Funding for the digitization of this title was provided by R.J. Taylor, Jr. Foundation.
About Daily chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1837-1876 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 5, 1847)
CHRONICLE & SENTINEL. gy j_ W. 8c W. S. JONES. DAILY, TRI WEEKLY a weekly. Associate Editors: jAS. M. SMYTHE AND DANIEL LEE. OFFICE IN KAIL ROAD BANK BUILDING. TERMS —Daily Paper, per annum, in advance --$lO Tri-Weekly Paper, “ “ “ '' 6 Weekly, (a mammoth sheet) “ • • 2 ("ASH SYSTEM.—In no case will a7order for the piper be attended to, unless accompanied with the money, and in every instancewhen the time for which any subscription may be paid, expires before the re ceipt of funds to renew the same, the paper will be discontinued. Depreciated funds received at value in THE WAR —LETTERS OP JOHN P. ' KENNEDY. Letter IV. t have laid before you the evidence derived entirely from the public records and from the declarations of leaders of the Democratic party, which demonstrates the fact that in the annexa tion of Texas, our Government restricted the annexation to the old Texas of the Mexican Confederation, with the Nuecesfor its bounda ry, and pledged itself to Mexico and to the world, not to assert the claim to the Rio Grande or to occupy to that limit without the couscnt of Mexico. I think all this is clearly inferred in the history which I have laid before you. I come now to consider what followed the passage of the joint resolutions for annexation. The Government changed hands immediate ly upon the adjournment of Congress. Mr. Polk was inaugurated on the 4th ofMarch. 1845. You will now perceive that the moment thisaffair of the annexationcame into his hands, he gave it an essentially new direction. He de termined to pay no regard to the considera tions upon which Texas was admitted into the Union, and to recognize no pledge which the proceedings of the last administration and of Congress had given to Mexico upon the subject of the boundary. Before the annexation was agreed upon, it is true, Mexico had said she would consider it as an act of war upon her; and Mr. Polk, I freely admit, was bound to be prepared for such an event. 1 think it was, in the highest sense, his duty to be well prepared for a war, if Mex ico should act upon her threat. A Convention was to meet in Texas on the 4th of July, 1845, to consider our propositions for annexation. That Convention did meet and ratified the proceeding. Previous, how ever, to the meeting of this Convention, that is to say, on the 28th of May, the President or dered Gen. Taylor to move with his little army towards Texas. There seems now to have been some private understanding between Mr. Polk and the Go vernment of Texas, that without regarding what had passed in our Government in refe rence to the boundary, and its refusal to assert a claim to the Rio Grande—Mr. Polk and his Cabinet, should nevertheless, assert that claim and thenceforth act upon it as a matter of es tablished right. This will be seen in what fol lows ; On the 15th of June, Mr. Bancroft, acting as Secretary of War, informs Gen. Taylor:—“ the point ofyour ultimate destination is the wes tern frontier of Texas, where you will select and occupy on or near the Rio Grande del Norte, such a site as will be best adapted to repel in vasion, and to protect what. in the event of an nexation, will be our Western border /” Here is the first bold and open avowal, of a purpose, on the part of the new administra tion, to disregard what may be considered as the plighted faith of the nation on the question of the boundary. The private understanding to which I have alluded, I think will be given in the correspon dence between Mr. Allen, the Secretary of State of Texas, and Mr. Donelson, our agent there. Mr. Allen, in a letter of the 26th of June, eleven days later than Mr, Bancroft’s order, suggests to Mr. Donelson “the proprie ty and necessity of an immediate march of the troops, and that they proceed at once to occupy positions on the Rio Grande /” Mr. Donelson gives no countenance to this proposition, and apprises Mr. Allen what in structions he had been hitherto directed to com municate to Gen. Taylor. Amongst these in structions are the following: “The occupation ofthe country between the Nuecesand the Rio Grande, you are aware, is a disputed question. Texas holds Corpus Christi, Mexico holds the Brazos de St. Jago, near the mouth of the Rio Grande.” “You can safely hold possession of Corpus Christi, and all other points up the Nueces, and if Mexico attempts to dislodge you, drive her beyond the Rio Grande.” Notwithstanding this, that Mr. Donelson was directed to say to Gen. Taylor, in an early stage of this movement—that the boundary to the Rio Grande was “a disputed question” Mr. Bancroft’s instructions to the General, vou perceive, are to take possession to the Rio Grande, as that, “ in the event of annexation, will be our Western border.” This is clearly a very summary prejudgment of the “ disputed question !” At this point the violation of the terms of annexation seems to have become the settled purpose of the Cabi net. We were henceforth to effect our claim to the border ofthe Rio Grande, and maintain it by force. The subsequent orders which Gen. Taylor received, establish that determination. Let us look to a few of them, and the events with which they were connected. The Government was conscious that the only ground upon which there could be made the slightestjustification of this attempt to seize the disputed territory—as they chose to call it, although it had not the benefit of even a plausi ble dispute— was that the territory beyond the Nueces was in the actual occupation ofthe people of Texas. So far as regarded a few settlements on the west bank of the Nueces this was true, and those settlers might be said to be | under the protection of Texas. This was the ■ case at Corpus Christi, immediately at the