year of Mr. Tyler’s administration. He may be as unflinching an advocate for internal improvements by the federal government as Daniel Webster has shown himself in his late letter to the Chicago Convention.” Constitutionalist. Here we have it again—the “Monster,” the “ Mammoth Bank !” Oh what a demon of evil it was? No fiery dragon with flashing eyes and forked tongue was ever half so fright ful or destructive ! It was a Whig monster! Democracy never looked upon it but with ter ror and detestation! No Democrat, distin. guished or otherwise, ever sought its favors or was lured to its embraces! Botts, Clayton, Crittenden and other Whigs, alone, have been weak, or corrupt enough, to outrage the con stitution, by declaring a National Bank to be constitutional, or by advocating its utility and es tablishment. Democracy would have seen the real stars fall from Heaven before they would have been caught in such a snare. They never advocated an institution, the charter of which the old Federalist General Washington signed ! They never united with Madison (falsely called a Republican) in establishing the second Bank. Between them and that institu tion there has been a hatred as deep as exists between good and evil ! AH this the Democratic press would have the p*eople believe. But, stars and sea-serpents!—if they are honest, it is “ orful” to think of their tlelusion. The followers of the veiled Prophet ▼were never half as much deceived as these bat blinded Democratic editors and leaders! What Ikind of potent spell, what sort of mental idio s yncracy is it, that makes them forget, or con ceals from their honest visions, the fact, I hat General Jackson, who was their political iWorth Pole, declared, that a Bank was con stitutional and in many respects useful to the people? We hope our Democratic friends will not be thrown into “ fits” by our supposed profanity in this statement. It is as true as time, and we hope they will escape the “ fits” at the horrible revelation. This same democracy made Mr. Van Buren President of the United States. Perhaps the greater part is not aware that he besought the Bank, the dragon Bank, to establish a branch, if we recollect right, in Albany, New York Did they know when they were voting for George M. Dallas for Vice-President, that they were voting for a man who drew up and presented a hill for the renewal of the charter of this mammoth enemy of the country ? No, no body’s to blame but the rascally Whigs. General Jackson was a patriot for all that. So is Van Buren and Dallas. Demo crats can go fora Bank and be patriots, but Whigs cannot. It is a little fault if not a down light virtue in Democrats, but a damning sin in Whigs! What delectable casuistry! We would bet an elephant against a rat, that no bodv of moralists on earth, but democracy, could discover so wise a distinction. The light of it is theirs, and their’s alone the unequalled glory ! Internal Improvements! Great Heaven! ■ Those leaders can make something out of this against the Whigs, when they are able to give a satisfactory reason why the Democratic ad ministrations of General Jackson and Van Buren spent annually nearly three times as much money for Internal Improvements as the corrupt, Federal, prodigal, blue-light administra tion off John Quincy Adams! Down with Adams and his prodigality; up with Jackson and Van Buren, and their Retrenchments, was the vociferous shout of the Democrats. They cried down an expenditure of thirteen millions, and huzzahed over an expenditure of from dou ble to almost three times as much! How pretty those Democrats can talk and write! They can make out a Whig mole-hill a mountain, and a democratic mountain a mole hill. As long as they keep up this “spunky” assault upon the Whigs with masks on, we must take the liberty of lifting up the mask now and then. This is the only way, especially during a political canvass, for the Democratic leaders and their “doings” to be seen in a true and unvarnished light. Browusou vs. The President. A few days since, we transferred to our col umns an extract from “ Brownson’s Review," animadverting with great power and truth, upon the President, for his recklessness in in volving the country in the war with Mexico, regardless of the constitution. Since then we have obtained a more full extract, and as the rea der will doubtlessliae to see the connection, we append it, together with that previously pub lished by us. These truths, coming as they do, from a master-spirit among the Democrats, one who has been a bold and able defender of this Administration, cannot be too often repeated, or too strongly impressed upon the mind of the reader. The Richmond Whig introduces the extract to its readers thus: “The singular ability with which the appended article is written—its keen and searching investiga tion and exposure of the Presidential sophistry —and the fact that it comes from a leader, distinguished by his devotion to his party —conspire to render