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About Daily chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1837-1876 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 17, 1848)
_ • Mexico at the time of their con- • ThUi“ n important Jh, | wlnile merits of the «« . upon this point, 1 1829. ■ doubt. Slavery was . as i t appears in I i have before me the decree. I Niles’s Register, vol. 3/, p g MEXICO-TOTAL ABOLITION OP SLAVERY. O The President of the Mexican United States to the fhc'year 1829 the onoi- , VP r«arv of our independence by an act of naliona and beneficence that may turn to the advance inent and support of so impor'ant a result; that may consolidate more and more public tranquil'ty , , may co-operate to the aggrandizement of ttu P he, and return to an unfortunate portion of ,an ta lhose rights which they hold from nature and that I lie people protect by wise and equitable laws, in conformity with the 30ih article of the constitutive “ Making use of the extraordinary faculties which have been granted by the Executive, I thus decree : “ I Slavery is forever abolished in the republic. “2 Consequently all those individuals who, until this day looked upon themselves as slaves, are free. n when the financial situation of the republic ad mits the f roprietors of slaves shall be indemnified, and the indeinnificition regulated by law. “ And in order that the present decree may have its full and entire execution, I order it to be printed, pub'ished, and circulated to all those whose obligation is to have it fulfilled. “ Given in the Federal Palace of Mexico, on the 15th of September, 1829. “ VICENTE GUERRERO, “LAURENZO DE ZAVALA.” This decree provided that the owner of slaves manumitted should be indemnified when the financial situation of the country would allow it; and I have before me another act of the Mexican Congress of 1837 upon the same sub ject. This act I find in volume Bof the Laws of Mexico, which embraces the acts ol 1836 and 1837: [translation.] “ An act abolishing slavery in the Republic. ” “Art. 1. Slavery, without an exception, is, and shall remain, abolished throughout the entire Hcpub “Art. 2. The owners of slaves manumitted by this act, or by 'he decree of 15th September, 1821), shall be indemnified for the interest they held in them, which interest shall be estimated by duly considering the personal qualifies of the slaves ; to which end one appraiser shall he nominated by the commissary gen eral of the place, or by the person who supplies his place ; another shall be nominated by the owner; and in case of discord in their opinions, a third shall be nominated by the constitutional alcalde of the vicini ty, to which no objection shall be interposed. The decision of the appraisers, or a majority of them, shall be absolute and final. The indemnification of which this article makes mention shall not extend in any re spect to those colonists of Texas who have taken an active part in the revolution of that department. “ Art. 3. The original proceedings in regard to the appraisement mentioned in the preceding article, shall be given gratis to the owner, by whom they will be presented to the Supreme Government, who will give the orders to the Treasury Department to issue the corresponding scrip for the respective value of the property. “ An. 4. The aforementioned scrip shall be paid or satisfied in that mode which may appear to the Go vernment the most equitable, conciliating as far as practicable the rights of the individuals with the ac tual situation of the Treasury. ” [April 5, 1837.] From this I take it for granted that nobody will deny that slavery was abolished in Cali fornia and New Mexico at the time of their con quest by our arms. If a slave at that time had brought an action for his freedom against his master before the courts of the country, does any man doubt but that the courts under the law then in force would have declared him to be free? And as our Court has decided that in all such cases the laws of the acquired terri tory in force at the time of the acquisition shall remain in force as the law of the place until al tered by competent authority, can any man doubt that they would decide the question just as the Mexican courts would have decided it at that lime ? It is with nain 1 have heard allusions made judges Irom the South, and lour from the North ; and that, therefore, the question would be safe for the South in their hands, as we had a majority of the bench. I consider such an argument a gross imputation upon the court; and no greater disgrace could be attached to the members of it, or to the country, than a de cision made from any such considerations. No judge, whether from the North or South, could e*.er be influenced by such motives, until he became as corrupt and as debased as the exe crable Impey—the infamous tool of Hastings. If I thought such motives could operate upon the court, tnat would be the last body in the world I would refer the decision of any ques tion to. They should not decide upon the life of my dog if I could prevent it. But while 1 am no advocate of referring any political ques tion to the decision of that Court, I am never theless bound to believe that they would decide honestly to the best of their judgment. Such 1 believe have been the decisions to which I have alluded. And after reading those deci sions, can any man doubt as to how they would decide the supposed case? I put the question to the good sense and calm judgment of the (louse. Sir, it is useless to attempt to evade or get round this point. It is not for me at this time to say any thing about the correctness