r mouth of the Nueces and on its western mar gin. But beyond the actual borders of the river, there were no settlers. Whilst over to wards the Rio Grande audits banks there dwelt a considerable] number of Mexican citizens, who had long resided in this section of Tamauli pas. The country between the two rivers, em bracing a width of about one hundred and thir ty miles, was chiefly a desert. Brazos Santiago and Point Isabel were Mexican settlements, and no Americans dwelt in that region. With these facts before him, Mr. Marcy writes to Gen. Taylor on the 30lh July—“ You are expected to occupy, protect and defend the territory of Texas to the extent that it has been occupied by the people of Texas”—which, in point of fact, as Mr. Donelson has written to the Department, was no where further west than Corpus Christi, and the west bank of the Nueces. But Mr. Marcy’s letter goes on to say; “The Rio Grande is claimed to be the boundary between the two countries, and up to this bound ary you are to extend your protection, only excepting any posts on the eastern side thereof which are in the actual occupancy of Mexican forces, or Mexican settlements over which the Republic of Texas did not exercise jurisdiction at the period of annexation, or shortly before that event.” It would appear that General Taylor, acting in pursuance of this order, chose Corpus Christi and the immediate bank of the Nueces as the only country coming within the descrip tion of tue Secretary’s direction—because that was the whole extent occupied by the people of Texas, and all the rest was in the actual oc- i cupancy, as italways had been, ofthe Mexicans. , Mr. Donelson had, in fact, written to the Gene ral, as we have noticed before, on the 28th of ' June, telling him that “ Corpus Christi was the i most western point then occupied % by Texas ” And we may presume the General knew this as well os Mr. Donelson. The General reached 1 Corpus Christi some time in August. On the 30th of October he writes: “ Before tne Presi dent’s instructions ofthe 30th July reached me I would have preferred a position on the left bank ofthe river” (the Nueces.) He adds however that his position on the ri»ht bank (Corpus Christi) had more advanta ges than the other. His meaning evidently was that if he had not been directed to go into “ the disputed territory,” he would have taken his position upon the left bank as being within the actual and true boundary ofTexas. He then says—“ One or two suitable points on or near the Rio Grande” should be taken posses sion of, i/ the line of the Rio Grande is determined upon as “ the ultimatum ” by our Government. — He leaves thai question for the President to settle ; and gives his advice as a military man as to what should be done if the President’s deter mination should be to occupy the country in dispute. The letter of Mr. Marcy—3oth July, 1845 above referred to, is important in this narrative as establishing one fact—namely, that the Go vernment knew, at the time they were issuing these orders, that the country on the Rio Grande, and between that and the Nueces, was —as far as it was capable of occupation —in the actual occupancy of Mexican forces, and Mexi can inhabitants or settlers, and that it was not pretended that these settlers were nnder the jurisdiction ofTexas, or ever had been under it. They were inhabitants who belonged to the State of Tamaulipas. and exclusively under the jurisdiction of Mexico. This was known to our Government. Gen. Taylor remained at Corpus Christi all through the autumn of 1845, and the winter of 1846. There was no invasion attempted by Mexico, and a general belief prevailed that we should soon have a settlement ot all difficulties between the two countries. Our government had made application to Mexico to know if she would open negotiations for the settlement of the disputed questions. She answered favora bly to thisproposition. Mr. Slidell was appointed minister plenipo tentiary to go to Mexico. Mexico objected to receiving a minister, on the ground that the question of Texas and the boundary must be settled before she could acknowledge the exis tence of full relations of amity with us : she of fered therefore to receive a commissioner, to treat specially on those questions and no others. Our Government would not consent to indulge her in this demand, although it has since that time sent a commissioner for pretty much the same purpose, in the person of Mr. Trist. I do not excuse Mexico for this refusal to receive our minister. It was a very frivolous piece of false pride, but very much in character with all her other follies connected with this quarrel. But certainly this refusal to receive a minister was not war. On the 13th of January, 1846, whilst this question of the reception of the Minister was yet pending, and before it was known whether Mexico would receive him or not, and at a time when there was no expectation of an invasion from Mexico—and more to be noted than any thing else— at a time when the Congress of the United States was in session, the President, pri vately, without communicating one syllable to Congress, or giving any hint of the event to either branch of the national legislature, to whom alone the Constitution has confided the great and momentous power of making war—in these circumstances and on this day, Mr. Polk au thorized Mr. Marcy to write to Geu. Taylor— “l am directed by the President to instruct you to advance and occupy, with the troops under your command, positions on or near the east bank of the Rio del Norte, as soon as it can conveniently be done, with reference to the season and routes by which your movements must be made. From the views heretofore pre sented to this department, it is presumed Point Isabel will be considered by you an eligible po sition; thispoint, orsomeone near it, and points opposite Matamoros and Mier, and in the vicini ty of Laredo, are suggested to your considera tion.” Can any friend of Mr. Polk’s answer the question, why Congress was not consulted when the decisive step was taken? Here was a clear, unequivocal repudiation of all our pre vious pledges in regard to the question of the boundary to the Rio del Norte.