Funding for the digitization of this title was provided by R.J. Taylor, Jr. Foundation.
About Daily chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1837-1876 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 22, 1848)
CHRONICLE & SENTINEL BY j. W. & W. S. JONES. ' ir ■» y •St' YY 13 !!• 5511• It OAILt, TRI-WBEKii* —r^:7r - RoTirbank building, OFFICE IN RAIL TRRMS —Daily Paper, per annum, in advance-.slo Tri- Weekly Paper, “ “ \ Weekly, ( a mammoth sheet) •• a <'y\SH SYSTEM. —In no case will an order for the t x per be attended to, unless accompanied with tie money, and in every instancewhen the time for " any subscription may be paid, expires before tie e ceipt of suds to renew the same, the paper discontinued. Depreciated funds received at value in this city. aemm ——— The hand of the Stranger# SELECTED FROM AN OLD SCRAP BOOK, In the land of the stranger, if e’er thou shouldst roam, Tho’ thy pathway with joys be enwreathed— Should the song and the strain thou hast once heard By the lip of the stranger be breathed, fat home, They will come o’er thine ear like a s f orm in the night; Tho’ the smiles of the gay may surround thee— They will wither thy joys, and their echo will blight The mirth and the revelry round thee ! For Remembrance is like the compass that guides The wandering mariner forth; Tho’ the ship may be tossed by winds and by tides, The needle still points to the North. For Remembrance will last amidst sorrow and care, Where’er we .may happen to roam, Tho’ the eye beam a smile on the beauty that’s there The heart is still ling’ring at home ! [while — While the smile that illumines the pale cheek the Like flowers in the hands of the dead, [smile, Whose blossoms but mock, with their warm sunny The pale cheek whose roses have fled. So the smile that beams forth on the wanderer’s cheek Mocks the tear that is dimming his eye — For his heart’s far away, and his tongue cannot speak, And the smile withers down to a sigh! Duty and Interest Inseparable* BY DR. NOTT. The God of righteousness is the friend of happiness. Hence man’s duty and his interest are inseparable. Thishassoraetimesbeen doubt ed, sometimes explicitly denied. In remote antiquity there lived those who said, “ It is in vain to serve God ; and what profit is it that we have kept his ordinances ?” To adopt this hypothesis, so fatal to the etern al interests of mankind, was not peculiar to those who lived in remote antiquity. Now. as formerly, there are profane men, who, with respect to all the rewards of virtue, are utter skeptics. Both experience and observation are appealed to ; and, as if this transitory life were the whole of man, it is triumphantly as serted, “ That the proud are happy ; that those who work wickedness are set up, and those who tempt God are delivered.” Nor is it profane men only who have mis construed, and who still misconstrue on this article, the ways of Providence. The Saint of Uz-, the Psalmist, of Israel, and even Solomon himself, than whom a wiser prince has not lived, were embarrassed at the seeming pros perity of the wicked. A bewildering obscurity does indeed hang over this part of the Divine Economy. To a short-sighted and superficial observer, that balance in which the actions of men are weigh ed seems to be held with an unequal hand. To say the least, it is not always and at every stage of being, apparent that God regards the righteous more that the wicked ; and because it is not always apparent, men of perverse minds presumptuously infer that he does not. The Divine care, say they, if indeed there be any Divine care, is extended alike to all. No partiality is discoverable in the distribution of His most public and important gifts. Air, and water, and sunshine, are as free as they are abundant. Does food statedly nourish, and sleep reiresh the pious ? So they do the ira ninns The flocks of the latter are aa vigor ous, their pastures are as green, and their hus bandry as productive as those of the farmer. No flower withers as the sinner plucks it; the earth sinks not beneath his unhallowed tread, nor does the sun avert his beams from hi« heaven-directed eye. if God be the rewarder of virtue, why do transgressors live? And yet they do live; more than this, they prosper. Those who are hampered by the restraints of duty are over thrown by them; and through crimes and blood they force there way to place and pow er. His saints cry to him. but he hears them not; they present their claim, but it is disre garded. Rags cover them, and they are* fed with the bread of bitterness; a conclusive evi dence that there is no God, or that virtue is of little estimation in his sight. Thus argue the enemies of religion. But let no young adventurer, no aspiring candi date for glory, be misguided by it. All that has been said, or all that can be said, in favor of a theory so humiliating to man, so derogato ry to God, is mere sophistry; sophistry dis guised, indeed, but gross and palpable. Because the reward of virtue is not in every instance simultaneous with the act, does it follow that virtue has no reward? Waits not the husbandman for the fruits of his industry until the harvest ? And yet who pretends that his care and labor are thrown away ? No one. On the contrary, all say, as he goes forth weep ing to scatter the precious seed, “ Doubtless he will return rejoicing, bearing his sheaves with him.” Can that be true where religion is concerned, that would be false with respect to all things else ? Let the rash theorist rernenber that he has seen but a very small part of man’s existence, and that part, 100, which is only inceptive and preparatory. Conclusions drawn from a part to the whole are always defective, and in this instance may prove as fatal as fallacious. Be