of those decisions. That is not the subject now before me or the House. It is my duty to know the law as the court has decided it, and to let my constituents know it likewise, and not to jeop ard their rights by any such reference of them. I Here Mr. Stanton, of Tennessee, asked Mr. Stephens ifthe constitution of the United States does not recog .ise slavery.] Mr. Stephens continued. Yes, sir, the con stitution recognises slavery, but only when it iu not prohibited by the laws of the State, or place, or for the purpose of protecting it there. The constitution recognises slavery in Tennes see and Georgia, and in all the States where slavery exists by law; but it does not recog nise it in New York or Ohio, or in any State wiiere it is prohibited hy the law of the Slate, except so far as it provides for the recapture ol' runaway slaves. The constitution recognises and guarantees slavery wherever it exists by the local law, but it establishes it nowhere where it is prohibited by law. The constitu tion. as 1 have stated, expressly recognises slavery, even when it is prohibited by the law of the place, but only so far as to provide for the recapture of a runaway slave. If my slave escape and goes into a free State, the constitu tion secures me the right of pursuing and re taking him ; but if I voluntarily take mv slave into a State where slavery by law is prohibited, I have no right to retake him; he becomes tree. No man will question this. And if slave ry is prohibited by the local law of the newly acquired territory, the only guaranty the con stitution affords the slaveholder is the right of recapture if he escapes and gets into those ter ritories. The constitution. I say, fully and amply recognises slavery where it exists, but it establishes it nowhere where it is prohibited by law. It is important that the public mind at the South should not be misled upon this point. The constitution no more establishes or carries slavery into States or Territories where hy law it is prohibited, than it establishes or car ries any other right of a citizen which depends upon the local law. The constitution secures to all the citizens of all the Slates and Territories of this Union the right* to which they are entitled by the laws of the place. If Virginia or Georgia should abol ish slavery, the constitution would no more re establish it there than it has re-established it in Pennsylvania, New York, and other States where it has been abolished. The constitution no more carries the local law of slavery of any State into a State or Territory where by law it ( is prohibited than it carries any other local law; no more than it carries the law of interest upon money, the statute of limitations, the laws of distribution, or the penal laws of a State. And, sir, if this compromise bill had passed, how < could the master have been protected against 1 the theft or purloining of hia slave ? By what e law would he have sued to recover him? By what law would the sale and e /idences of title in slaves have been determined ? Each of the slave States Ins its own laws upon this subject. And if the constitution carries the laws of the Stales into these Territories, does il carry the laws of all or any particular one? And if any one, which is it ? Mr. Speaker, this is a question too clear to admit of argument. Mr. Stanton again interrupted, and was un derstood to say, the gentleman, then, holds that it is within the power of Congress to extend slavery into territory where hy law it does not exist? Mr. Stephens. My position, Mr. Speaker, is this; That slavery is an institution which de pends solely upon the municipal law of the place where it exists ; and if it was prohibited by law in tliese territories at the time of the conquest, it cannot exist there until the laws of the place be altered by the oompetent law making power of the territory. In regard to these territories and the rights of the South, I hold that when the stipulations of the late trea ty shall he complied with and the money paid whioh is provided for in it, they will constitute an acquisition, made at the cost of the common blood and treasure of the whole Union, to wards which the South contributed as gener ously as the North, and in which the Sonth is entititled to a just and equal participation ; and that it is the duty of Congress to see to it, that the just and equal rights of my sect on are guard ed, protected, and secured by all necessary le gislation. The right to acquire and to hold ter ritory brings with it the duty to govern it. The Supreme Court has so decided, and, in go verniug, it is the duty of Congress to act justly and fairly* towards the rights and interests ofall who are entitled to an equal share in the com mon domain. This. sir. is my position, and upon it I shall stand or fall. The same position. I see, was taken hy a meeting ofthe Democratic party in the city of Macon, in my own Stale, not lung since. Amongst other resolutions, as I see in the papers, they declared— “ That our Senators and Representatives in Con gress should see to it that the rights of the Southern people should not be endangered during the period the Territories shall remain under the control of the United States, either from the continuance of the municipal laws of Mexico or from the legislation of the United Slates.” I stand upon the principles ofthis resolution. It is the true ground, in my opinion, for Southern men to occupy. I shall never give my sanction, while I have a seat upon this floor, to any legislation on the part of Con gress by which the rights of the Southern peo ple to an equal and just participation in these