— Here was an order to occupy a country which it was admitted was under the jurisdiction of Mexico, and in which a Mexican town, on the left or eastern bank of the Rio del Norte—the town of Loredo, containing fifteen hundred in habitants —was specially designated as one of the positions for the army : here was, in short, an invasion of Mexico—just such an invasion as every civilized nation would regard as an act of war. Suppose the case reversed, and Mexico had directed her troops to advance to the Nue ces, and to occupy a position which should command one of the villages of Texas—what would this country have thought of it ? Need I ask T The declaration would have been uni versal, that Mexico had began the war, by an act of flagrant aggression. And yet certainly Mexico had quite as much right to seize upon the disputed territory as we had—if Mr. Ben ton’s opinion is worth anything—a much better i ight. On the 10th ofMarch, 1846, Gen. Taylor, in obedience to these orders, commenced his march from Corpus Christi to the Rio Grande. He arrived at that river on the 28th, and en camped opposite Matamoros. What he did when he arrived there, you will read in his offi cial despatches. On the 6th of April the Gen. writes—“On our side a battery for four eigh teen pounders will be completed, and the guns placed in battery to-day. These guns bear di rectly upon the public square of Matamoros, and within good range for demolishing the town. — Their object cannot be mistaken by the enemy /” Remember that when that letter was written there had been ne collision—not a shot had been fired, not a man made prisoner. And yet we are told that this act was not an act of war !—that this marching of an army into what we are pleased to call * disputed territory,’ but which confessedly, was, and always had been in the actual occupation of the people of Mexico and under the jurisdiction of that coun try ; —this marching of an army there; — this pointing of cannon into the homesteads ofthe in habitants of Matamoros, the capital of Tamauli pas ; —was not an act of war! ! Collisions en sued. How could it be otherwise, with these guns pointing into the windows of Matamoros ? Armies were in motion, and it was not long un til blood was spilt. What a pitiful and unman ly equivocation was it, for the President to say, after this aggression on his part, that war exists by the act of Mexico ! He had failed in his du ty when he failed to submit the question of in vasion, which was a question of war, to Congress. And when he found that he had brought our lit tle army into peril by it, it was a mere trick to rid himself of the responsibility he had so rashly assumed, to throw the blame of the war upon Mexico. These letters have grown too long to allow me much space for comment on these transac tions, and as I prefer democratic authority in this matter to any other, I shall close the narra tive ofthe events which belong to the origin of the war, by a few extracts from a distinguished writer on the democratic side, who was once the editor of a democratic magazine, and who as these extracts will snow, was a friend and supporter of Mr. Polk’s election. I quote some passages from an article, in Brow nson’s Quarterly Review, en the Mexican war, published in July last and written by Mr. Brownson himself: “ For ourselves”—he says—“we have re garded tiie Mexican war as uncalled for, im politic and unjust. We have examined the doc uments published by order of the Government. We have read the official defence of the war in the last annual message ofthe President to Con gress, and with every disposition to find onr Go vernment in the right : but we are bound to say that our original impressions have been strengthened, rather than weakened.” * * * * # #'*# “The act of Mexico in crossing the Rio Grande, and engaging our troops on territory which she had possessed and still claimed as hers, but which we asserted had, by a recent act againstwhich she had protested, become ours, —the act which the President chose to in form Congress and the world was war—may or may not have been a just cause for declar ing war against her, but it assuredly was not war itself.” And again : “No sophistry can make her act war—cer tainly not without conceding thatour act in tak ing military possession of that territory was also war; and if that was war, if it existed at all, ex isted by our act and not by hers, for her act was consequent upon ours. The most that the Pre sident was at liberty to say, without condemn ing his own government, was, that there had been a collision of the forces of the two repub lics on a territory claimed by each ; but this col lision he had no right to term war, for every body knows that it takes something more than a collision of the respective forces onadisputed territory to constitute a war between two civili zed nations. In no possible point of view was the announcement of the President, that war existed between the two republics, and exist ed by the act of Mexico, correct. It did not exist at all; or if it did, it existed by our act. In either case the official announcement was false, and cannot be defended. “ The course the President should have pur sued is plain and obvious. On learning the state of things on the frontier, the critical con dition of our army of occupation, he should have demanded of Congress the reinforcements and supplies necessary to relieve it and secure the purpose for which it was avowedly sent to the Rio Grande ; and, if he believed it proper or necessary, to have in addition laid before Congress a full and truthful statement of our relations with Mexico, including all the unad justed complaints, past