it remembered that the race must be finished ere the prize is won: that the victory must be achieved before it can be expected that the •crown should be placed on the victor’s brow. From the Philadelphia True Sun. A Wonderful Invention. A young gentleman in the State of New Hampshire has recently invented a sewing machine which will constitute him king of Needledom. I have seen it in operation. It sews a foot in length of broad cloth in two minutes, putting in three times the number of stitches usually made in the same length. No lady on earth, nor man either, can do it with the same regularity. The finest cambric stitch ing executed in the common way, appears coarse and unfinished when compared with the work ol this machine. It matters not what is the form of the seam, straight, angular, cir cular, it goes regularly along with its steady, yet rapid pace, without being hindred by any change in the line of motion. The work is stronger, and not as apt to rip as that perform ed by hand. It does all the work about a coat, pantaloons, vest, shirt, cloak, ladies’ dresses, &c , except making the button holes and sew ing on the buttons. Two men and four girls will do more work with this machine, than thirty persons can do without it. A quarter horse will drive more than fifty of them with ease. It is capable of making boots and shoes; also, harness for horses, &c. It can be ap plied to the making of sails for ships. Indeed whatever a needle can work it can work.— Now, what shall we call this king of Needle dom—a lady blesser ?or a lady curser ? That it will effect a great revolution in the affairs of men cannot be denied. They who now sup port themselves and babes sewing, at the pres ent miserable low prices, must give up thim ble and needle, and look out for other methods of gaining a living. The price for making clothes, aud indeed for ail kinds of sewing must come down. Now what is to become of those who heretofore have depended on the needle for a living ? No doubt some way will be opened up for them. Spinning machines, railroads, steamboats, canals, and all labor-saving machines, in the end have ad ded to the comforts of society, although their | introduction may have deranged for awhile former modes and dependencies of society; so, no doubt, it will be with this machine. It does its work so rapidly, regularly and strong ly, that it most come into extensive use. A machine for family use will not cost over fifty dollars. Any girl of ten years can work it. The work is performed standing or if prefer red, it can be worked with a treadle. No farai jy able to raise fifty dollars will be without one, for the interest on the cost is not equal to two weeks’ board of a seamtress; and any one who can thread a needle and turn a screw, may learn in ten minutes how to use it, and with it do more work in a day than ten men can perform. With the advantage of this kind of needlework in view, there can be no doubt of its final success, and of the great change it will effect in a great variety of ways in the condition of society. <£l)rentitle and Sentinel. AUGUSTA, GA: TUESDAY MORNING, AUG. 22, 1848 WHIG NOMINATIONS. For President of the United States » ZACHARY TAYLOR, OF LOUISIANA. For Vice-President s MILLARD FILLMORE, OF NEW-YORK. For Representative from the Bth District: HON. ROBERT TOOMBS. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS. Electors for the State at Large* Dr. Wm. Terrell. [ Seaton Grantland. Electors for the Districts* Ist. J. L. Seward, sth Warren Akin, 2d. W.H. Crawford, 6th Asbury Hull, '3d. A. W. Redding, 7th Y. P. King. 4th Wm. Moseley, Bth G. Stapleton, CONGRESSIONAL DELEGATION. Ist. Thos. B. King, sth. Jas. M. Calhoun, 2d. Jas. S. Calhoun, 6th. Jas. W. Harris, 3d. Allen F. Owen, 7th. . 4th. J. N. Williamson, Bth. Robert Toombs. <* The Compromise Bill and the Whig Under the above heading, the South Caroli nian makes the following among other re marks : “The Charleston Mercury says that it is in vain for Southern men to say that the Compromise Bill was not satisfactory. It yielded more to the South than had ever been granted before. It was better than the Missouri Compromise. It allowed Southern men to carry slaves into the territory North of the Missou ri Compromise line, and it is better than any settle ment which we can expect hereafter. ” To say that Mr. Clayton’s Territorial bill “yielded more to the South than had ever been granted before ;” that “it was belter than the Missouri Compromise. ” is to assert what is not true. Assertions are cheap and amount to nothing. We call on the journals that make these statements to furnish evidence of their truth. This they have never attempted to do. Mr. Clayton’s bill simply provided that the Mexican laws which prohibit slavery in the acquired territories should not be repealed by the local legislature; and for submitting the question of the right to hold slaves in New Mex ico and California to the decision of the Su preme Court of the United States, as the last resort. What that decision would be, in case the bill had become a1 = .