it a document of first rate importance. The views there taken are precisely such as have been insisted on, by every prominent Whig who has had occasion to ex press an opinion on the subject —they are sustained, in every point, by the of the case—they arc, in truth, irrefutable and even indisputable. To say that a collision, always liable to occur on the frontiers of two countries between the forces of each, is war, with out the necessity of a declaration by either, is to com mit a blunder which would close the gates of peace, forever, on mankind. Such have occurred, frequent ly, on the Canada frontier. The absurdity consists, as Mr. Brownson makes abundantly evident, in con founding hostilities, which may break out without any authority from the Government of either party, with war which requires a formal declaration, by the war making power. Had Mr. Polk taken this distinc tion into consideration, he might not, it is possible, have avoided the war, but at least he would have been spared the opprobium, which is now irrevocably at tached to his name, of having openly, and causelessly trampled under foot the constitution of his country. “We see not how any intelligent mind, even the most bigoted, can possibly resist the argument of Mr. Brownson. It is not that of a “Mexican Whig,” it must be recollected, but ofan unterrified “Democrat;’) of a man who has contributed powerfully to the suc cess of his party —whose pen has, but too often, been employed to justify the acts of this Administration. — Nothing save a full conviction that matters have pro ceeded to such a pass as to defy the ingenuity of the most skilful apologist, could have extorted from so thorough a friend, such an overwhelming rebuke.— Coming from a Whig, it would have been ascribed to political haired ; coming from a friend of the Admin istration, it can be set down to the account, only, of a thorough conviction to its justice. ” “For ourselves, we have regarded the Mexican war from the first as uncalled for , impolitic , and unjust. We have examined the documents published by or der of the government; we have read the official de fence of the war in the last annual Message of the President to Congress, and with every disposition to find our own government in the right; hut we are bound to say, that our original impressions have been strengthened rather than weakened. The President, undoubtedly, makes it clear that we have many just causes of complaint against Mexico, which at the time of their occurrence might have justified reprisals, perhaps even war, but he cannot plead these in justification of the present war ; for they were not the ground on which we professed to engage in it. The official announcement of the President to Congress was that war already existed between the two repub lics, by the act of Mexico herself, and whatever use we may make of old grievances in adjusting the terras of peace, we can make no use of them in defending the war. We can plead in its defence only the fact on which we grounded it, namely, war exists by the actof Mexico herself. But unhappily, at the time of the official announcement, war did not exist between the two republics at all , for neither republic had de clared war against the other. There had been a col lision of their forces, but this was not war , as the President would probably have conceded, had he known or recollected the distinction between’mar and hostilities. By placing the vva>-on the ground that it existed by the act of Mexico, and that ground bein'* false , he has left it wholly indefensible, whatever the old grievances we may have to allege against Mexi co. “The act of Mexico in crossing the Rio Grande, and engaging our troops on territory which she had posses sed and still claimed aj hers, but which we asserted had, by a recent act against which she had protested become ours -the act which the President chose to in form Congress and the world was war—may or may not have been a just cause for declaring war against , her, but it assuredly was not war itself. W e have , no intention to justify Mexico. She may have been decidedly in the wrong ; she may have had no valid title to the territory of which the President had just taken military occupation ; that territory may have been rightfully ours, and it may even have been the 1 duty of the President to occupy and defend it; but it ( cannot be denied that she had once possessed it; that ] it was still a part of one of her States or provinces ; i that she still claimed it, and had continued to exercise ' jurisdiction over it, till driven from it by our army of occupation; that she invaded it with an armed force, if invasion it can be called, not as territory belonging to us, but as territory belonging to her; and that she attacked our troops, not for the reason that they were ours, but for the reason, as she held —and she had as good a right to be judge in her own case as we had in ours —that they were intruders, trespassers on her soil. ( The motive of her act was not war against the United , States, but the expulsion of intruders from her own territory. 