and present, we had against her, accompanied by the recommenda tion of a declaration of war. He would then have kept within the limits of his duty, proved himselfaplain constitutional President, and left the responsibility of war or no war to Congress, the only war making power known to the laws. Congress, after mature deliberation, might or might not have declared war—most likely would not; but whether so or not, the respon sibility would have result 1 with it, and no blame would have attached to the President. “ Unhappily, this course did not occurto the President, or was too plain and simple to meet his approbation. As if fearful, if Congress de liberated, it might refuse to declare war, and as if determined to have war at any rate, he pre sented to Congress, not the true issue, wheth er war should or should not be declared—but the false issue, whether Congress w ould grant him the means of prosecuting a war waged against us by a foreign power. In the true issue. Congress might have hesitated -in the one actually presented there was no room to hesitate, if the official announcement of the Pre sident was to be credited, and hesitation would have been criminal. “ By declaring that the war already existed, and by the act of Mexico herself, the President relieved Congress of the responsibility of the war, by throwing it on Mexico. But since he cannot fasten it on Mexico, —for war did not already exist, or if so, by our act, and not hers, —it necessarily recoils upon himself, and he must bear the responsibility of doing what the constitution forbids him to do, —of making war without the intervention of Congress. In ef fect, therefore, he has trampled the constitution under his feet, a dangerous precedent, and by the official publication of a palpable falsehood, sullied the national honor. “It is with no pleasure that we speak thus of the chief magistrate of the Union, for whose elevation to his high and responsible office we our selves voted. But whatever may be our attach ment to party, or the respect we hold to be due from all good citizens to the civil magistrate, we cannot see the Constitution violated, and the national honor sacrificed, whether by friend or foe, from good motives or bad, without en tering, feeble though it be, our stern and indig nant protest.” This writer goes on further to say:—“We are far from regarding Congress in echoing the false statement of the President, as free from blame. It ought to have seen and corrected the Executive mistake. Yet it is not surprising that it took the President at his word. The late Congress had some able members, and it adopted some judicious measures; but we ex press only the common sentiment of all parties when we say it was fur from covering itself with glory, and that it is to be hoped another Con gress will not meet again very soon.” Here I drop the subject of the origin of the war. I shall have a few words to say upon the resolutions of the House of Delegates in my next. J. P. Kennedy. The Columbus Railroad. Our fellow-citizens appear to be in earnest about occomplishing the work of Internal Im provement which is to connect us with the At lantic and the Cherokee country. On Satur day evening, at the call of the Mayor, a large public meeting assembled at the Court House, and having called Dr. Robert A. Ware to the Chair, proceeded to the business of the eve ning. The meeting was addressed by Col. John Banks, Mayor Williams, M. Torrance, Gen. McDongald and L. B. Moody, and Resolutions adopted requesting the City Council to sub scribe for Fifteen Hundred Shares in the Stock of Muscogee Railroad Company, payable in bonds of the city, redeemable after 1852, at an annual interest of 7 per cent per annum. At a meeting of Council on yesterday, a resolution was passed, in compliance with the request of the public meeting, instructing a committee consisting of the Mayor, and five Aldermen, to report to Council on to-day an ordinance, de signating the ways and means most appropriate to raise the funds and redeem the issues. Whilst on this subject, we will take the liber ty of suggesting that our Inferior Court might probably at this time, subscribe for twenty or thirty thousand dollars’ worth of the stock. The county, by the prudent management of its fi nances, is clear of debt; and it strikes us that as the whole people of the country are imme diately interested m the project, there could be no reasonable objection thus to appropriate a portion of the common fund. This may be a new idea to some of our citizens, but it is one which we trust will be duly considered by the guardians of the interests of the county. If the stock should prove valuable— and every thinking man so regards the prospect —such an investment will in future relieve the people of a portion of the burden of their taxes. The prospect has never been so fair that the Road would be built as at this time. If it is to be done, let it now be done.— Columbus Enquirer, 2nd ult. Official. Treasury Department, Oct. 20, 1847. The receipts into the Treasury during the quarter ending the 30th ofSeptember, 1847, were, as nearlv as can now be ascertained : Prom Customs SI 1,070,000 do lands 832,760 do miscellaneous 15 g7O do loan of 1846 _ 111090 do loan of 1847 5,144,700 $17,174,130 The expenditures during the same period were — Civil, miscellaneous and foreign inter course $1,120,453 64 On account of the army, &c. $9,186,406 27 “ “ Indian De partment 691,795 05 “ “ fortifications 109, 108 00 “ “ pensions 583,332 36 “ navy 2,384,805 45 “ interest on public debt 11,687 49 “ “ redemption of and interest on treasury notes, 612,501 63 $14,700,139 89 R. 3. WALKER, Secretary of the Treasury. Chronicle and Sentinel. AUGUSTA, Gr A ; FRIDAY MORNING, NOV. 5, rg4y. The Western Mail failed yesterday beyond Mobile. Milledgevlllc Correspondence. The letter of our correspondent due yester day morning did not come to hand, while that due the day previous reached us by yesterday’s mail. We are therefore without any accounts of the action of the Legislature of Tuesday.