Funding for the digitization of this title was provided by R.J. Taylor, Jr. Foundation.
About Daily chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1837-1876 | View Entire Issue (July 12, 1850)
min mu n 11——■ CHRONICLE SENTINEL. ! by WILLIAM S. JONES. OFFICE IN RAIL ROAD BANK BUILDING. daily, tri-weekly a weekly. THRMS—DaiIy Paper, to city subscribers, per annum, in advance SO Daily Paper, mailed to the country 7 Tri-Weekly Paper, “ “ “ “ •• 4 Wcekl T (a mammoth sheet) “ «♦ 2 SH SYST.—I n no case wilt an or<’er lor the paper be attended to, unless accompanied with the money, and in every instance when the time for which the subscription may be paid, expires before the receipt of funds to renew the same, the paper will be discontinued. Depreciated funds received at value in this city. ,^—n— TC3I, CHAPPELL’S LETTER. [continued] The question then comes back with increa* - ed pungency : —What is the duty of Southern Democrats 7 What ought they to do 7 . It is very plain what would have been their duty, and what thoy would have done, in case the Democratic party had not lost the Presi dential election, and with it the power to carry out their well understood, fully avowed policy on this subject. But for the occurrence of te this woful and unhinging mishap, duty of the Democratic party, Northern and ftouthern, would have been to organise territorial govern ment, on the non-intervention principle, for all the territories acquired from Mexico,California included. From this duty there would have been no escape or attempt at escape, and it would ere now have been fully and faithfully performed. General Cass, as President, would have recommended it to Congress—and his Democratic supporters in both Houses would have stood shoulder to shoul der with Southern Democrats in the perform ance of his duty, Southern Whig members would nothrve dared, to withhold their co-op eration—and thus the prompt and easy passage of the measure would have been secured be yond all shadow of doubt. , But General Taylor was elected President, and the act of the people in electing him, and the results ofhis policy and management since his election, have greatly changed the duty of the Democratic party, and of Southern Demo crats also, by interposing a manifest impossi bility to carrying out the original Democratic programme in relation to the territories. Through his management and influence, ?and that of this Cabinet, California has been led to organise a State Government; and backed by ftia recommendation, she is now knocking at the door for admission into the Union, with an in terdict in her constitution against ail slavery within her limits, And it is conceded on all hands that it would be a hopeless and impossi ble thing to attempt to refuse her entrance and remand her back to a territorial condition. We are compelled consequently to give up Califor nia as a territory. S».e is lost, irretrievably, as a satellite to our system, and can hencefor ward belong to it only as a star in the grand constellarion of States. Possibly we may, by well directed efforts and judicious co-op eration,with the friends of measures of concilia tion and concord, succ lin procuring a salu tary curtailment of her enormous boundaries. Even this ho ever, there is no little chance for —more, it would be wild to think of. But although California is thus lost to ua, and lost by no fault or misdoing of the Southern Democratic party, yet there is nothing what ever in the fact or circumstances of that loss which can operate to exonerate Southern Democrats from the full and faithful perform ance of all that part of their original duty in re lation to the territories that yet remain possible to be performed. New Mexico still remains— the newly proposed terrritory of Utah remains —both claiming and ready to receive at our hands, territorial governments upon our own cherished non-intervention principle. Our duty in regard to these territories is certainly not at all done away or lessened because Gen Taylor has rendered it impossible for us to perform the like duty in regard to California. On the contrary that duty is even heightened by the conrse which Gen. Taylor has pursued in relation to California, and the policy which he is now urging in reference to the other two territories—which policy unblushingly pro poses to withhold from them civil and political organizations, and to treat them as outcasts from government, in order by such treatment to drive them to a speedy imitation of the ex ample of California, and to a like irregular and obnoxious caim for admission into the Union. The duty, then, of Southern Democrats in relation to these territories remains entire. It is a duty to organise territorial governments for them on the basis of Congressional non-inter ference with the subject of Slavery within their limits; it is a duty to save them from suffering, for a long and indefinite period, the wretched fate which Gen. Taylor’s heartless and unscrupulous policy of Government non action and abandonment would inflict upon them ; it is a duty to rescue them, moreover, from being made, whatlhat policy would un doubtedly raakeihem, a long continuing, ef fective stalking horse of