territories, while they remain as territories, shall be endangered nor shall those rights ever be endangered or surrendered, by my appro val, by “a continuance of the municipal laws of Mexico.” This compromise bill, sir, did, in my opinion, endanger and surrender the then rights of the South, by a “continuance of the municipal laws of Mexico,” which were of force at the time of the conquest, and by which slavery was abolished there. Sir, I set out by stating that I should not only challenge, but defy, a refutation of my positions, and I now repeat the same. The rights of the South are not only endangered, but totally abandoned, in this compromise. Its passage would have been worse for the South than the Wilmot pro viso in express terms; for, if the principles upon which its Southern friends advocate it be true —that is, if by the constitution the Southern slaveholder has a right to carry and hold slaves in these territories, notwithstanding the exist ing municipal law of Mexico by which slavery is abolished there, then, of course, the same right would exist, even if the VViimot proviso were passed: and the proviso, if passed, being in contradiction of this constitutional right, of course the Supreme Court would be bound to decide it null and void. So that the compro mise secures no rights to the South which they would not have even under the Wilmot pro pVevitself. Ktit. on the other halide if r the .Su btil, decide against the slaveholder, on the ground that the existing laws of Mexico, at the time of the conquest, were in force there until altered by some competent authority, then, sir, we should be bound by il forever; for we could not come and ask Congress to a'ter the law against the compromise, even although the Court might say that Congress had the piiwer either directly to alter it, or to allow the terri torial legislature to do it; for we all understand that a compromise is a final settlement, and all parties are bound in honor to abide by it. Then, sir, what are we of the South to gain by this compromise? Nothing but what we would have, even with the Wilmot proviso— the poor privilege of carrying our slaves into a country where the first thing t o be encoun tered is the certain prospect of an expensive lawsuit which may cost more than any slave is worth; and, in my opinion, with the abso lute certainty of ultimate defeat in the end. and with no law in the mean time to protect I our rights of property in any way whatever! This, sir, is the substance of the compromise, i even in the most favorable view it can be pre | seated ! And this is the security for the South 1 which I had the temerity to reject! Would that the people of that section may ever have men i upon this floor of such temerity! I did reject 1 it; and [ shall continue to reject all such favors. Iff can get no better compromise, I shall cer tainly never take any at all. As long as I have a seat here. 1 shall maintain the just and equal rights of my section upon this as well as upon all other questions. 1 ask nothing more, and I shall lake nothing less. All I demand is, com mon right and common justice ; these I will have in clear and express terms, or I will have nothing. I speak to the North, irrespective of parties. 1 recognise no parly association in affiliation upon this subject. If the two par ties at the North combine, and make a section al issue, and by their numerical strength vote d'*wn the Eolith, and deny us those equal rights to which 1 think we are in justice en- I titled, it will be fur the people of the rfotnh then to adopt such a course as they may deem pro per Ido not stand hereto make any threats in their name, nor have I authority to commit even my own constituents to any course of policy. They must do that for themselves. My commission here extends only to the maintenance of their rights upon all questions and measures that may come before mein this House. And this [ shall do at all hazards. Nor shall 1 be awed or intimidated in the discharge of this high duty by any of the trembling alarms of the official organ, that the “ Union is in dan ger that, unless agitation upon this subject is quieted, the “free soil movement” in the North wilt sweep every thing before it and that the Government itself will be endangered. Such appeals may have their effect upon the hearts of the timid. I am, myseif. not quite so easily terrified into a surrender of my rights, and those of my constituents. This editor, however, or rather his master, would have ex hibited much b *tter judgment, and a great deal more patriotism, if he had shown a little more foresight upon this subject. If the country is environed by dangers and difficulties which threaten its ultimate safety, it is the result of his own reckless, lawless, and unconstitutional measures; if an ominous agitation is felt by all ; if the Government shakes to its centre ; if the very pillars of the temple of liberty rock in their places, he best knows what incendiary hand—what Guy Fawkes collected and fired the explosive elements. He may repeat until doomsday , “ toe wash our skirts of all the con sequences. ’ But he will find his skirts too deeply stained to be so easily washed. This is but the phrenzied ravings oflhe guilty Macbeth, who, when in his distempered vision he fancied he saw the ghastly spirit of the murdered Ban quo, exclaimed— “ Shake not thy gory locks at me, Thou cans’t not say I did it.” But this Government editor, nor the Presi dent whom he serves, need nut suppose that be cause he is trembling and quaking with fear, at sights, spirits, or spectres dire, which the con- scionsness of hi* own misdeeds cause to haunt 1 bis disturbed brain, that therefore everybody r else feels the same unsteadiness of nerve with s himself. I look upon this question now just as i I did two years ago, when this war of conquest i commenced. I raised my voice against it then, f I saw what would be the result. 