— This delay we suppose, is caused by their being deposited in the office in Milledgeville after the mail has closed for this city. Teeming Industry. On the line of the Providence and Worcester rail road there are twenty stopping places or way stations ; 94 cotton mills, 307,006 spindles, 7,092 looms, making about I,l97,Booyards of cotton cloth per week; 22 wollen mills; 81 sets of woollen machinery, 4 scythe works, and 30 machine shops. The road is a fraction over 43 miles long, and will be in operation by the last of this month. Factories which turn out 1,197,800 yards of cotton cloth per week, will send to market over sixty-one millions of yards in a year. Here is an example which Georgians will do well to imitate. Capital and labor employed in fabricat ing cotton, woollen, iron and leather goods, are vastly more productive than when devoted exclusively to agriculture. Labor-saving ma chinery, which consumes little or nothing, lite rally coins money in manufacturing operations. We are happy to learn that efforts are making at Marietta, on the line of our own railroad, by a company, to erect a large Merchant Mill. Northern Georgia is admirably adapted to the growing of wheat. Its culture and manufac ture can be made exceedingly profitable. Mon roe, in the State of New York, which has Ro chester for its shire town, produces annually but a fraction less than 1,500,000 bushels of wheat. It would be difficult to find a more wealthy and prosperous rural population than the farmers of that region. The manufactures of Rochester have given to the agriculturists of the valley of the Genesee the benefit of a home market, equal to the consumption of 30,000 people in one city. There are numerous vil lages in Western New York that have been called into existence within the last twenty years, which contain from 1,000 to 10,000 inhabitants. Buffalo has a population of 40,000. It is difficult to see how a State can prosper without people; or how it can have a large population without manufactures. Double the population of Georgia, and you will add at once one hundred per cent, to the value of all of its real estate. Yon will double the number of its railroads, and reduce the cost of travel on them one half. Why can one go from Troy to New York, 156 miles, in a steamer, for fifty cents ? A dense population can do any thing. The Shipping of Specie to England. The free-traders are making a lame effort to parry the force of the (to them) quite unex pected fact that the tariff of 1846 is causing the shipment of gold and silver to England to bal ance accounts between the two countries. So long as short crops in Western Europe called for l he large importation of American breadstuff's, the evil influences of this system were effectual ly concealed. They are now beginning to be felt in the low price of cotton, and the exces sive importation of foreign goods, calling for American gold instead of its great agricultural staples* Facts are truly stubborn things, and often make sad work with the most beautiful theories. Deserved Compliment. The editor of the Macon Journal 8f Messen ger, in a letter from Milledgeville, announcing the result of the organization of the two houses, pays the following well-merited compliment to Messrs. Miller and Jenkins, which will be highly gratifying to the Whigs of Richmond and Columbia; “ Your readers will be struck with the fact that both of the presiding officers are from the same coun ty. lam pleased to state that neither of the gentle men was a candidate for the station, and that the compliment was one paid alike to their ability, im partiality and conceded integrity as gentlemen and Whigs. They are both men of ability, and receiv ed their full party vote.” Wool-Growing in Texas. —A late number of the Houston Telegraph states that several thousand head of sheep have lately been driven from the Rio Grande to the Texan settlements on the San Antonio and Guadalupe. These sheep are purchased on the Rio Grande for three or four bits a head, and the ex pense of driving them to the western frontier is com paratively trifling. Mexican settlements on the Rio Grande are not so far beyond the western bounds of Texas that the sheep spoken of bv the Telegraph have to be driven over 300 miles. We wonder why Mr. Polk does not set up a claim to all the sheep and cattle belonging to the citizens of Mexico, on the east side of the Rio Grande, with his assumed right to govern the people against their will. Surely, the one claim is quite as honest as the other. The Legislature of the Territory of Wiscon sin met on the 18th ult. for the purpose of pro viding for a Convention to form a Constitution for the State of Wisconsin. Peach Trees. —It is not generally known, we believe, that lamp oil, or fish oil, of any kind (that which is inferior is equally as good for this purpose as that of a better quality,) poured at the root of the peach tree will effectually prevent the ravages of the worm that has heretofore proved so destructive to that valuable fruit tree. It should be observed, however, that the oil will not compel the worm to quit the body of the tree, if there when it is applied, but will prevent its getting into it after the application. We are as sured the same process is in use on Long Island, and is found to be the only means which will secure the preservation of the tree. —Columbian Republican. We have found much benefit from the ap plication of powdered charcoal, leached ashes and lime, in equal parts, around the roots and trunks of peach trees, aft.er the surface soil was removed. This not only keeps off insects, but improves the fruit and the growth of the trees. Try it. The great work of supplying the city of Bos ton with an abundance of good water, is rapid ly advancing towards completion. An official examination of the entire line on Wednesday, by the Mayor and Council of Boston, showed that the contractors have been very active. About six and a quarter miles of the aqueduct are ready for the water to pass through, and the tunnel through the rock at Newton—2,3oo feet in length— been drilled out a distance of 800 feet. Twenty-five miles of pipe have been laid down in the. streets of Boston, and the whole wsprkyfill be completed, it is thought, in fourteen oFfifthen months from the present time. American Tea.