anti-slavery agitation, and, above all, it is a duty summoning them to the rescue of the South, and of the Union, from the tremendous disasters in store from them both, from the rapid sp;ead of Abolitionism and bitter sectional hatred consequent upon such agitation. Such are the manifest and imperative duties of Southern Democrats in the present critical and alarming state of things—duties of which 1 am utterly unable to see how they can effec tuaily acquit themselves otherwise than by ear nestly co-operating with those who show them selves deeply penetrated with a sense of the same duties: with such men as Clay, Web ster, Dickinson, Atchison, Mangum, Cass, and Foote, all those Northern and Southern Dem ocrats and Southern Whigs, aye, and North ern Whigs, too, if any such there be, who are working hard for the performance of all these daties—who are laboring to compose the strifes of the country, to heal its fearful wounds, and to restore it once more to a state at which the patriot need neither blush nor tremble. It is only by such a co-operation, I repeat, we can at all acquit ourselves of these duties. Certainly we cannot do it by siding, whether actively or passively, with Gen. Taylor and his followers in this matter, who are seeking to carry out a policy which sets all these du ties at naught. As little can we do it by siding with those who in their blind rage at General Taylor s too successful legerdemain in regard to California, are bent on pursing a course which, without the least prospect of defeating the full realization of that part of his plan which relates to California, will absolutely en sure the success of that other part which re lates to New Mexico and Utah. The bill reported by Mr. Clay, as Chairman of the Committee of Thirteen in the Senate, is the great antagonistical plan to that of the President and his cabinet, and to the schemes and views of the Northern Whigs, Free-soilers and Abolitionists. If it fails, they must neces sarily triumph. If it succeeds, they are as ne cessarily defeated and overthrown. Such is the realunshunnable alternative which the case presents. Let ua then look dispassiouateiy at that bill. The undoubted exellence, the exalted patriot ism of its objects, entitle it at least to a fair and liberal examination before it is condemned and rejected. It is impossible, I aoprehend, to deny that it is a bill which contains much that is good— and good of the highest kind. It ig equally impossible to deny that it will prevent much that is evil, and of the very worst kind. In the first place, it is a marked ingredient of goodin the bill, that it makes provision for the organization and government of the Terri tories of New Mexico and Utah. The atro cious contracts, wrong and evil which it will prevent, and which so deeply stains the oppo sing cabinet plan, is the leaving of the people of these Territories for an idefinile length of years without the protection of government and laws, to be a miserable prey to civil an archy, military despotism and barbarian out rage Every day that this state of things is allowed to last, is a continuation of the most crying, mercliess, discreditable injury and in justice, on the part of our government, to wards this portion of our fellow-cit.zens. It constitutes a case of the most remarkable gov ernmental depravity and abandonment of duty, that was ever known. It involves a breach of the treaties, of the obligations of the Constitu ton, and of the sanctity of oaths, all of which unite ito demand in thunder-tones of the President and Congress, to give to the people of New Mexico and Utah, the benefits and protection of civil government and laws. Mr. Clay’s bill proposes to discharge this most solemn and im perative duty. The antagonistic Presidential plan, proposes to set this duty at naught, and to abandon these territories for an indefinite length of time, to all the miseries and wrongs of their present anarchical and unprotected condition. Will Southern Democrats —will Southern men of any party pursue a course which effectually helps and enables Gen. Tay lor and his cabinet, to carry out such an atro cious policy 7 Th ; s is one of the questions which they must answer by their course in this matter. For to help to defeat Mr. Clay's bill, is to help most efficiently to carry out Gen. Tavlor’s system of governmental non-action and abandonment of duly, in regard to the Territories, That system goes into effect, if the bill is defeated—it vanishes into nothing if the bill is passed. Another prominent and undeniable merit which Mr. Clay’s bill possesses, is to be found in the rejection of the Wilmot Provis j, and in the feature it contains of Congressional non interference with the subject of slavery in the Territories. Those Southern men who refuse to recognize this as a great and satis aclory merit in Mr. Clay’s bill render very poor ser vice to the Southern cause. They contribute to weaken and demoralise the South in iier own eyes and in the eyes of the whole country, by stirring up dissatisfaction now against what the Southern people clamored for only two years ago. Let us beware, now that the posi tion we contended for in 1848, is sought to be conceded