1 was pre- 1 pared for the present storm, with all its fury ; « and lam as unmoved now’ as I was then. I saw the northern Democrats snppoiting the policy ofconquest for the purpose of acquiring ' free territory. I was opposed to the whole policy because I considered it contrary to the spirit of our constitution to wage a war of con quest under any circumstances. But I was determined then, if territory,should be acquired, that the r ights of my section to an equal partici pation in it should be secured, so far as my ability could contribute to the accomplishment of that and I stand upon the same ground now ; and ( shall never surrender it so long as the question is open. And no alarms about the Union, or the ravings ofbrainless scribblers and heartless demagogues, who croak and prate upon subjects on which they are profoundly ignorant, shall ever cause me to shrink from the open and fearless maintenance of it, even though i may stand solitary and alone. I have no objection to compromising the question, but I have only two plans ot com promise ; one is, a fair division of the territory by clear and distinct linos, by which every one may know exactly to what extent his rights will be protected. I care not much whether it be by an extension of the Missouri line, or whether it be by adopting as a line one of the mountain ranges, giving the South all on this side, and the North all on the other. 1 am, however, rather in favor of the latter; hut shall I insist upon some fair and just division. That is one plan of compromise I shall favor, and if I I cannot get that, I have but one other to offer, and that is, to reject the territory altogether, i Let us keep our money which is to he paid for I it. and let Mexico keep her provinces and her people. Mr Polk, in his message, speaks of the late treaty as the supreme law of the land. This I consider as an intimation that this House, in his opinion, will be bound to vote the appropria tions to carry it into effect. If so. I barely in tend here to say that I wholly disagree with him. True, the treaty-making power is confi ded in this country to the President and Sen ate. But. sir, the President and Senate have no right or power to make a treaty which im poses an obligation on the part of the House of Representatives to carry it into effect. This principle I understand to have been fairly set tled as the republican doctrine of 1796. 1 have the journal of the House of that year be fore rne, and 1 find, on page 499, the following resolution upon that point: “Ist, Resolved , That, it being declared by the second section of the second article of the Constitution ‘that the President shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur,’ the House of Representatives do not claim any agency in making treaties; hut that when a treaty stipulates regulations on any of the subjects submitted by the Constitution to the power of Congress, it must depend for its execution, as to such stipulations, on a law or laws to be passed by Congress; and it is the Con stitutional right and duty of the House of Represen tatives, in all such cases, to deliberate on the expedi ency of carrying such treaty into effect, and to de termine and act thereon as, in their judgment, may be most conducive to the r üblic good.” Upon the passage of this resolution the yeas and nays were taken, and it was adopted by a vote of 54 to 37. Every Republican in the House, 1 think, voted for it. Amongst others, I see the distinguished names of James Madi son, Albert Gallatin, William B. Giles, Nathan iel Macon. Abram Baldwin, and many others The same principle has been settled by the Supreme Court. I have not time to enlarge upon this argu ment now. I only intend to state the princi ple and show the authority, that the country may not be misled on this subject. The late treaty is not the supreme law of this land yet toft ed us to appropriate the money; and when he does, it will be (in the language of the reso lution for which James Madison and ail the other old Republicans in the House in 1790 voted) our constitutional right and duty to de ' liberate on the expediency of making the ap propriations. And I now' slate that, if I ain here when that appropriation is made, I shall exercise this constitutional right, and I shall never vote one dollar from the common trea sure of this Union to pay for these territories, if the institutions of my section are to he wholly excluded from them. Nor will I vote one dollar to carry this treaty into eflect, until I have this matter settled, and what I consider the rights of the South secured. And I believe this is the great lever of the South upon this question. Let the bill organizing Territorial Governments he linked with the appropriation of the money, and let tlie South present an un broken from against paying a dollar, if iheir institutions are to he excluded, and I shall have some hopes yet of obtaining justice. Now, sir, yon know something of the only plans upon which I intend to compromise this business. But, as I said before, if in all this I should he defeated—if the South will not stand with metlpon this point—if the combined vote of* the North carry the Wilmot proviso then, sir, it will be for the people of the South to take their own course. But one thing I will say. that I shall be with them in whatever course they may