1 “iVo sophistry can make her act war, certainly i not without conceding that our act in taking military j possession of that territory was also war; and if that was war, then the war, if it existed at all, existed by our act and not by hers, for her act was consequent 1 upon ours. The most that the President was at liber ty to say, without condemning his own government, was, that there had been a collision of the forces ofthe two republics on a territory claimed by each ; but this collision he had no right to term war , for every body knows that it lakes something more than a col lision of their respective forces on a disputed territory to constitute a war between two civilized nations. — In no possible point of view was the announcement of the President that war existed between the two republics, and existed by the act of Mexico, correct. It did not exist at all ; or if it did, it existed not by act of Mexico, but by our act. In either case, the offi cial announcement was false, and cannot he defen ded. “The President may have been governed by patri otic motives ; he may have felt that prompt and ener getic action was required ; he may have believed that in great emergencies the chief magistrate of a powerful republic, having to deal with a weak distrac ted state, should rise superior to mere technical forms, and the niceties of truth and honor ; but it strikes us that he would have done better, proved himself even more patriotic, and sufficiently prompt and energetic. if he had confined himself to the ordinary rules of morality, and the well defined principles of inter national law. By aspiring to rise above these, and to appear original, he has placed his country in a false position, and debarred himself, whatever the just causes of war Mexico may have given us, from pleading one of them in justification of the actual war. We must be permitted to regret that he did not reflect be fore hand, that, if he placed the defence of the war on the ground that it already existed, and existed by the act of Mexico herself, and on that ground demand ed of Congress the means of prosecuting it, he would in case that ground proved lo be untenable, as he must have known it would, have nothing whatever to al lege in its or his own justification. He should have been lawyer enough to have known that he could not plead anew, after having failed on his first issue. It is often hazardous in our pleadings to plead what is not true, and in doing so in the present case, the President has not only offended morality, which he may re gard as a small matter, but has even committed a blunder. “ The course the President should have pursued iu plain and obvious. On learning the state of things on the frontier, the critical condition of our army of occupation, lie should have demanded of Congress the reinforcements and supplies necessary to relieve it, and secure the purpose for which it was avowedly sent to the Rio Grande ; and if he believed it pro per or necessary, to have in addition laid before Con gress, a full and truthful statement of our relations with Mexico, including all the unadjusted complaints, past and present, we had against her, accompanied by a recommendation of a declaration of war. He would then have kept within the limits of his duty, proved himself a plain constitutional President, and left the responsibility of war or no war to Congress, the only war making power known to our laws. Congress, after mature deliberation, might or might not have declared war. Most likely would not, but whether so or not the responsibility would have rested with it, and no blame would have attached to the President. “ Unhappily, this course did not occur to the Pres ident, or was too plain and simple to meet his approba tion. By declaring that the war already existed, and by the actof Mexico herself, the President relieved Congress of the responsibility of the war. by throw ing it all on Mexico. But since he cannot fasten it on Mexico, —for war did not already exist , or if so, by our act. and not hers, —it necessarily recoils up on himself, and he must bear the responsibility of doing ichat the constitution forbids him to do, — of making war without the intervention of Con gress. In effect there fore, he has trampled the con stitution under his feet, set a dangerous precedent, and, by the official publication of a palpable false hood, suliied the national honor. It is with no plea sure that we speak thus of the chief Magistrate of the Union, for whose elevation to his high and re sponsible office we ourselves voted. But wha’ever may he our attachment to party, nr the respect we hold to be due from all good citizens to the civil mag istrate, we cannot see the constitution violated and the national honor sacrificed whether by friend or foe, from good motives or bad, without entering, fee ble