to us, how we turn away grumbling from the offer, and insist upon another posi tion we then repudiated. How downward is the tendency of such a course ! And how certainly are those who pursue it destined to sink the character of patriots in that of fa tionists ! The bill has a still further merit in connec tion with the matter of slavery. It is not only marked throughout all its provisions, by the entire abstinence of Congress to legislate in re lation to slavery, but in order to make abso lutely sure of Southern approval in this par ticular, it expressly denies to the Territorial government the newer to pass any law prohib iting or establishing it ; thus leaving the ques tion of slavery in the Territories in the hands of the judiciary where the celebrated Clayton Compromise bill of 1848—over the loss of which the Southern people so poignantly grieved, sought to put it. Surely, then, it can not be that Southern men and especially Southern Democrats, will pronounce Mr Clay’s bill unsatisfactory on the subject of slave ry in the Territories. Again, the great, and, so far as I am aware, the only point of honor urged or made by the South in connection with this controversy, lias been that Congress should not make a discrimi nation againstlhe Southern people, by passinga law in restraint of their right to emigrate with their peculiar property, to territories acquired by the common blood and treasure of the whole countrj*. Such a discrimination it was felt and insisted, would be not less a wound upon Southern honor and equality than an in fraction of Southern rights. This point of honor is saved to us —saved complete aud in violate by Mr. Clay’s bill. And yet further:—The passage of Mr. Clay's bill, in conjunction with the opinion prevalent throughout the South, that, in the absence of all Congressional or Territorial legislation to the contrary, the Southern people would be entitled in point of law to carry their slaves in to the Territories—the passage, I say, of this bill in conjunction with this prevailing opin ion. would make Southern men feel secure in emigrating thither with their slaves. And if there be adequate inducements presented by the soil, climate and productions, mineral or agricultural, of the country, they will so emi grate toil, and plant Southern influence there, and indue time bring the States there to be formed, into the Union as slave-holding States. In strongest, contrast with all this, is the course which things must take if the bill is de feated and Gen. Taylor’s policy of non-action and abandonment of the Territories to an un organized, and lawless slate, supervenes in its place. In that case, the whole world knows that there will be no immigration of Southern slave owners with their property. For men owning any kind of permanent or valuable property, especially slaves in the South, to the absolute security of which they look for the maintainance of their families and a provision for their children, will not risk it it in a land destitute of the protection of civil government and laws. In such a land the needy, lawless, the outlawed and the desperately adventurous, will mainly congregate. Such will be the character of the population, that under the sys tem recommended by Gen. Taylor, will at some distant day frame constitutions and gov ernment, and ask lor admission into the Union for New Mexico and Utah. And such a pop ulation. owning no slaves and looking merely to the appropriation of the countrj' and its government and honors to themselves and others oftheir own sort—will be sure to shutout Southern slave-owners, by an interdict in their State Constitution, as the Californians have done. The Northern Whig®, Free Soilers and Abolitionists, who are supporting Gen Tay lor’s non-action policy, understand well what will be its operation. They know that it will, in the end, certainly throw New Mexico and Utah into their hands —as the President’s active policy has already thrown California into their nands —and so they be butsure of getting the substantial thing which they want, they are not over-nice or particular about the process by which it shall be done. Will Southern Democrats, will Southern men of any party, pursue a course which a raounts to giving them effectual and decisive aid for achieving such an end by such means? They will be pursuing such a course if they co-operate with them in causing Mr. Clay’s bill to be rejected. It is another important merit of the bill, (or rather it is a necessity from which the bill could not escape,) that it seeks to provide for the settSementof thedisputed boundary between New Mexico and Texas. This branch of the bill is inseparably incident to the great object of organizing a territorial government fo* - New Mexico. For, in order to the organization and working ofaTerriturialgovernment, measures for settling this disputed boundary, are indis pensable, unless we would have Congress to be guilty of the wickedness and insanity of or ganizing a territory for the purpose of making it a wide and revolting arena of governmen tal collision and warfare with a neighboring state. It has already been ascertained by a decisive vote of the Senate, that it is wholly