take. Their interests are my interests, their fortunes are my fortunes, their hopes are my hopes, and whatever destiny awaits them awaits me also. And now, Mr. Speaker. I think that I have conclusively shown that this miscalled compro mise bill ought not to have received support from any quarter, and particularly from the South. As I have but a few moments left, I will re capitulate my positions, that no man may mis take or misunderstand them. 3 The Ist is that by the hill the whole subject of slavery in California and New Mexico, without any legislation on the part of Congress or the territorial governments, one way or the other, is referred to the Judiciary to determine whether it can legally exist there or not. ° 3 aM. That the constitution of the United States fully recognises and amply protects the institution of slavery where it exists by the laws of the State or place, but it does not establish it any where, where by the laws of the place it is prohibited, 3 3d. That California and New Mexico beimr terri tories acquired by conquest, all the laws which were in force there at the time of the conquest not incon sistent with the constitution of the United State* or the stipulations of the treaty of peace, o* which were purely of a political character, arc, according to well setiled principles, and the adjudications of our own courts, still in force. 4th. That as slavery did not exist there at the time of the conquest, but had been prohibited by express law, the Supreme Court of the United States, to whom the matter was to be referred in the last resort, could not be expected, from the principles of numer ous decisions already made, to decide otherwise than that slavery cannot be protected there, until the ex isting law abolishing it be altered by competent au thority r sth, and lastly. That these positions beirm ihcon trovertible, the bill offered, as it was, as a °ompro- ! mise and a final settlement of the question amounted ’ to noting but a total abandonment and surrender of the rights of extending the institution of the South to those Territories. ! Renewal of Blockade at Buenos Ayrfs.— I The arrival of the brig Hyder Ali. at New York from Bucco, the 14th June, on the Rio de la 1 Plata, brings us the news that the blockade i which the French had removed for three weeks t from Buenos Ayres and Erzinado. was renew- I ed on the 12th of June more strongly than ever and that a heavy frigate was ordered to the , Bucco. Rosas would not allow vessels to load at the above ports after discharging at Monte- d video, and hence its renewal. of the r American vessels, and in fact those of all na tions. that discharged at Montevideo, either went to Brazil fora clearance to Buenos Ayres or in ballast to Rio Jainero. The U. S. brig a Perry, the only American man-of-war in the river, was at Buenos Ayres, rendering much service to onr merchant vessels. The ll yder Ali had been aided in coining away by the Per ry, after having been tired into by the French, at Montevideo. The Spanish fleet had all left g for home —the Sardinian was expected to go 7 soon. _ _ - CHRONICLE & SENTINEL , BY J. W. & W. S. JONES. t OAILI, TRI-WEEKLY «fc WEEKLY OFFICE IN RAIL HOAD BANK BUILDING TERMS —Daily Paper, per annum, in advance *-$lO Tri-Weekly Paper, “ “ “ " *• Weekly, (a mammoth sheet) “ •• 2 CASH SYSTEM.— In no case will an order for the i 1 per be attended to, unless accompanied with the tiKney, and in every instancewhen the time for which any subscription may be paid, expires before the re ceipt of suds to renew the same, the paper will be discontinued. Depreciated funds received at value in this city. AUGUSTA, GA: THURSDAY MORSIMG, AUG. U, 1848. WHIG NOMINATIONS. For President of tlie United Stalest ZACHARY' TAYLOR, OF LOUISIANA. For Vice-President: MILLARD FILLMORE, OF NEW-YORK. For Representative from tlie Btli District: HON. ROBERT TOOMBS. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS. Electors for the State at Large. Dr. Wm. Terrell. | Seaton Grantland. Electors for the Districts. Ist. J. L. Seward, sth Warren Akin, 2d. VV.H. Crawford, 6th Asburv Hull, 3d. A. VV. Redding, 7th Y. P. King. 4th Wm. Moseley, Bth G. Stapleton, CONGRESSIONAL DELEGATION. Ist. Thos. B. King, sth. Jas. M. Calhoun, 2d Jas. S. Calhoun, 6th. Jas. VV. Harris, 3d. Allen F. Owen, 7th. . 4th. J. N. Williamson, Bth. Robert Toombs. Mr. Stephens’s Speech. Were an apology needed, we should offer none for occupying so much of our space to day with this masterly production of one of Georgia’s most gifted sons—this eloquent and powerful and conclusive vindication of himself, and the rights and interests of the South. Lot it be read —aye, let it be read and studied by every voter in the South, and we venture the prediction, that no unprejudiced mind in whose bosom pulsates an American—a Southern— heart, will fail to thank, sincerely thank, Mr. Stephens for his vote on the Compromise, and his speech in vindication of that vote. As an argument in support of his positions, it is lucid, cogent, logical and unanswerable, and no man in either House of Congress, or out of it, will attempt its refutation. The Southern demo cracy in the House, after having asked the privdege of a reply, did not dare to venture upon the task, although “ challenged' 1 and “ defied" to it by the speaker again and again. —Kuuomcs of all the vituperation which has been heaped upon the head of Mr. Stephens by the ’gnorant and perverse dema gogues by whom he lias been so wantonly as sailed at the South, since his vole upon this question? What becomes of the impotent epithets of “ traitor’ and 11 culprit" and such other slang, familiar