— We learn by a communi cation in the Union, that the Hon. James j Buchanan, Secretary of State, has recently received a package of tea grown in Brazil, from our Consul at St. Catharines. The leaf is something larger and darker than the Chinese lea ; its flavor is strong and aromatic, and re sembles the best specimens from China. When prepared, it strongly assimilates the mixture of black and green tea, so much—indeed, al- O r ' most exclusively—drank in England, after China, the greatest tea-drinking country in the world. The tea plant was first introduced in- i to Brazil by King John, of Portugal. The | writer of the communication states that the successful cultivation of this plant in the United States, maybe looked upon as a mater of cer tainty; as a climate exists in the States of North and South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Flo- j rida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Tex- | as, extending one degree south of the Rio j Grande, precisely similar to the climate of the tea-growing districts of China. There seems little room for doubt in regard to the practicability of growing the Tea plant in the Southern States. It has been cultivated as far North as Southern Pennsylvania. We trust measures will be taken to give it a fair trial. The addition of another staple to the agricultural productions of the South is a desi deratum of immense moment. Edward Sharp, a Teller of the Massachu setts Bank, has retired from that institution af ter a faithful service of thirty-nine years. Du ring that period eighteen hundred millions of dollars have passed through his hands. The New York Herald, urging an enlarge ment of the U. S. Navy, publishes the follow ing as a comparative view of the navies of England and the United States: U. S. G. B. Sailing vessels carrying from 70 to 120 guns, 10 100 “ “ “ ' 26 to 70 “ 14 114 “ “ “ 16 to 26 “ 22 73 “ “ “ Ito 16 “ 14 62 Steamers of all classes, say 6 102 66 453 Difference in favor of Great Britain, 387 Tribute to Capt. O M. Clay* Every just thinking man will agree with us that is far more honorable to deserve such a tri bute as the following, than to hold any station, even the highest, in the gift of Presidents or Kings; Prom the Lexington ( Ky.) Observer. Capt. C. M. Clay as Open-hearted as brave ! — The undersigned, a portion of the prisoners of Encar nacion, for ourselves —and we doubt not all would unite were they here—take this method of expressing, as well as we are capable of doing in words , our deep and heartfelt gratitude to Capt. C. M. Clay for his attention and kindness whilst we were prison ers with the enemy. When Capt. Henri made his escape, and the Mex ican commander, excited by that event, gave orders for the massacre of the Americans, Capt. Clay ex claimed : “Kill the officers—spare the soldiers !” A Mexican Major ran to him, presenting a cocked pistol to his breast. He still exclaimed : “ Kill me—kill the officers, but spare the men—they are innocent!” Who but C. M. Clay, with a loaded pistol to his heart, and in the hand of an enraged enemy, would have shown suqh magnanimous self-devotion? If any man ever was entitled to be called the “soldier’s friend,” he is. He was ever watchful and kind towards us, allowing every privilege that would be granted by our enemies—turned all orders and commands into advice and consolement; and upon our march to the city would take turn by turn, allowing us to ride his mule, that we might stand the march of forty miles a day ; divided the last cent of money he had with us, and resorted to every sacrifice to make us happy and comfortable. He disposed of his mule, when he found it necessary, the only animal he had, his buffa lo rug, his watch, and all his clothes but one suit, and supplied our wants. He not only acted in this manner towards those who were under his immedi ate command, but to all; and expressed his regret that he was unable to do more. We make no comments upon the character and con duct of Capt. Clay. We state facts , —we feel , but have no language to express our feelings. Lieut. Davidson is also a full-hearted man. He di vided with us to the last cent. Clay and David son ! true and noble hearts! May Heaven restore them to their country and friends, amongst whom we, in our own names, and for the prisoners of Encarna cion, subscribe ourselves the most grateful and de voted. A. C. BRYAN, W. D RATCLIFPE, CHARLES E. MOONEY, JOHN. J. FINCH, ALFRED ARGABRIGHT. Lexington, Ky., Oct. 20, 1847. Correspondence of the North American. Valparaiso, Aug. 27, 1847. A rumor has come about some difficulty at Mazatlan between an English and the Ameri can ships of war, in regard to the blockade.