impossible to pass a bill recognizing and confirming the vast length of Western boundary claimed by Texas, stretching from the mouth to the sou. v • f the Rio Grande del None, and thence c 4 North to the 42d parallel of latitude. Proba bly Texas herself, would regard as a most un happy circumstance, the permanent engraft ment on her political body, of the immense, barren proboscis to which she now lays claim, projecting up so far to the North and partaking of her vitality to little other purpose than that of provoking upon her perpetual hostilities and incursions from numerous tribes of sav ages. j According to the imperfect attention I have given to the subject, lam inclined to think the best boundary between New Mexico and Tex as, would be a line quitting the del Norte at a point some sixty miles above the town of El Paso, and stretching from thence to Red River, along the Southern margin of the Great Desert of the Journey of Death, throw ing that Desert entirely into New Mexico. Such aline would give Texas all the territory in that direction that can possibly be desirable to her. For giving up her claim to the territo ry North of that line, she ought to receive an ample equivalent, and so the bill provides. This part of the bill ought also to be wholly disentangled from the slavery controversy, by a provision expressly recognising and perpetu ating the Missouri Compromise Line, as laid down and established in the Texas Annexation Resolutions —which, I believe, has been done by an amendment introduced for that special purpose. After all, this whole branch of the bill a mounts to nothing more than making an over ture to Texas for the settlement of the bounda ry. And in the perfect freedom which Texas will possess of accepting, rejecting or modify ing the terms offered by the bill, we have am ple security that nothing detrimental to the great interests of the South, will be allowed to be consummated. Such are the undoubtedly good provisions which the Territorial bill of the Committee of Thirteen, contains—provisions which Con gress is clearly bound to enact —the enactment of which is a duty of the gravest kind—a duty light thing for American Con gressmen and especially Southern members and Southern Democrats, to omit to perform. Yea! more ! It is a duty so grave and imper ative, so binding on their souls and conscien ces, that they are bound to use their utmost exertions, to exhaust all the constitutional means in their power, for its full and effectual performance. On this point it does not seem to me that there can be any ground of doubt. And if the bill contained no other provisions but these, it would have easily united the suf frages alike of Whigs and Democrats of the South. It was a deep and over-ruling sense of the solemn duty of carrying into effect the meas ures contemplated by these provisions that actuated those Senators who co-operated to unite them together in the same Bill with another measure, —that for the admission of California into the Union as a State. The joining of them in the same Bill with that measure, was resorted to as a means of effec ting their passage, and as the only means by which it was believed it could be effected —and for no other reason The Senators who thus co-operated and who were so profoundly penetrated wih a conviction of the overwhelming character of the duty of enacting these provisions, on look ing around to ascertain what were the pros pects for success, were struck with grief by the discovery that their utmost endeavors were do med to certain defeat, in case these pro visions were left to depend for their passage on their own mere and unaided strength in Congress. This melancholy discovery made a deep impression on their minds, but was far from making them feel that they could be jus tified in leaving these provisions to the fate which was seen certainly to await them, as a separate and disconnected measure. On the contrary, they felt it to bo their duty to cast about for some warrantable legislative expe dient to strengthen them and give them a bet ter chance of success. After long debate and great deliberation, and strong opposition, they adopted such an expe dient. They beheld lying beneath their hands, on the Senate table, a separate Bill for the Admission of California—a measure known to possess a very plethora of strength— 'roops of zealous friends — large and determined ma jorities in both branches of Congress. They beheld in it a measure, which was conceded on ail hands to be absolutely certain to pass by a decided role and a measure which they be lieved to be strong enough to carry along with it on its back those other weaker measures, which these Senators had so much at heart — the Bill for the organization, on the non-inter vention principle, of the Territories of New Mexico and Utah, and that, also, for the settle ment of the New Mexico and Texas Boundary question. Under these circumstances, what did they do 1 Why, they did what was no new or questionable thing in parliamentary tactics and pratice. Senators who were the friends, and Senators who wero the enemies of the measure for the admission of California, uni ted to throw it into the same Bill with those