to the vocabulary of im becile party hacks who ignorantly or wilfully sacrifice the dearest interests of the South at the shrine of party ? What becomes of the charge made against Mr. Stephens of “ deserting and sacrificing the South and its interests,’* made, too, by men who are shouting hosannas in praise of James K. Polk and Lewis Cass ? It is true the South has been “ deserted' ’ and her interests threatened with sacrifice, but it j has been done by Mr. Polk, and Mr. Cass, one of his prominent and principal advisers. They are the Traitors ' —they the “ deserters ” — they and they alone are responsible for thrust ing this fire-brand, this agitator of the public tnnquility, into the midst of the American people ! They are the incendiaries—they are the agitators—they are the men who, to satiate their unholy Inst for dominion and the acquisi lion of foreign territory, have endangered the interests of the South, and rendered insecure the tenure by which she holds her property I In this position we are sustained by that able I and eloquent Democrat, John A. Campbell, | of Mobile, who, in concluding his series of ar ticles on the Compromise bill, remarks : “We have no wish to follow any further this sub ject. The prospect that this result would ensue from the war with Mexico and the introduction of terri tories has been constantly before us. We have con demned the President and ins advisers on account of that war. We believe it to have originated in their lust for the acquisition of California ; that it was commenced by u violation of the constitu’ion ; that it has been consummated bysome of the most daring acts ot usurp ition of power known to our history ; that it has ended in the presentation of questions which un settle the laws of property in the Southern States, rendering its tenure insecure, and infusing a want of confidence in their stability, and which at last jeopards the strength and power of the Union.” Such is the verdict of the intelligent and re flecting now of all parties and classes of so ciety ; and an intelligent posterity will hand down the names of these demagogues and tricksters, and triflers with the institutions of their country and the liberties of the people, shrouded in infamy. Hauling down the Cass Flag. 1 he Red River Republican, one ofthe oldest Democratic organs in the State, published at 1 Alexandria, La., after a mature and dispassion ate investigation ofthe principles of Gen. Cass, with every disposition to approve them, has ] come to the conclusion that he is unsafe for the ] South, and repudiates the man and his princi- pies. In an elaborate editorial setting forth his j views, the editor says: t “ The editor of this paper, having come to the de liberate conviction that Gen. Cass is opposed to the 1 interests of the South, cant ot consistently with his du- I ties as an independent man, advocate his claims to the a Presidency. ” -* I | But the editor stops not at repudiating Gen. Cass and his principles—he not only hauls down the flag of Cass and Butler, but he < rears high that of Taylor and Fillmore— and ri proclaims himselfready and willing to do bat- | ’ tie in their cause, as the cause of the country \ and the cause of the South ! j \ Election*. ( North Carolina.— We have returns from ill but three counties, Manly, Whig, is about 157 ahead, and the three counties to hear from *ave Gkaham, Whig, in J 844, a majority ol j 78 votes. The Legislature, like the Governor, i is still in doubt. Kentucky. —Mr. Crittenden's majority will fall little short of Mr, Clay’s in 1844. Missouri—We have a few returns, but no thing definite. Illinois. —A Whig loss of a Congressman in Lincoln’s district is reported. Indiana —The returns are not sufficient to determine the result. * lowa.—The result in a few counties only has reached us. Nothing from Arkansas. - - - A Gen. Cass Deserted. The signs of the times are unmistakeable , that General Cass is to be deserted by his sup- i porters at the South, upon the question of i Slavery in the Mexican territories. Whether he is to be abandoned altogether is not so clear, at least by the party-hacks and office-seekers, who would not long hesitate as to the propriety 1 of sacrificing every interest of the South at the shrine of party. But there are none now, not even we believe the Savannah Georgian, so poor as to do his opinions on this grave ques tion reverence No Southern man. in the lan guage of the Constitutionalist, will assent to confer upon the legislatu es of those territories the power to regulate the institution of Slave ry. How then can those people support Gen Cass, in the face of their oft repeated declara tion, that this question is paramount to all oth ers ? How will they justify themselves to the South for such a desertion of her interests and rights, as their support of Gen. Cass convicts them of? A Nice Cass Man. The Cassites of Alabama have a beautiful specimen of an Elector for the fourth district of ■ that State, a Dr. Beckett, who recently made a speechin Pickensville, Ala., the burden of which was to prove General Taylor a Wilmot pro visoist — a charge, ichich, the Republican says, he admitted three times during his speech he did not believe himself! The only thing that astonishes us about the fellow is, that he had not common honesty enough to admit, and sense enough to know that none of the audience believed the charge. Veto of the Proviso. The Columbus Times affects to be very much concerned that Gen. Taylor does not declare that he “ will or icill not veto the Wil mot Proviso.” Would it not have been as well for the Times to have manifested a little more concern