— Perhaps the English captain has demanded that the blockade, if kept up, should be actual and vigorous, in which he would be right enough, it seems to us. Certain it is that vessels go hence to those ports, and it is as certain that ar rivals thence are not unfrequent—four since last month. The Preble, commander Shields, was at Cal lao during July, and sailed about the middle of this month for the squadron, having on board $220,000, of which $70,000 had been paid by the Peruvian government on American claims. She had a very protracted voyage from Monte rey to Callao ; seventy-two days we hear. The English squadron are gathering here now. The Admiral’s flag ship is expected soon. The steamer Cormorantgoes home to England on Friday, carrying $1,500,000. A new English admiral is expected before long on the stafion. The French admiral is now here in his 64 gun frigate. Tahiti is submissive, and a trans port of soldiers sailed hence for France two days ago. Several of the California regiment ran away and remained there; some have been in vice, others in prison, others sick, supported by charity, and one at least is in his grave. Tennessee. —Gov. Aaron V. Brown march ed out of office on the 6th ult., and Gov. Neil S. Brown marched in. The valedictory of Aaron was brimfull, heaped up, shaken down and run- I ning over with the Mexican war. The inau gural of Neil urges strongly the importance of Popular Education, Internal Improvement, and the scrupulous preservation of Public faith.— Between the two, they did the thing up tolera bly brown.—Columbus Enquirer. Recipes. To Make Yeast. —This is an indispensable commodity, and families often find no small dif ficulty in supplying themselves with even a tolerable article. We therefore republish the following recipe for its manufacture, hoping that by so doing, we may oblige our readers. — “ To two middling-sized potatoes, add a pint of boiling water, and two table spoonfuls of brown sugar. One pint of hot watershould be applied to every half pint of the compound. Hot wa ter is better in warm weather. The yeast be ing made without flour, will keep longer in hot weather, and is said to be much better than any in previous use.” Try it. —Maine Farmer. Rich Sausages. —Take 20 pounds of chopped meat, 8 ounces of fine salt, 24 ounces of pep per, 2 tea-cups of sage, and 1£ cups of sweet marjoram, passed through a fine sieve. For the latter, thyme and summer savory may be substituted, if preferred. To Remove Grease, Sfc.,from Cloth. —Fuller’s earth, 30 parts; French chalk, 1 part; yellow soap2o parts; pearl ash, 15 parts. Make into a paste with spirits of turpentine, and give it a slight color with a little yellow ochre, then cut it into cakes. This form, omitting the French chalk, is that which is sold about the streets. From the N. O. Picayune, 29 th ult. Important Mexican Documents. We find upon the Spanish side of the Genius of Liberty of the 19th inst., two important cir culars—the first, from Senor Pena y Pena the Acting President of Mexico, and the second from Senor Rosa, his Secretary of State. As the first open expositions of the views and poli cy ol the New Mexican Administration, they are entitled to our consideration ; but they will repay a perusal by their intrinsic interest, and they give clear indications of the ability which marks most of the public documents of the Mexicans, and cannot be entirely obscured by the imperfection of the translations which w e make of them with a haste inseparable from the demand of a daily press. Some passages in the circular of the Secretary of State are°pecu liarly significant as to the views of the new Ad ministration in regard to the war, and its de sires for peace. Both documents breathe the spirit of an intelligent civilian, which is very welcome in place of the egotistical and frothy declamation of Santa Anna, distinguished as his declamation is by occasional force and bril liancy. Even should the rumor prove true, which reached us yesterday, that Santa Anna has been recalled to power—to which we attach bat lit tle faith—the documents which we annex will possess importance as unfolding the views of two eminent citizens of Mexico, whose views proved too moderate to satisfy the expectations of their countrymen. But we do not yet be lieve that the overthrow of the Government of Senor Pena y Pena has been so speedily effect ed. Circular of President Pena y Pena. Provincial Presidency of Mexico, \ Toluca, Sept. 27, 1847. S Excellent Sii —In the discharge of an inseparable duty imposed upon me by the constitution, for the faithful discharge of which I am responsible to God and my country, I have resolved to commence from this moment the exercise of the Supreme Executive pow T er of the Republic, and to organize a government which may become the centre of the National Union, and may save Mexico from the anarchy and dissolu tion which threaten it under its present circumstances —circumstances by which the invader himself doubt less sees with surprise how mucu his designs of occu pation or conquest are promoted, the slate being wilh j out a head, and public affairs involved in utter confu | sion. May it never be said of me by rny countrymen or by foreigners friendly to Mexico, that through mv irresolution or cowardice the nation was abandoned to her sad fate, and that I alone am responsible for the awful destiny that awaits her, unless some constitu tional authority gathers up and unites again the ties, now broken, which should bind the States of the repub lie together, and which may yet make of them a re spectable and powerful nation. lam fully of opinion that without being wanting in any of the qualifications prescribed by the constitution, 1 can at this moment, and alone, assume executive power ; but even were there some constitutional requirements with which I could not rigorously comply, the same being by the force of circumstances rendered impossible, even then , I say, I should feel bound to place myself at the head of the Administration of the Republic, as being called to power by the constitution, and in order to prerenta contes. for this power which would inevitably ensue, by force of arms, bringing on civil war by which the Republic would be destroyed in the very presence of an army of invaders. When the public power of a nation cannot be embodied in a form strictly constitu tional, the way to avoid anarchy cannot be to establish an Administration absolutely unconstitutional and revolutionary, but to organize a government as nearly in conformity with the constitution as is possible.