other measures, in order that its strength might be made to aid their weakness and carry them safely through Congress. In other words, they laid hold of the fleet and strong limbed California admission steed, that was deemed certain to pass triumphantly through the Con gressional lists, and determined to make him do some good service, if possible, to the coun try, as he passed—determined to make him serve as a pack-horse to carry through along with himself the whole load of our favorite Southern measures connected with the Terri torial controversy. Those measures are known to be too weak to carry themselves through by their own un assisted strength, and in fastening them to Gen. Taylor’s California Admission measure, Southern members of Congress are not, by any means, making themselves chargeable with the blame and responsibility of that measure, but are merely using it as an engine to drag through their own better, though weaker measures. “The very head and front of their offending, Hath this extent, no more.” Admitting, what I do not see how any man can successfully deny, that it was foul play on the part of the Administration to foist upon the turf this powerful California Admission meas ure, chousing us of the South so adroitly out of our cherished non-intervention policy in reference to California —admitting this, I say, to be so, there is certainly nothing in such a fact to entitle either the powerful steed or his patrons and abettors, to any favor or exemption at our hands. And it would be a very great favor to them —one highly promotiye of their dearest schemes and wishes, for us to throw off the weighty Southern measures which have been fastened on the back of their steed, or for us to let him fail, for want of due application of whip and spur, votes and voices on our part, to carry that load of measures successfully through. For the question is not whether lie shall go through or not go through. It is cer tain he will go through, in spite of us ; and the real and only practical question is, whether he shall go through with our load of measures on his back, or without them, and to their utter and hopeless loss. For once let it be settled in any way that he shall not or cannot go through with them, and then, relieved of that load, he will fly around the track on hoofs of winged speed, bringing California into the Union as a separate measure with her enor mous boundaries, her irregularities of organi zation and her constitutional interdict of Sla very ; and leaving New Mexico and Utah un organized, the New Mexico and Texas Boun dary question unsettled, leaving the whole mighty mass of Congressional duties in re lation to these Territories unperformed, and without the chance or prospect of performance leaving, for years to come, those territories fr» :f«l, in scarce any thing else, to be putres cently fertile hot-beds of Goverraental collis ions, sectional animosities Anti-Slavery agita tion and Abolition propagandism—with the certainty at last of coming into the Union like California, with an Anti Slavery Constitution ; if, indeed, the Union shall not, ere then, perish on the rocks of the very controversy which these Territories will thus serve to exasperate and perpetuate, and from which there is not patriotism enough in the North ortho Suuth, the East or the West, to extricate the country. TO JBK CONTINUED* Chronicle entb Scntmei. AUSUSTA, GA 7 " FRIDAY (HORNING, JUDY 12. Consistency of the Ultras* The following expose of the consistency of the Hon. A. G. Brown, Member of Congress from Mississippi, will apply to the great mass of those who occupy the Nashville platform. On the 13th of May he wrote: I cannot vote for Mr. Clay’s compromise bill. Line the fatal Missouri Compromise, it gives up every thing and obtains nothing On the 10th of June, not one month after, the same A. G. Brown wrote as follows: “We are in trouble here. Clay’s bill, I think, will fail. What next, God only knows. If the Nashville Convention stands up firmly for 36-30, we can get it. Less than this, we ought never to take.” It may be contended that Mr. Brown was not satisfied with the Missouri Compromise, but would be with the Congressional guaran tee south of that line, as he is now on the Nash ville platform. Let us see what his views were in reference to the power of Congress over the question. Within the last two months Mr. Brown uttered the following sentiment: “My position in reference to congressional action on this subject is easily explained. lam for non intervention — total , entire , unqualified non-inter vention.” Verily, Mr. Brown seems to possess some of the properties of the Chameleon—yet he dif fers little in this regard from most of those who occupy the Nashville platform. The Natchez Courier , in this extraordinary demonstration of consistency, remarks: “ But are these leaders of the party sincere in their opposition on constitutional grounds to the Wilmot Proviso? It is a question which the people will se riously ask, when they find how uncertain are the responses which have hitherto been made, and how equivocal are the actions of those whom they have hitherto believed sound. We find these leaders ap plauding and sustaining