—, l- luUivoica by the following remarks of one of the most dis tinguished Judges on the Bench of the Su preme Court, (McLean, of Ohio,) which we copy from the Cincinnati Gazette of a recent date : If slavery subsists only by virtue of the municipal law, it is clear that it can no more exist in a territory without such law, than a man can breathe without air. The power of the master as much depends upon local law, as the power of a corporate body. Ohio confers corporate powers on certain individuals; these powers cannot be exercised in Kentucky. Nor can a slaveholder of Kentucky exercise a power on a slave in Ohio. And if the Constitution of the United States and the act of Congress, had not pro vided for the surrender of fugitives from labor, every slave that escaped, by whatever means, from a slave Slate to a free one, would be a free man. This is a doctrine of the civilized world. It is found alike in the common law and in the civil. Can slaves be taken into a free territory as proper ty ? This is answered by the inquiry, are they property in such territory 1 No one can maintain this. That one man should have property in another, is contrary to all law, except that which makes a man a slave. Under it he is considered property ; but this law is limited to the state which originated it. It has no extra territorial operation. A colored man therefore, taken by his master into free terri tory, can no more be held a slave than he can be held in a free State. The law which creates the right of the master and the obligation of the slave, is want ing, and without it no slavery can exist. Dues slavery exist in Mexico—that slavery which is involuntary and which results from established law 1 It does not. The peon service is found ed on contract. He agrees to work at a fixed price per month or year; the employer supplies him with provisions and clothing, and keeps the account, charging for the articles furnished often exorbitant and fraudulent prices. And it often, if not generally happens, that the longer the peon labors, the greater is his inclebtrnent. Now this has no analogy to the negro slavery of the South.—That originated in force, and not in contract. Under our institutions the peon servitude could not be continued. Contracts could not be enforced in that manner. No man by his contract can make himself a slave. His rights in this respect are in alienable. In no point of view could such a servi tude or law under which it is exacted, be made to sanction negro slavery. Such a slavery was long since abolished in Mexico, by, it is believed, its organ ic law. The territory then that has been annexed, under the late treaty, is free territory. There is no law or institution of Mexico, which could give the least color for absolute slavery. There are many colored persons in Mexico, but they are as free as any other citizens of that country. The position that a man may take his slaves to any territory of the United States on the ground that the people of the States have a common interest in the soil and government of it, is unsustainable. What is this common interest? It is nothing more than a right to purchase the soil as authorized by law, and to exercise such rights in the government of the ter ritory, whether he became a citizen of it or not, as the law gives him. A citizen of the north or south takes with him to the territory none of the peculiar rights which he enjoyed in the State from whence he migrated. In this respect the territorial laws are as distinct from the States, as the laws of the respec tive States are distinct from each other. There is no common right which is not regulated by law and which may not be claimed in a State as well as in a territory. It is singular that so loose and so indefensible an idea should be advanced, as the right here contested, that if an individual boa slave by the laws of a State, and is within it, legally considered property, he may ; be taken and held as a slave, in a territory, where the law does not authorize slavery. The great prin ciple seems to be overk ked, that slavery is a mu nicipal regulation, and that the principle applies with as much force in a territorial as in a State government. In this principle is found the important fact, that to preserve a territory or State free, slavery need not be prohibited, seeing it can only exist by positive law. Where there is no law to authorize it, there can be no slavery. This is a proposition too clear for argument. On this basis rest a large proportion of the free States. England has no law prohibiting slavery, and yet “Somerset,” a slave was declared to be free, by the Court of King’s bench, when he put his foot up.m the soil of England. And on the same principle if a slave with the consent of his master, go to a free State, he is made free, not because slavery is prohibited in such State, but because there is no iaw which sanctions it. To prohibit implies the right to do the thing pro hibited. Why prohibit a man from taking his slave to a free territory if he has no legal right to do so ? He forfeits the slave by bringing him into the terri tory, whether he is prohibited from doing so or not. A prohibition does not add to the force of the above principle. And if effect cannot be given to it, can a prohibition be made effectual? As a measure of policy, a notice or prohibition, cannot be too strongly urged. There can be no doubt that Congress have power to prohibit slavery in a territory, although they cannot establish it. Having the implied power to legislate for the protection of the citizens of the terri tory, they prohibit colored persons, whether free or slaves, from coming into it. They may exclude from the territory any persons who are not citizens, and who may disturb the peace or corrupt the morals of the people. Although the legal principle against territorial slavery would not be made stronger by a prohibition, yet the master would not be likely to hazard the right to bis slaves, by disregarding such an expression by the law-making power. In this point of view, the adoption of the Wilmot Proviso, or of some authori tative declaration not less explicit, would be impor tant. It is to a tribunal whose members entertain and publish to the world opinions like the a bove, that the Charleston Mercury and South Carolinian wish to submit the right of South ern citizens to hold slaves in every foot of the territories ceded by the late treaty