though it be, our stern indignant protest.” nP The article in yesterday’s paper headed “ The Great Junction Railway," should have been signed “Sparta.” The name was ac cidentally omitted. A bale of New Cotton from Mississippi was received in New Orleans on the 19th inst. A bale (the first this season) was received in Mobile on the 19th inst. , Postage on Foreign Letters. We publish the following letter, says the Bal timore American, for the information of such as are interested in the subject to which it re lates : City of N. Y., Post Office, August 17, 1847. James M. Buchanan, P. M., 1 * Baltimore. Md.: Dear Sir: —Yours of yesterday is received. The postage on letters from your office, to go by the French Steamers from this port, is the regular U. S. inland postage only. Letters by the “Sarah Sands” must pay 25 cents for every half ounce in addition to the U. S. inland postage. Letters by the “Packets” should pay 12$ cts. for every half ounce, in addition to the U. S. inland postage. When letters arrive at this office with the packet postage (12$ cents) unpaid, we get them forwarded by transient vessels, who carry them without demanding freight. Protection in Great Britain. —Those who quote the example of Great Britain to jus tify the removal of all protection, should read the following extract from a speech made to his constituents by Mr. Smythe, one of the most efficient co-operators with Sir Robert Peel in his recent free-trade measures: “ I cannot, however, quit this subject of free trade without expressing my opinion on the abstract principle. Iby no means hold that . the principle offree trade is absolutely true, nor that it is ofnniversal application. If I icere an American , the citizen of a young country, I should be a protectionist. Isl were a Frenchman —the native of an old country with its indus- 1 try undeveloped—l should equally be a pro tectionist.” Health of New Orleans. —The official list of Interments in the City of New Orleans from 9. A. M., of Tuesday, the 17th August, to j Wednesday, the 18th, at the same hour, was \ 43, of which 27 were of Yellow Fever. A New Project.—A Rail Road from Cin- i cinnati to St. Louis is in contemplation; two meetings on the subject have already been held ( by the citizens of Cincinnati, who propose < making Indianapolis and Terre-Haute, in In diana, points on the line. If accomplished, the j chain of communication from the Mississippi to the Eastern States will he perfect, and the importance of Cincinnati be greatly enhanced. | In the most fortunate event, the triumphs of the battle-field are truly deplorable. A French 1 lady once said to the Duke of Wellington. “ A great victory rant be a glorious affair.”— 1 “ Madame,” replied he, “ I conceive it to be \ the most deplorable catastrophe that can possi bly happen, except a great defeat.” The ex- - perience of one man, who had been witness to * so much bloodshed, is worth all the preachings of all the Peace societies in the world. Deep, then, must be the responsibility to 1 God, to mankind, and to history, of chat Go vernment which either upon slight provoca- ( tion or for the sake of adding to its territories, • or for any other than a most controlling plunges a people into this fearful state.— Rich- 11 mond Whig. E For the Chronicle and Sentinel. I z A Remembrancer. ! s “ No man that hath a name, j But falsehood and corruption doth it shame.” Messrs. Editors :—On the Bth of February, ‘ 1837, General Duncan L. Clinch visited the ( city of Augusta. His arrival —the circura- , stances attending it—and the generous manner ( in which the hospitalities and honors of your city were extended to him, fnust be still fresh in the recollection of those who patriotically participated in the festivities of the occasion. Ten years, however, having elapsed, it is rea sonable to suppose that many of the particu lars have been forgotten; and as they are close ly identified with the character and public ca reer of General Clinch. I propose to revive them, by citing the faithful record of history. My selections will be taken from the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, for 1837, then con ducted by your predecessor, William E. Jones. “ Arrival of General Clinch. —This distin guished and beloved officer arrived here this morning by the Railroad, from Charleston, and was received with all the marks of respect due to one who enjoys so large a share of the confidence and affections of the people of this city, and, we may add, of this State. The two volunteer companies, the Richmond Blues, and Augusta Guards, paraded early this morning, and marched over to Hamburg, where they received the General, and escorted him to his lodging at the Plant ers’ Hotel. A large number of gentlemen on horse back also joined in the escort, among whom was the Mayor of the city, and the Committee appointed at the meeting last evening to tender him a public dinner, A number of guns were fired on both sides of the