the signature of a democrat ic President to a bill legalizing the Wilmot proviso. We find them crying our for strict non-in ervenrion. When that is attainable, we find them opposing a settlement on that basis, and rallying on the Missouri line, by which the right of Congress to prohibit sla very is acknowledged, and which they had but short ly before denounced as a fatal surrender. Will not the j fluctuations in principle and these gross inconsistencies, loosen the confidence which the people 1 ve hitherto been inclined to bestow on them ? Will not these things open their eyes to the real motives which are operating upon their leaders —a desire to thwart the administration, and to op r ise any settlement of a sectional controversy, as long as the excit uetit thereby produced, will be likely to effect their re-elevation to the “blissful scats” of power, either in the Repulic as it s'ands, or in one of the discordant pieces in which their ef forts will have tended to sever it ?” Mr* Cliappell’s Letter* The Macon Journal Sf Messenger concludes a notice of Mr. Chappell’s letter, with the following remarks : “In this community, Mr. Chappell does not stand alone. He is sustained by a large and highly res pectable portion of the political party with which he is associated. Those men who are most deeply inte rested in the particular species of property involved, are with him. Like him. they have risen above Party in their devotion to the Union, and their desire to see peace and harmony restored to the country. Let their example be followed by the thinking, pru dent men throughout the Slate, and all will be well. The country will be saved, and the di: organizers will receive a rebuke which will teach them not to tam per with the integrity of the people in future. What is true of Macon is true of every other section of the State,, so far as we can learn. The intelligent, reflecting, conservative men of the Democratic party, those who have most at stake in the issue, have risen superior to party, and will stand up for the Union and the Consti tution, and we thank them for it. Fire in Brooklyn.—A fire occurred in Brooklyn, on the 7th inst , which destroyed Thorne’s Warehouse on Firman-street, con taining a large amount of Goods; Tapscott’s Turpentine Factory, and Back & Co.'s Dis tillery. Loss estimated at over three hundred thousand dollars —principally insured. The Compromise in Philadelphia.—An immense meeting of the Whigs of Philadelphia county and city took place on Monday evening, the Bth inst., at the Chinese Museum, when a series of resolutions, approving of the Clay Compromise, was adopted by acclamation. John Wetherel presided, assisted by seven ty-six Vice Presidents. Many of the leading business men participated. Cholera, in Nashville* By an Extra from the office of the Union, Gazette , Banner, and Reporter, we learn that suen is the fearful character of the epidemic in that city that all the daily papers had suspend ed their issues. We make an extract: Friday, July 5. —The Proprietors of the Nash ville Daily Newspapers having suspended operations until the excitement, which now in our midst pre sides, issue this Extra. In doing which, they are happv to announce that, from the report of the inter ments, the epidem.c is on the decrease; and, with proper care and attention, on the part of the citizens, have strong hopes that the city and neighborhood will soon be enabled to show a “clean bill of health.” The City Marshal reports 21 interments for the last 24 hours, of which 16 died of Cholera. Nashville, July 4. —We announced in our is sue of yesterday, that no paper would be issued from this office to-day—but from the alarming spread of the cholera during the last twenty-four hours, we feel it our duty to our subscribers and the public generally, to issue an Extra, giving, up to the hour of going to press, the most correct information we could get. The disease is not confined to any particular loca tion, but seems to have taken a general range through all quarters of the city. The corporation are burn ing Tar. &c. in different parts of the City. Guns have been fired in many elevated parts. The Physi cians are unremitting in their attendance on the sick, and nothing is left undone by those of our citizens who remain in town, to alleviate the sufferings of their less fortunate neighbors. Business is generally suspended, and every thing about the city wears a settled gloom. The City Marshal reports 30 interments for the last twenty-four hours, of which 20 died of cholera, and adds these are not all. The United States Mail Steamer Pa cific left the wharf in New York at noon Saturday last for Liverpool, with the mail and upward of one hundred passengers, among whom are Capt. Geo. W. Cullum, of the en gineer corps, U. S. A., and W. B. Dean, bear er of despatches for the U. S. Government. The Crops.