with Mexico to the United States. If left to the bad man agement of such friends, what would become of Southern interests and institutions? The Territory Between Texas and the Rio Grander To Whom did it Belong Before the War 7 In a recent Message the President more than intimates that Texas has a just claim to all the territory east and north of the Rio Grande, in cluding Santa Fe, the capital of New Mexico. Mr. Polk seems to believe that the country has forgotten his offer to give Mexico about ten millions of dollars to sell this identical territory to the United States. Mr. Buchanan, in his instructions to Mr. Slidell, our Minister to Mexico, proposed to pay the Mexican debt to our citizens, and five millions of dollars in ad dition, if she would establish the boundary, on the Rio Grande, from its mouth up to the line of New Mexico, and thence with the line of J that province, in such away as to include the small strip of territory i n it which lies west of the river. Read what the Secretary, under the direction of President Polk, wrote : “The President desires to deal liberally by Mexi co. You are therefore authorized to offer to assume the payment of all the just claims of our citizens against Mexico , and, in addition , to pay five mil lions of dollars in case the Mexican Govern ment shall agree to establish the boundary of the two countries from the mouth of the Rio Grande on the principal stream to the point where it touches the line of New Mexico; thence west of the river along the exterior line of that province, and so as to include the whole within the United States, until it again intersects the river; thence up the prin cipal stream of the same to its source, and thence due north until it* intersects the forty-second degree of north latitude.” And in the despatch from Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Slidell, of the 28th June, 1846, he says : “Should the Mexican Government finally refuse to receive you, the cup of forbearance will then have been exhausted ; nothing can remain but to take the redress of the injuries to our Government, and the insults to our citizens , into our own hands.” After expending one hundred and fifty mil lions of money, and sacrificing many thousands of lives, to acquire this territory, is it to be giv en as a present to one State by the other thirty nine ? Lewis Cass. Extracts from the Nicholson Letter. “The Wilmot Proviso has been before the country some tune. It has been repeatedly niscasjeu mOw gress, and by the public press. I am strongly impress ed with the opinion, that a great change has been go ing on in the public mind upon this subject—in my own as well as others; and that doubts are resolving themselves into convictions, that the principle it in volves should be kept out of the national legislature, and left to the people of the confederacy in their re spective local governments. * * * * * “The theory of our government presupposes that its various members have reserved to themselves the regulation of all subjects relating to what may be term ed their internal police. They are sovereign within their boundaries, except in those cases where they have surrendered to the general government a portion of their rights, in order to give effect to the objects of the Union, whether these concern foreign nations or the several States themselves. Bocal institutions, if I may so speak, whether they have reference to slave ry, or to any other relations , domestic or public, are left to local authority , either original or deriva tive. ” It will be seen by the above that the Demo cratic candidate for the Presidency is opposed to the Missouri Compromise line; and goes for leaving the right of Southerners to hold slaves in New Mexico “ to the Local Authori* ties ” of the territory. What this local author ity will do in the premises, Mr. Cass thus sets forth : “‘Should we acquire territory beyond the Rio Grande, and east of the Rocky Mountains, it is still more impossible that a majority of the people would consent to re-sstablish slavery. They are themselves a colored population, and among them the Negro does not belong socially to a degraded race. ’ “ With this remark Mr. Walker fully coincides in his letter written in 1844, upon the annexation of Tex- , - as, and which every where produced so favorable an impression upon the public mind, as to have conduced very materially to the accomplishment of that great measure. ‘ Beyond the Del Norte (says Mr. Walk er) slavery will not pass—not only because it is for bidden by law, but because the colored race there pre ponderates in the ratio often to one over the whites; and holding, as they do, the Government and most of the offices in their possession , they will not per mit the enslavement of any portion of the colored race, which makes and executes the laws of the coun try. ’ “ The question, it will be therefore seen on exami nation, does not regard the exclusion of slavery from a region where it now exists, but a prohibition against its introduction where it does not exist, and where, from the feelings of the inhabitants, and the laws of nature, ‘it is morally impossible, as Mr. Buchanan says, that it can ever re-establish itself. ’ ” ♦ ♦ Whilst Cass, Buchanan and Walker write against the South in the strongest possible terms, President Polk signs the Wilmot Pro viso in the Oregon biH, and thereby concedes the constitutional right of Congress to extend the ordinance of'B7 over the whole as well as a part of the United States territories. The only chance for the South now left, is to elect Gen. Taylor and sustain the Whig party in its purpose to establish the Missouri Compro mise line to the Pacific. Elect Mr. Cass and it is plain that we shall get not one inch of the lauds ceded by Mexico. Cranberries a Cure for Cancer.