river, in addition to the salutes of the volunteer companies. Th e respect paid to General Clinch would be snown but to few men living, for he seems to he a favorite with every body, and the volunteers who went from this city to f'lorda, all looked upon him almost as a FATHER. “The Committee have waited on the General, and tendered him a public dinner, in compliance with the resolutions of the meeting last evening, which he has accepted.” “Dinner to General Clinch. —The following is the correspondence between Gen. Clinch and the Committee of invitation: Augusta, February 8, 1837. General —The citizens of Augusta rejoice in the opportunity which your visit affords, of bearing pub lic testimony of the high esteem in which they hold you, both as a soldier and citizen, and of the feelings they entertain towards you, for the kind and parental regard shown by you for their volunteers, who had the honor of serving under your immediate command in the campaign in Florida. We have been deputed to make know to you their sentiments and feelings, to welcome you among them, and to request that you will accept an invitation to a public dinner, to be given at such time as may be most convenient to yourself. We are happy, General, in being the organs through whom our fellow-citizens address you. In their name we tender you a hearty welcome to Augusta, and hope to have the pleasure of announcing your accep tance of their invitation. We have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient servants, James T. Gray, Wm. W. Holt, Samuel C. Wilson, J. G. McWhorter, John Phinizy, Edmund Martin, Peter Bennach, James McLaws, George W. Lamar, Geo. W. Summers, B. H. Warren, Henry H. Gumming, Samuel Bones. Committee. Augusta, Peb. 8, 1837. Gentlemen : —1 have this moment had the honor to receive your letter of this date conveying to me, in the most complimentary and gratifying terras, an expres sion of the esteem in which I am held by my respected fellow-citizens of Augusta, and also inviting me to a public dinner, to be given at such time as may be most convenient to myself. Although conscious that I am more indebted to the generous and patriotic feelings of my fellow-citizens, than to any merit of mine, still I should be wanting in all the nobler feel ings of our nature, were I not deeply impressed with this unexpected mark of kindness and respect, ema nating, as it has, from a source of high worth and in telligence. No General ever had the good fortune to command a more gallant and patriotic body of men, both regu lars and volunteers, than composed the right wing of the Army of Florida, during the campaign that ended in April last, and none amongst those brave men, stood more conspicuous for firmness and strict atten tion to military discipline, and to all the various duties performed by the American soldier, than did the two gallant volunteer companies from your city, the Richmond Blues and Hussars. And I take pleasure in stating, that during the whole of that arduous and trying campaign, the only contention amongst them was for the post of danger and honor. You have, gentlemen, very much overrated the small services it was in mv power to extend to these generous and gal lant volunteers, while serving under my immediate command. They were amongst the first to fly to the succor of their fellow-citizens of Florida, and encoun tered with manly and soldier-like firmness, all the privations, fatigues, and dangers, incident to a cam paign, carried on against a wily and savage enemy, in a country unequalled for the number and denseness of its swamps and hammocks, and this they bore with out a murmur, or without even giving me the least cause to speak an unkind word to one of them. Un der such circumstances, could my feelings towards them be otherwise, than thcie of a lather for his chil dren 1 I regret that I can remain in your city but a few days, and will do myself the hortor to name Friday next, as the day most convenient for me to meet my highly esteemed friends of Augusta at the festive board. Be pleased, gentlemen, to accept my kindest and most grateful acknowledgments for the polite and complimentary manner, in which you have conveyed to me the expression of the feelings and wishes of the citizens of your hospitable city, and rny warmest wishes for your individual prosperity and happiness. I remain, gentlemen, with high respect and esteem, your obedient, D. L. Clinch. To Messrs. W. W. Holt, and others. “ Last evening we had the pleasure of attending the dinner, given by the citizens of this place, to that distinguished and worthy officer General Clinch; and such a dinner we have never witnessed before. We do not mean the dinner itself, the eatables, &c., which were of the very best, nor do we allude to the num ber vvho partook, although the house was full; but we speak of the feeling which animated the entire assembly , the enthusiasm which pervaded every bo som, and the gratification which teas visible in every