—The rains for the last ten days (says the Journal & Messenger of the 9th inst.) have no doubt done much to im prove the corn and cotton crops. We still learn, however, that the latter are from three to four weeks later than at the corresponding period last year. Blooms are still scarce, and the plant is unusually small and thriftless in some places. In other localities, the hot suns and fine seasons have caused it to develope rapidly,and to promise finely. Dr. Lipscomb, President of the Mississippi State Senate, died at his residence in Colum bus on the 22nd ult. Capt. Taggart's Patent Flying Machine Suc cessful. —At Lowell on the 4th, at 4 P. M., Capt. Taggart made a balloon ascension with flying machine attached. He was up hours, travelled about 75 miles, and showed himself over Dracut, Tewksbury, Haverhill, Reading, Andover, Danvers, Ipswich, Georgetown, Lawrence, Methuen, Salem, and other towns. He also went some distance out to sea On his way back to Lowell, at Middleton, the geer ing to his flying machine broke. Had not this accident happened he would have landed in or near Lowell, where he started from. Comparative Statement of the Earnings of the Georgia Railroad, in the months of June , 1849 and 1850. Passengers. Freight, Mail , <f-c. Totals. 1850- ••• 15,373.55 17,010.36 32,383.91 1849- • • • 10,516.58 14,093.65 24,610 23 1ncrea5e.. 4,856.97 2,916.71 7,773.68 [communicated.] To the City Connell. I am always an advocate for judicious im provements incur city, and would respectful ly suggest the propriety, at this time, of mak ing three substantial plank crossing places, in Broad Street, one, certainly, between the Railroad Bank and Post-office, not less than six feet wide, slightly elevated. The old sills might be removed a littl efor the foundation, to which the plank should be securely spiked , and the ends bevelled to prevent jolts, &c. The whole length of plank is twenty feet, whicn would afford three cuts of six feet eight inch es, an ample width for crossing dry-shod, a matter of some consequence, during the mud of winter, to every body. I submit, therefore, whether the consumption of your “heap of phmk,” near the post-office, might not thus be used with less doubtful propriety than that contemplated. A Citizen. July 10, 1850. Tremendous Storm. —The New York pa pers of Saturday afternoon have the follow ing telegraphic dispatch, dated at Albany on that morning: A very severe storm occurred here, and at the West last evening, which has proved very destructive. In the canal there were three breaks ; the first at Port Jackson, which is 250 feet in length; the second at the head of lock number 37, and the third on the seven mile level. The wafer at present is so high that it is impossible to ascertain the extent of the last two. The Utica Railroad bridge, known as Schenck’s bride near Sprakers, was carried away before the express train from here arriv ed. The night being dark and the engineer not knowing of it, he proceeded, when the train ran into the creek. The locomotive and baggage cars are badly broken ; the engineer and firemen are missing and supposed to be lost. A number of the passengers were also injured. From the Nem York Courier of Monday. Later from California* Pile st’mr. Philadelphia arrived yesterday af ter noon from Chagres, via Kingston, Jamaica The Philidelpia brought about $2,000 000 of gold dust on freight, and about $500,000 in the hands of passengers. She made her outward passage in nine days, and has returned in eight days and twenty-two hours—both being re markably good passages. The intelligence is not of special interest. In commercial affairs, no essential changes have taken place. The steamship Sarah Sands, Thompa r )r p was about 90 miles below Monterey, on her pas sage up, taking in coal. The steamers New World andlsthmns sail ed on the 22d of June, both full of passengers. '1 he steamship Oregon, on her passage down, met the steam ship Panama, on the 21st ot June. 150 miles below Acapulco, bound for San Francisco. On the Tuolumne, but little gold digging has been effected since lasi fall along the banks. The gold is under waterand preparations were making by companies to dam the streams to get at it. This work has been actively going omfor five or six months. There is want of men at this kind of work, and $9 or $lO a day is readily obtained. The diggings at James town, Sonora, &c., have been partially desert ed on account of new diggings discovered at Columbia, three miles from Sonora, at the last accounts some 2,000 persons had collected there and town lots were selling at high prices. Sonora is growing very rapidly, being in the centre of an extensive mining region. It is likely to be next to Stockton in size and im portance. Discoveries of rich placers have been made in its vicinity lately ; some of the richest holes at Columbia are 30, 40 and 50 feet deep. A serious difficulty has broken out at Sonora. A number of foreigners refused to comply with the law taxing them for the privilege of working the m nes. A lime was fixed by the collector to summon a posse of American citizens to prevent them from work ing The day previous to the lime fixed, the foreigners paraded with guns, &c., and rein forcements of Americans were sent for from the neighboring towns. Gov. Burnett has sent Hon. John Bidwell and Judge H. A. Schoolcraft in ciiarge of the block of stone contributed by California to the Washington Monument. It is thus described : “This block of gold bearing quartz is from the Mariposa