—The Tuscaloosa (Ala.) Observer says: We haveseen it stated, more than once, that the common cranberry was efficacious in the cure of can cer, but have never, until very recently, been an eye-witness to the fact. Mr Middleton Belk, residing within four or five miles of this city, who was afflicted with a cancer on the nose for the last eight years, was induced to try cranberries, applied as a poultice ; and to his great joy and satisfaction, has experienced a perfect and radical cure. We mention this fact at the instance of Mr. Belk, who is desi rous that others suffering under the same af fliction, may avail themselves of this simple but i valuable remedy. Gen. Taylor.—“ The Slave Breeders.” The manner in which Gen. Taylor is as sailed by the supporters of Gen. Cass at the North and Northwest is beautifully illustrated in the following article from the Ohio Plain dealer, which may afford Southern men some additional evidence of the ** unsoundness ” of old Rough and Ready, upon questions involv ing Southern rights and Southern institutions : Taylor Stock. —The Missouri Republican, a Taylor paper has the following advertisement; “ Negroes for Sale —3 young women, girls 14 years old, and a man 22 years old, at our depot, 79 Olive street, where we are constantly receiving ne groes of every description, for sale, from our agents in the country. Persons wishing to buy, if we cannot now suit them, can be supplied soon, by giving us notice. Negroes wanted and boarded. “Blaket & McAfee.” “ Here is a chance (says the Plaindealer) for Old Zack to stock that new plantation of his over the Rio Grande. “ Three young women ” at one Taylor de pot, Think of that “ girls of 14,” and “a man at * 22.” Some discrepancy as to age, but they will do for stock. Take them—Old Zack wants to invest , SIO,OOO. (See advertisement in Washington paper,) i for just such kinds.” M This paper, the Plaindealer, supports Genjl Cass for the reasons stated in the followinJ|s| editorial from that print: * “ There is no power in the country to make a slave except by a sovereign State, and they can make a slave of a white man as well as a black. Should New Mexico and California become States and choose to institute slavery, the probability is they would en slave the whites —as the blacks and copper-skins would be largely in majority. “ Gen. Cass believes that from the single operations of the Constitution, the names of the people now there, the geography of the country, and the strong public sentiments in all of the free and many of the slave States against slavery, that it will never exist in those territories. We know from the frequent declarations made in private conversations, that he is as strongly opposed to the further extension of slavery as we are, and that is strong enough most of our readers will think. “We have every assurance that his administra tion, should he be elected, while it will give security to the great fundamental principles of the party, will never bo used to give countenance to so obnoxious a measure as carrying slavery into new territory now free.” These are the opinions of Lewis Cass as proclaimed by his friends and supporters in Ohio, who insultingly call negroes “Taylor Stock.” Will Southern men be so far forget ful of their interest and rights as to support a man entertaining such opinions? Again the Plaindealer says: “We, as a party, present to the nation a candidate 1 from a free State. He is not a slaveholder. He does not traffic in human flesh. He has no sym pathies, associations, or connections with those who do. He was born and educated in New England, and has spent most of his days in the free wilds of the West, has served his country long and faithfully, and has enjoyed the confidence of Jefferson, Madison and Jackson in the more harmonious days of the demo cracy. Such a man is now the standard bearer of our party, and we support him, and this we could do with hearty good will, independent of our obligations to party.” Let Southern men reflect upon these things. We commend to them the declaration of Gen. Cass that he “ was in favor of the Wilmot pro viso, and should have voted for it,” and again repeat the inquiry whether they are willing to support Lewis Cass in preference to Zachary Taylor? “ The abolitionists in and out of Congress consider ed it (the compromise) a great concession to the South, and strove with all their might to kill the bill, and when the bill was killed in the House, they re joiced as if they considered it a great victory for them.” —Albany Patriot. If this far-famed compromise bill was such a wonderful “ concession to the South,” surely some one of its numerous advocates can in rorm inc country in vtli&i iiuu " sion” consisted. Certainly they ought to be able to point to some feature of the bill which would have secured the rights of slaveholders who emigrated to New Mexico and California with their slaves.