countenance. A large number of toasts, regular and volunteer, were given, very many of which were in the highest degree complimentary to Gen, Clinch, and the volunteers who went last winter to the Florida war. After the third regular toast, the General rose to address the company ; he evidently labored under feelings deeply affected, both by the associations called to mind by the toast, and the devoted affection for him, which it expressed, for his kindness to the young volunteers who served under him. He re turned his thanks to the company for the honor con ferred upon him, and passed a high compliment on the courage, discipline, and soldierly conduct of the two companies—the Richmond Blues and Hussars—bear ing the best and most honorable testimony to the promptitude with which they encountered the swamps, and hammocks, and ponds of Florida, under a scorch ing sun, and almost without provisions. He concluded by offering a sentiment in unison with those he had spoken in his address—he toasted the two companies, and took his seat amid the deafening and long con tinued applause of the whole house.” The following is the regular toast alluded to in the foregoing remarks ; “3d. Oar Honored Guest —We admire the sol dier, we honor the citizen, but we love the tried friend of our young volunteers.” To which Gen. Clinch returned the follow- I mg : “ The Richmond Blues and Hussars —Generous, J brave and patriotic—well may the hospitable and en- . lightened city of Augusta be proud of such sons.” | t From many spirited volunteer toasts we se- i lect the two following : ‘ “By Judge Wilde ; Gen. Clinch and our young ' Volunteers- -Who so fit to be their Guest as he who 1 was their Host in the field of battle ?” “By Wm. P. Pemberton: Our Honored Guest ® —the brave, noble-hearted and generous Clinch — i His conduct to each individual volunteer during the f late Florida campaign, has excited the feelings oi chi -a dren to a fond and affectionate parent, rather than a those of a soldier to his commanding General.” Such, then, was the reception given to Gen, c Clinch by the citizens of Augusta. Gratitude 1 nspired every heart, and he was magnani mously greeted, without distinction of party. c Behold a contrast! In 1837 he came as a citi- a zen, with no aspirations for office, and the spontaneous action of the people impeded his progress and covered him with glory. f n 1847, obeying the unanimous call of his politi cal friends, he again appears, but as a candi date for the Chief-Magistracy of our State, and the press teems with disgraceful articles, daily sent forth to deceive the public and degrade his character. Indeed, the voice of patriotism has been hushed by the voice of party, and a gallant General, who once received the plaudits of a grateful people —whose name was proud ly inscribed upon the banners of the brave j$ now recklessly assailed with all the power which political artifice can exert. Not satisfied with their efforts to cast the shade of insignifi. cancy over his military fame, his political ene mies have attacked his education and the native qualities of his mind. Nay, in the face of his tory—in the face of a long catalogue of public usefulness and eminent services—we are taunt ingly asked, “ Who is Duncan L. Clinch ?” Fellow-Citizens! will you suffer the insult to pass unrebuked ? Or will you nobly come to the rescue of him whom you once delighted to honor? ARISTIDES. The Visit to Mr. Clay.— The New York Commercial Advertiser of Saturday afternoon says: The steamboat New Haven has return ed from the Cape May excursion. About one hundred and twenty-five persons, warm and devoted friends of Henry Clay, but without re gard to party, anxious to see and to hear this dis tinguished man, and to invite him to visit this city, formed the company. They arrived off the Cape about six o’clock yes terday morning, when the committee, appointed the previous evening, to wait upon Mr. Clay and apprise him of the intended visit, consisting of Matthew L. Davis, Morris Franklin and Horace Greeley, were landed from the surf boats on the beach and proceeded to his tempo rary residence. They were received with that frankness and urbanity of manners which characterize the man, and the hour of twelve was fixed upon to receive his visitors. At that time a large num ber of persons, among whom were most of the ladies from the different Hotels, met in the ele gant and capacious saloon of the Mansion House, the gentlemen having gone there in pro cession, attended by an excellant bend of music, politaly tendered to them by the delegation from Philadelphia, where Mr. Clay was received with the most warm and devoted enteusiasm. Upon silence being restored he was very appropriate ly addressed by Nicholas Dean, Esq , who had been selected for the occasion, in order to avoid anything like party bias, by a committee of which the Hon. F. A TalJmadge was chairman. Mr. Dean, in a few appropriate and eloquent remarks, invited