about Gen. Cass' opinions on that question ? Has he ever dared to insinuate that “he icill or will not ” veto the Proviso ? Does the Times dare to espouse Gen. Cass’ opinions on the subject of slavery in the Mexican terri tories ? Will that print assert that the Territo rial Legislature alone has power to admit or prohibit slavery in those territories ? Messrs. Hilliard) Stephens and Toombs —Are expected to reach the city this after noon bv the cars from Charleston. Correspondence of the Chronicle <f- Sentinel. Stone Mountain —Democratic Conven tion. This parasite on the Agricultural Fair has mustered a goodly number of people of ah parties and both sexes. The principal speak ers are Hackett, Colqlmtt, Jackson, of Sa vannah, and a gentleman from Montgomery, Alabama. There was an interesting contest among the Orators for the palm as to who could relate the most anecdotes to raise a laugh, and “tickle the ears” of the Democracy. For stories bordering on the obscene as well as vulgar, the Reverend Mr. Colquitt distanced all competitors. Almost every sentence, no matter to what it related, was polished and suited to the taste of the speaker by the quali tyingterrn, “nasty.” Thisand “Old Whitey,” were the staples of a demagogue’s appeal to the lowest passions, prejudices and antipathies which exist in civilized communities. Mr. Jackson dwelt on the want of principles in the Whig party, and intimated that Mr. Cass’ prin ciples, leaving the question of excluding slave ry from Mexico, to the inhabitants thereof, were just the thing for the South. No gentleman, however, discussed the Cass platform at any length. It was “ Democracy ” —“ Democra- | cy ” —“ more territory ” —“ the triumph of the Administration. ” Mr. Colquitt expressed the confident belief that we “should, at no distant day, have an ocean-bound Republic. ” It was the subject of much complaint that the Whigs had opposed the am exation of Texas, and the conquest of a third of Mexico. The pro gressive addition of the Canadas, and the free States of Mexico not yet “annexed, ” seemed to be the favorite policy of the speakers. The spirit of aggrandizement animated the audience, judging from the applause given to the doctrine of enlarging the borders of the Union—more than we were glad to witness. It is a serious misfortune for a people not to know when they have territory enough. If this Government is doomed to fall, it will be through the agency of aggressive wars, followed by intestine fends and conflicts about a division of the “ spoils of the vanquished. ” The acquisi tion of foreign provinces in violation of the spirit of the constitution, is now creating an alarming sectional controversy. The prospect for the Agricultural Fair is good. The place is excessively thronged; and the Democrats have got up a Barbecue to feed the hungry, which is in good taste. Acricola. S'till they Come. —Wastiington Runkles, Esq. publishes a card in the Westminster Car. rdll lonian stating that he has “ heretofore acted with the self-styled Democratic party of the I j present day, but after mature reflection and i cloise investigation of the principles of the two parties, he has come to the conclusion to sup- ( port the naan that never surrenders, and use t all honorable means in his power to elect to the Presidency. General Zachary Taylor.” < — t For the year ending sth January last, the t whole amount of die public expenditure of t Great Britain was $296,000,000. Os this large sum, $57,285,000 were expended in maintain ing the army and navy upon a war-footing in s a period of profound .peace. This exceeds the I sum appropriated to the same object in 1835, £ by thirty-five millions of.doilars. tl congressional proceedings Correspondence of the flnUimorn Sun. I n Senate Friday Night, Aug. }], i>u motion of Mr. Benton, the bill ‘ to carry into effect certain stipulations of the treaty be tween the United States and Mexico, of 2d February, 3848. providing for the adjudication and payment ofclaims of citizens of the United Statesagainst Mexico,” was lakenup and read. Mr. Benton moved a proviso to the 2d s.-n --tion, confining its provisions to those claim* which shall have been liquidated and agreed to by the commissioners on both sides, amounting to about $900,000, to be paid out of the Treasu ry, with six per cent, interest, though there was, he said, another claim, amounting ( 0 about 300 000 dollars, which had been re turned by only one set of commissioners. r f}. e object of the proviso was to prevent the pay ment of the latter. Mr Johnson, of Maryland, wished to know whether this claim of $900,000 was to be paid with interest, out of the $3 250,000, provided* by the treaty, for unliquidated claims, or out of the treasury —whether this $900,000 would not be charged by the treasury to the latter fund, and deducted from the three millions and a quarter, and the balance divided among tho.e claimants whose claims had not been liquidated : After further debate, and an amendment be ing bj?re rejected, the question then recurring on Mr. Benton’s proviso to the second section. Mr. Badger moved to amend the proviso bv inserting therein the words “ without interest.' So that interest on the $900,000 shall not h ( > paid. The proviso of Mr. Benton was adopted. Mr. Underwod moved to strikeout the words in the 2d section, “together IHth interest oa tin same.” Agreed to. Mr. Johnson’s amendment was lost, and the question was then taken on a -motion by M r . Underwood to strike out the whole of the se cond section, and it wes decided in the affirma tive. Ayes 31, nays 7. So the section wac stricken out. Mr. King moved to strike