—Some clause which would have enabled them to hold them as slaves. But as yet no such section or clause has been pointed out, although we have again and again invited them to do so. What becomes then of the bald assertion that the Compromise bill was a “ great concession to the South7” It is unsupported and unsupportable by facts or argument. On the contrary, that biil was a full and total sur render of the rights of the South, as Mr. Ste phens in his Speech conclusively established. When the arguments of that Speech are an swered and his positions disproved, the advo cates of the Bill may assert with some degree of plausibility, that the Compromise was “ a great concession to the South.” Provisions of th.c Compromise* We have several times asked the advocates of the measure, what protection it would have afforded the slaveholder in New Mexico and California, but have received no answer. The Bill prohibited any legislation in reference to slavery, either by those territories or Congress. Will some of its friends answer us the follow ing questions ? Suppose a slaveholder went there with his slaves and they were stolen; by what law would he recover them ? Suppose an owner of slaves should die there: by what law would his slaves be distribu. ted ? As the compromise bill made no provi sion for any such contingencies, and slaves are not recognized by the laws of New Mexico and California, these questions in our opinion involve very grave considerations. New Cotton. —A bale of new cotton, the first of the season, weighing 460 pounds from the plantation of Jno. P. Greiner, in Wash ington county, was received yesterday at the Warehouse of Messrs. Dye & Robertson, in this city. Fire in Apalachicola. —On Sunday morn mg, about 9 o’clock the alarm of fire was given when flames were seen bursting from the City Hotel. The citizens were soon on the spot with the engines, and by the greatest exertions were able to save the adjoining buildings. The Hotel was a high three-story frame building, with the kitchen joining the next houses. By great promptness in tearing down and destroy ing this connection, the fire was kept in the building in which it originated, and which was entirely consumed. It w’as occupied at the time by two or three families, who saved all their furniture. Pne was excessively warm, and many of the citizens were over come by their great exertions. All turned out and lent a helping hand where their aid was so much needed—even the women were actively employed, and the negroes did their share. Had not the greatest activity been used the whole block would have been destroyed. The Hotel was insured for two thousand dol lars.—Star of the West. The three days of July are not to be cele brated in Paris as heretofore, but a petition with a superscription, “ Forgive and Forget ” has been circulated amongst the National Guard and the “Mobile,” and some thousands have igned it. From the Charleston Courier of yesterday. Later From Mexico* From New Orleans, under date of 18th inst we learn that a later arrival from Mexico brings Vera Cruz dates ofthe7lh inst. Paredes, the insurgent leader, still con tinues concealed. Some of his confederates however, have been captured. Another pronunciamento has been issued at Mazatlan, by Don Palacias Miranda. The plans of the insurrectionists were not made known, but their probable object is to obtain possession of a million and a half of dollars which was expected to arrive at Mazatlan. The Government had ordered troops for the suppression of the revolt. New Orleans Market. The Cotton market was quiet. A lot of fair was purchased for the Northern market at 8 cts. By Telegraph we received the following cir from the New York Directors of the £riends of Ireland: New York, Aug. 19, 1848. flnjKtm'ia arrived. Her news contained in to-day’s J to deceive the public and to depress Ireland. have occurred, the of whioh*cahnot be stated, as the patriot are all suppressed, but know that the events K>ur previous information are all vhole of the Government force or a week attempting to arrest scting a single leader. Those d the most effectual means, and We repeat our appeals, and we els in every part of the United mtinuons action, Robert Emmet, <PBPrles O’Connor, Horace Greeley, .John McKeon, White, V]VffcHJU?L|iT. O’Connell, ThomasCHa^es, „ Ba4thg®>mew O’Connor. Directorsff||tng Friends of Ireland, The editors of all American Journals, friends to the liberty of eytreated to give this an immediate insertion.— Char. Courier. Fattier McElroy and Gen. Taylor. A few weeks since the following paragraph appeared in the Albany Evening Journal,g\w'\t\g the testimony of that most worthy and pious prelate of the Catholic Church, the Rev. Father McElroy, in relation to Gen. Taylor : Father McElroy and Gen. Taylor. —The late “ Father Anthony Rev” and Father McEl roy, now pastor of the Endicott street (Catho lic) Church, in Boston, were appointed chap lains in the army under Gen. Taylor in 184 G. The editor of the Albany Evening Journal, Thurlow Weed, Esq., in a recent visit to Bos ton, called on Father McElroy, and obtained from him the following character of Gen. Tay lor. Mr. Weed says ; “ We called, a few evenings since, when in Boston upon the venerable Father McElroy. one of Gen. Taylor’s chaplains, who is now pastor of a church in Endicott street, and who is confessedly among the most enlightened and devoted philanthropists of the age. He was near Gen. Taylor through his most trying scenes in Mexico. He confirms, in the most emphatic language, all the highly favorab'e opinions we had previously heard expressed by distinguish ed officers who had served long and reputably with him. Father McElroy says that Gen. Taylor is truly a great and good man. Cour age, guided by prudence, and justice, tempered with humanity are, with Gen. Taylor, promi nent characteristics. Temperamce and simpli city of fact and manner ma» k his intercourse with society. Integrity and patriotism stand out boldly in all his official acts. In a word, Father McElroy expresses his conviction, that Gen. Taylor, in the elements that form his character, and the motives and objects which prompt and guide him, bears a strong and mark ed resemblance to Washington.” As this statement was doubted by some per sons, a gentleman addressed a letter of inquiry to Father McElroy, enclosing the paragraph, to which the following answer was received : Boston, July 29, 1848. Dear Sir: —On my return from New York to-day, I found yours of the 21st, and in reply state that what is contained in the slip enclosed as ray opinion of Gen. Taylor is substantially correct. Mr. Weed is not to be suspected, from my knowledge of him, of misrepresenta tion. 1 regret, however, to see my name in print connected with the Presidential candi dates, having always stood aloof from polities and never voted in my life. I am, very respect fully, your devoted friend, &c. John McElroy, The Choctaw Nation. —The Choctaw Na tion of Indians now number about 20,000 souls, the majority of whom emigrated to the west ward of the State of Mississippi in 1840. The remainder hare since been following, till now the tribe except 3.000 or 4,000 are permanent ly located in the territory apportioned them by our Government, between the Red and Arkan sas rivers, West of the State of Arkansas.