Mr. Clay to visit the city of New York. When he had concluded, Mr. Clay commenced a reply, but for several moments he was entirely overcome by his feelings, and stood in silence, endeavoring to subdue them ; but when he did speak, silenced reigned throughout, and in a most masterly, eloquent and touching manner, he returned thanks for the respect which had been shown him, and re viewed the reasons which compelled him to de cline the invitation, referring particularly to the affliction with which he and his family had been visited. Every heart evidently beat with emotion, and from every eye dropped the tear of sympathy. It was indeed a touching scene, such as those who beheld it can never fail to remember. In the afternoon Mr. Clay partook of an ele gant dinner in company with the delegation and his friends, among whom were many dis tinguished men from Philadelphia; the whole company numbering about two hundred and fifty ladies and gentlemen. From respect to Mr. Clay’s afflictions no toasts were offered or speeches delivered, but immediately afterward a large number assembled upon one of the beautiful lawns on the very shores of the Atlan tic, where full vent was given to the pent up enthusiasm of the company. Major Swift of Philadelphia eloquently addressed the New York delegation, thanking them for their visit and assuring them that it had made a deep and lasting impression upon the feelings of Mr. Clay. He was responded to by the Hon. Morris Franklin, who in his usual happy and appro priate manner, spoke of the pleasure afforded by their excursion, returned thanks for the at tentions which they had received, and referred in the most touching and eloquent manner lo the death of young Mr. Clay. His remarks were received with great favor, after which the company were attended to the beach by a large number of ladies and gentlemen, where, amid the roar of cannon, huzzas and waving of handkerchiefs, they were safely transferred from the boats to the steamer, and before 7 o’clock were on their return home, which they reached this morning about 6 o’clock, after au excursion of unalloyed pleasure and satisfac tion. The Ladies of Lima.—Far superior to the men. both physically and intellectually, are the women of Lima. Nature has lavishly endow ed them with many of her choicest gifts. In figure they are unusually slender and rather tall, and they are especially remarkable for small elegantly formed feet. Their faces, from which the glowing breath of the tropics banish every trace ofblooni, are animated by large, bright, dark eyes. Their features are pleasing, the nose being well formed, though in general not small, the month invariably adorned with two rows of brilliant white teeth, [the women of Lima clean their teeth several limes a day with the root called R aiz de dientes (literally root for the teeth.) of which they keep a piece constantly in their pocket,] and their long black hair, arranged in plaits, falls gracefully over their bosom and shoulders. Add to all this aca ptivating grace of manner and deport ment. joined to an exceeding degree of great ness and amiability, and it will be readily ad mitted that the Limena is a noble specimen of female loveliness. — Von Tshudi’s Travels in Pe ru. Animal Affection. — Messrs. Gonder & Co., contractors on the Boston water works, had a valuable cart horse severely injured a few days since, near Cochituate village. The ani mal was led home to the stable, whereabout fifty horses are generally kept. The hostler owns a water spaniel, which for some months has been constantly about among the horses m the stable, living on terms of great friendship with them. Immediately after the disabled horse was led in, he lay down and began to ex hibit signs of great distress. The spaniel at once ran to the horse and commenced fawning around him. licking the poor animal’s lace, and divers other ways manifesting his sympathy with the sufferer. . The struggles and groans of the horse being con inued, the dog sought his master, and drew his attention to the wounded horse, and manifested great satisfaction when he found his master employed in bathing the wounded animal, and otherwise ministering to his wants. The hostler continued his care of the horse until a late hour in the night, and then called the dog to go home; but the affectionate creature would not leave this suffering friend, and con tinued by him all night. And up to the time we last heard from the dog—forty-eight hours after the horse was injured—the faithful spau iel had not left the suffering horse day or night, for a minute, not even to eat; and from hi» appearance.it is believed that he scarcely step at all. . He is constantly on the alert, not suffering an one to come near the horse, except those at tached to the stable and the owner of the a mal; and his whole appearance is one of extren distress and anxiety. He often lays is on the horse’s neck, caresses him and U around his eyes; which kindness the poo