out a portion of the Bth section, and to insert so as to make the section conform to a similar provision in the treaty with Naples. Ihe amendment was adopted. Mr. Baldwin proposed an amendment, which was rejected, and then the bill was read the third time and passed, as amended. Mr Wescott reported a bill to grant to Ala bama and Florida lands for a railroad,* and it was read by its title. On motion of Mr. Dickinson, the Post Route bill was then again taken up, the question be ing on its passage. Mr. Dickinson moved that it be indefinitely postponed. The motion to postpone was lost, and the amendment allowing papers published weekly to circulate throughout the State wherein they are published, free of postage, was recoils: r ed, and an amendment was proposed to limit the distance within which they may so circi tv free of postage, to a circle of 50 miles frou 'he place of publication. This amendment was rejected, and then the amendment itself, {< u king them free within the State where pub* -li ed,) was also rejected. The bill was then passed. [And so the liberal measure in reg.i: ! to newspapers, to which I have referred, has been defeated by an injudicious effort *o modify.’] .... The Army Appropriation bill was taken up, and the Senate insisted upon the amendments in which the House had refused to concur, and a committee of conference was ordered. Mr. Davis, from the committee on com merce, made a report, accompanied by a reso lution, requesting the Secretary of the Trea sury to communicate, at the commencement of the next session, all the information in his possession in regard to the explosion o*‘ steam-boilers. Adopted. The Senate then, on motion, at half-past 10, went into Executive session, and soon after wards adjourned. House of Representatives. The amendment of the Senate to the army appropriation bill, appropriating $20,000 for arrearages ofexpenditurps west of the Mississip pi, and $200,000 for “liquidated” claims in California, were non-concurred in, and then the hill, with the action of the House thereon, was returned to the Senate. The House was then engaged for several hours in a debate on the bill from the Senate granting alternate sections of the public lands to aid in the construction of (he Kalamazoo (Michigan) Railroad, The bill was passed, but the vote reconsider ed, and after several motions was finally laid on the table, 80 to 77, At about 10 o’clock adjourned. In Senate August 12. After some unimportant business had been disposed of, the Oregon territorial bill was ta ken up—it having been returned from the House, with the action of that body thereon, in regard to the amendments of the Senate Mr. Mason moved to lay the bill on the ta ble. and the question being taken by yeas ami nays, it was decided in the negative—lß t<> ‘2 Mr. Benton expressed his satisfaction that the Senate had refused to lay the bill on the table, and proceeded to show (he necessity of providing at the present session a government for Oregon. He asked Senators to reflect up on the present condition of that territory, and the delay which had already been permitted in complying with their wishes. The world was looking to this model republic, and were the i Senate prepared to say that its machinery should stop ? Had die motion to lay on the ta ble succeeded, and no government been pro vided for Oregon, he would have conceived that a case had presented itself where the Pres ident would he justified in exercising his pow er. under the constitution, to call an extra ses sion. He concluded, by moving that the Sen ate recede from its amendments. Mr. Berrien called on the Senate to voted" wn tnis proposition, that a comrnuee of confer ne might be appointed. Two questions had aris en ; First, whether a government shall be pro vided for Oregon ; and secondly, one more im portant, whether the equality of rights between the Stales shall be preserved If the iron rule was to be adopted by the North, it would be the duty of the South to resist. But let them, nevertheless, have a conference committee, and if nothing then could be devised in the way of conciliation, let the unhappy consequences which must result, rest where they should. The two Houses had disagreed—let a confer ence committee be now appointed, that they may act in concert, whatever,they mightde termine upon. Mr. Calhoun had voted to lav the bill on the table, not because he was opposed to a con ference committee but because he could not consent to an abandonment of southern rights The prospect of a just settlement, he he lieved, was gone—the vole on the b'll, in House—the vote here this morning—showc 1 - it. The South had showed every disposition to compromise—and he would now say to di- South that they had but one course to pu^ 1 ' —if the determination to deprive them ol hn rights was persisted in—and that was tore-! 11 —to insist upon those rights. This was not a territorial question —‘ a question of equality between the States- l: ifthe south yielded their rights, they were 1 serving of the annihiliation which woui i 1 low, One side could not exclude the o ' without the grossest injustice, and subiim^ 1 ' could not be made without the grossest degr^ 1 tion. . e In the compromise bill he had yieldei < of their greatest arguments —that of e< l ua •' r[ , tice to all the States in regard to the.-e tories—but he had done so, and left the qu - , to the Supreme Court, for the sake ol m —for the sake of a settlement. He felt very little solicitude about to*- souri compromise, though he had voted If they did not choose to give it to tnei - South would stand i n regard to the su» J they had stood before. »