— Here, occupying about 19,500 square miles of arable land, diversified in surface, and enjoying a salubrious climate, their numbers are increas ing. Their government is thoroughly repub lican, being modeled after ours, and strictly local. Their constitution is of their own framing, and their laws of their own enact ment; and under them the penalties of their violation are enforced. This healthful state of affairs has been brought about mainly through the instrumentality of Northern Christians la boring among them and chiefly connected with the American Board of Missions. For thirty years, Messrs. Dwight, Kingsbury, Byington & Hotchkins, have been among them, and with such results that it is not extravagance to say these Indians exceed the surrounding whites in morality, intelligence, and skill in the mechan ical arts. The Choctaws are chiefly engaged j in growing wool and the culture of cotton, i which they manufacture into fabrics suitable for apparel. There are six missionary stations among them, having under their supervision ten large boarding-schools and three academies, (five of the former female,) in each of which from 40 to 100 young persons are preparing for usefulness. Six are studying theology. These institutions are supported at an annual expense of $26,000, which is the product of a National School Fund, made up of the annuities receiv ed by the nation from the United States, for nearly twenty years past, but shortly to be dis continued. The publication of a newspaper is now con templated, and xMr. Dwight and Mr. Wright, (one of the tribe.) are at present in this city, for the purpose of translating the New Testament into the Choctaw language. Several of our standard works are already issued in that lan guage. The Testament is advanced near to completion at the American Bible Society’s house. —Journal of Commerce. Extensive Poisoning. —Great excitement has prevailed in this community for several days, says the South Alabamian, (Greenville. But ler C 0.,) in consequence of a large number of persons having, as was supposed, been poison ed at a wedding party some eight or ten miles above here. There weie some hundred and fifty persons who were at the wedding taken sick within one or two days afterwards, as we learn, with such symptoms as renders it evi dent to the physicians here that they have been poisoned. No one, says the Alabamian, had, up to that date, died from the effects. More Bolting for Cass.— The Detroit Ad vertiser learns from reliable authority, that the Hon. Thomas Wood, of Washtenaw county, formerly a Locofoco member in the Legislature from that county, has bolted the Cass party, and is out good and strong for either Old Zack or somebody else besides Cass, Important Geographical Discoveries In 1846 Sir George Simpson, of the Hudson’* Bay Company, commissioned John Rue Esn an agent of said Company, to take command of a land Arctic expedition, with a view t 0 complete the Geography of the Northern Shore of America, by surveying the only Sec . tion of the same that has not yet been traced namely, the deep bay, as it issupposedto he’ stretching from the Western extremity of the Straits of the Fury and Hecla, to the 'Eastern limit of the discoveries of Messrs. Deane & Simpson. We are happy to say that the ex pedition has been entirely successful. The following report of the general results We copy from the Montreal Herald of Nov. 15ih It will be seen that Boothia Felix, which on the latest maps is put down as an island, i» ffict a part of the Continent.— N. Y. Jour York Factory, Hudson’s Bay ) September 20th. 1847 ’ ( Mr. George Simpson , Sir:— l have now V honor to acquaint you, that the expedition which left Churchill under ray command, on the sih July jqip for the purpose of completing the survey of the north! ern shores of America, reached this place in safptv on the 6th instant. “ Having already written you byway of Red River and enclosed an outline of my discoveries I merely mention here, that I reached Repulse Bay",, the 25th July, last year, and immediately had a boa taken across land, and through lakes, to the sea west of Melville Peninsula. The ice here was too closely packed for us to make any progress, so that I deter mined on returning to Repulse Bay, and making pre parations for wintering. A stone house was built measuring 20 feet by 15, and covered with oil cloths as a roof; there being no wood, some moss and a sort of heather were collected for fuel; and 162 deers were shot before November was ended, when all these animals had passed southwards. Our house was frequently cold enough, the thermometer being sometimes 10 or 20 deg. below zero. On the sth of April I started with a party, and traced the coast up to Lord Mayors’ Bay of Sir John Ros?, thus proving that veteran d’seoverer to be correct in his statements’. Boothia Felix is part of the American Continent This journey occupied us until the sth of May, and we had travelled about 560 geographical