— These are my views and I flatter myself that they are likewise entertained by your Excellency; but 1 re peat to you that my conscience is tranquil, when I as sure your Excellency that I have not the slightest doubt of the constitutionality of the power and duty incumbent upon me of discharging the executive functions of the nation by myself alone, and without waiting for the assembling of Congress or the Council of Government, or the nomination of associates. This, my resolution of instituting from this moment the National Government, may perhaps attract upon me the hatred of some faction, which from the bloody ruins of the Republic may raise its head fierce to dis pute for the possession of power for a few days, which will be to me but a martyrdom ; such a faction may perhaps prevail against the efforts which the nation will doubtless make for its own salvation. But ifthis pre sentiment should be realized, I shall have discharged my duty, and should I survive the last convulsions of the Republic, I shall retire to lament the fate of my country with no other solace than the tranquillity ot my conscience. Your Excellency will acknowledge that this is perhaps the last attempt at the formation of a government which may be made in our unhappy country, and it a wakens rny deepest sensibilities to think that in this great work of political reorganization Providence has furnished my country with so weak an instrument as I. Only one consideration supports me, and it is this : that rny Administration will last only a few days if, as I hope, I can obtain a prompt reunion of the National Congress in the city of Quere taro. Actively employing all the means in my power to effect this reunion, and to remove as far as possible the obstacles in the way of it, I shall afford rny coun trymen the most incontestable evidence of my disin terestedness and of the desire which animates me to exercise no authority not absolutely indispensable to avoid civil war or anarchy. To give an impulse to my Administration in the out set, I have appointed the Deputy I). Luis de la Rosa Minister of Foreign and Internal Relations, authori zing him at the same time to discharge the most press ing duties of the other departments, until in Queretaro I can make the necessary nominations for each of them. When the Cabinet shall thus be formed I shall direct to the Republic a manifesto, which will contain a programme of my transient Administration. The signature of Senor Rosa has bean before recognised, he having at other times filled the Departments of the Treasury and of Justice. In communicating the above to your Excellency, 1 have the honor of assuring you of my distinguished consideration. God and Liberty. To the Governors of the States. Circular of the Secretary of State. Ministry of Foreign and Internal Relations, f September 27, 1847. j> Excellent Sir —His Excellency the President of the Supreme Court of Justice, in exercise of the Su preme Executive power, has seen fit to appoint me Minister of Foreign and Internal Relations: also au thorizing me to discharge the most urgent duties of the other departments, as you will perceive by the note addressed to you by the President, which is subjoined to this communication. By the same note your Excellency will perceive that the Provisional President proposes to issue in Quereta ro, when his Cabinet shall have been completed, a man ifesto containing a programme of his Administration. In the mean time his Excellency deems it fitting to submit briefly to the Governors of the States, and through them to the honorable Legislatures, some ot the principles by which his policy will be directed in the provisional exercise of Supreme Executive power. The rein*ions of the General Government of the Union with bo Governments of the States will be conducted with the utmost frankness and good faith. Nothing will be more grateful to his Excellency the President than to preserve harmony and good under standing between the Supreme National Government and the Supreme authorities of each State—harmony without which all would be discord and confusion in the federal system. His Excellency the President, without encroaching upon the constitutional powers ot the States, will only require of them, in support ol the constitution, that submission and respect which is the basis of the federal pact, and without which the Supreme Government of the Union would be impo tent to maintain the National Union at home, and yet more impotent to make the nationality of Mexico re spected abroad. The President will not content hint' self with merely respecting, as it is his duty to do, the independence conceded by the constitution toeach State relative to its internal administration ; but it will be gratifying for him to learn the opinion of the su preme authorities of the States upon grave politica questions at the present epoch, and to govern his action by such opinions legally expressed in the difficult measures which his Administration will be called up on to take. Carrying out these principles, his Ex cellency the Provisional President confidently relies upon the mp»t efficient co-operation of your Excellency, and aff-effe States, to sustain the independence and na tiojrffity of Mexico, to preserve from every assault the federal institutions, whatever may be the danger an tie gravity of circumstances, since recent events ha' e lid to the occupation of the capital of the Republic >} tie army of the invaders. All the measures ot t ,e \Tar Department will be directed mainly to the a tamment of the important ends above indicated. Jis Excellency the President regards it as one his chief duties to facilitate by all possible means assembling of the National Congress, and he trua yo tr Excellency will dictate every measure m power to bring about such reunion; that > ou wi again invite the Deputies from your State to repßll - city of Queretaro; and that you will provide thAr expenses on the journey thither and during residence in that city, charging these expenses o