miles I again set out with four chosen men, on the 13th*of the month, (May,) and, after undergoing much fatigue and suffering, and some privations, we traced the west shore of Melville Peninsula, to within 6 or 8 miles of the Fury and Hecla Strait. We arrived at winter quarters on the sth June, all in good health and spirits but much reduced in flesh. From this time until the 11th August, when the ice broke up, we wore all bu sily occupied in procuring the means of existence anil in making preparations for our homeward voy age. We took leave of our dreary home, and of our Esqiiraaux acquaintances, on the 12th August, Our progress southward was much impeded by contrarv winds, so that we did not enter Churchill River until the 31st. We had stillß bags of Pemican, and 4 cwt. of flour on hand. Being detained here two days, we did not arrive at York Factory until late In the even ing of the 6th of September, where my sudden ap pearance somewhat surprised my friends, who had not expected me so soon. As I intend going to England by the ship, I shall do myself the honor of addressing you more fully from London. With the utmost respect, I remain, Sir, your most obedient servant, (Signed) John Rae. American Commerce in the Baltic Ports. —The Washington Union learns, from a pri vate letter written at Copenhagen, under date of July sth, by an American gentleman well informed upon the subject, that since the blockading of the German ports on the Baltic, by the Danish government. Mr. Flenniken, our Charge d’Affaires near that government, has succeeded in obtaining from it special licenses to all American vessels trading to those ports to pass the blockading squadrons. These licenses have been claimed by our Charge, because of the remoteness of our government from the belligerent parties, and in order to place our ships upon an equal footing with those of the adjacent powers. The Danish government appears to have exhibited a marked respect to our flag in this matter, as neither the Russian nor the English envoy has been able to procure a single similar license for ships of their re spective nations; while, on the contrary, not a single American ship has been stopped or re fused a license. One of the American vessels which obtained a free pass was the Josephine, in to Swenemunde ; and another was a vessel from Marvin, which had been until then lying at El sinore. They would pay a large amount of sound duties, the cargoes of both vessels con sisting of sugar. Law in California.—A California corres pondent of the Reveille says, he has procured Blackstone’s Commentaries, and the revised statutes of Missouri, and one volume of Maine law, and that these are borrowed from San Francisco to the Gulf of California, and all intricate points of law settled and justice ad ministered, They are received in the courts as authority in all matters of litigation. Curious Phenomenon. — We had heard a good deal of talk during the last few days about a chicken with a human face, at the house of Madame Martin, in Conde street, near St. Philip. We paid no attention to the droll stories which we had heard, hut at length we were so pressed, that we were determined to see for ourselves. At the place mentioned we saw a chicken, having, instead of a beak -a nose and mouth, exactly conformed to those of a human face ; the nostrils, the separating cartilage, the lips, tongue, chin, are all there- It is indeed a most singular lusus natura -Y O. Bulletin. Kentucky Convention and School Tax —ln addition to the ordinary election questions. , there is in Kentucky two others of very great interest. These are the convention and «ch° ol tax questions. Both these questions have been decided in the affirmative. The convention call requires a majority of all the votes There are no votes given against; but tin; votes given for the convention are subtracter from the whole number. If there is a may ity the question is carried. From the return we infer that both the convention and theschoo | tax have been carried by large majorities. . Further from Pernambuco.—Ad y,ce ' from Pernambuco to the 7th ult. have been ceived at New York. Inconsequence of t» e threatened disturbances growing outoftheex citemeht against the Portuguese merchants* 0 traders, a representation was made to our - I iater at Rio de Janeiro to dispatch our ves-e ' ©f war on that station for the protection of ‘ persons and property of American citizens- Cholera in St. Petersburg —A letter ceived at Salem, from an intelligent Ament in St. Petersburg, dated July 17, says : rT (1 am. I “ The population of this city is about oJ I The number of cases of cholera are a ai } I against 1.050 ten days since, and the dea s I against 550. By experiments made ‘ It the past few days, it is observed that . f IS but little electricity in the atmosphere, I with great difficulty that the machirier. ■ made to operate. 80,000 laboring _: eS have I left the city, and most of the manulac o h stopped in consequence of the dese ■ I operatives.” I Brother against I for whose arrest a reward or ouu f j re [ a od. ■ been offered by the Lord Licßtenaii lhe ■ has a brother, Sir Lucius OB ’ jji> I House of Commons. The brot l | jn , the ■ vote in favor of the bill Tor susp H habeas corpus act, knowing tha s pob e H would be one of its first vict ' in £* . | intend B on the occasion as follows •‘ A j. vv3 s like ’ E ed to vote against the bill, litstu- 4 slC ‘ ■ my brother Smith would 0 r , t j,e I tims. On second thought, h B s ocb 1 V venlion of bloodshed has br# I fraternal feeling. Smith f o r the b I must take his chance. I ■ The Pans Theatres have been r^^“ v0 ii»S ■ government, which is bankrupt „** | nearly seven hundred thousand 1 ■ those places of public amusement in I