diggings, near Fremont’s mines, and weighs about 125 pounds. In shape it is irregular, approaching a square, its sides vary ing from eighteen to twenty inches in length. It averages in thickness nine inches—across its surface diagonally it is twenty-one inches by measurement. Very little gold is perceptible to the naked eye, but it is estimated to con.ain about eighty dojlars worth.” There arrived at San Francisco from sea between the 15th April and 29th May, 7087 persons, of which 349 were females. XiAter from Havana. By the arrival of the Steamer Georgia at New York, from Chagres via. Havana, we have dates from the latter place to the 30 h nil. The United Slates vessels Congress and Germantown were still anchored at Havana. On the 2nd inst. Commodore McKeever and suite and Capt. Mclntosh, dined with the Governor General. The Governor General gave every assu rance that the prisoners would soon be liber ated, and harmony restored. The prisoners are at present uader the control of Admiral Ar mcro, who will give no information in regard to them, and differs entire ly in his views from the Captain General. It was reported on the authority of the Bri tish Consul that nine of the American prison ers had died. The chief authorities, however, say that they were all alive. There is great excitement against the Amer ican Consul, Mr. Campbell, on account of some letters he wrote to the United States State Department, (reflecting in the opinion of the Spaniards,) on their navy and militia. The Consul is obliged to keep his house fortified, and ready at any moment to repel an attack. The Spaniards are assembling a large naval force at Havana. Three frigates and two brigs have just arrived from Spain to join the Squadron of Admiral Armero. The passengers by the Georgia were allow ed to goon shore until the arrival of the Fal con, when strict orders were given that no one should leave the ships. The city of Havana remains healthy. The Nicaragua mail for the United States, including the Government dispatches been lost. ’ It was reported that a revolution had brnb ont in Costa Rica, and that Gea. Flor*. l been shot. res The Georgia brings home the Captain anJ crew of the bark Lucy Ellen, of Boston d Table Rock Fallen.— The great point observation at Niagara Falls, is in existence more. It has always been supposed (h at .i‘° table rock would sometime be eugulphed i 0 aj 6 great abyss below, and at last the long antic 8 pated event has been accomplished. One r the proprietors of the Buffalo Express, giy!, the following account of the occurrence ; Niagara Falls, June 29—p rn About half past one o’clock this afternooi; if large mass of rock known as Table Rock, gave wa" and went tumbling into ibe river below. The iuai carried away was about sir rods in width and lvv t lT in length, and fortunately no one was injured, vi ten minutes before the currence a party of goln i, twenty or thirty wers standing on the rock, but bao pily had just left. A gentleman was silting in a cm riage on the rock when it commenced giving wav V leaped from the carriage and was saved the car riage went down with the mass of rock. A gentle man and lady accc.npanied, by the guide, were pa,*, sing under the rock at the time it commenced f a |] ing, but fortunately gc: out from under, before the large mass fell. Large numbers have visited th e spot this afternoon to witness the place where the table rock once was. A story was put afloat and sent off" by telegraph that a number of persons were buried under the falling rocks, but there is no truth in the report. From the Nero Orleans Bee Bth inst. From Texas. By ibe arrival of the steamship Palmetto, we have received our files of Texas papers to the 2d inst., inclusive. The accounts of the crops in the interior are somewhat improved, and hopes are now enter tained ot an average yield. The Galveston Journal of the 2d says: Much, however, depends upon the future ; should the remainder of the season be favor able. and with a late frost, and without cater pillar, a good portion of the State will not faill much short of an average crop. These are evils from which the cotton crop of !ate jears is never safe, until the season is very far advanc ed. The high price that cotton lias command ed the present season, nas encouraged every planter to go into its culture to theextent of his ability. From our personal knowledge, the number of acres planted in cotton this season greatly exceeds the last year, and with an ordinarily good season we think it may be safely calcu lated that the crop of Western Texas will fully equal that of last year notwithstanding the un favorable weather we have had this spring.— Corn crops are, we believe, good, and we hear no complaints of the cane. The Brazos river is ■ again falling—it has done but little injury, not having been over its banks except in two or three very low places The catalogue of murders by Indians still continues. We learn from the Western Texan that a few days ago the bodies of two Germans, citizens of Antonio, were discovered some miles from the town, who had been murdered by the Indians. There are seven or eight hun dred Indians encamped on the Plains, under the command of Wild Cat, the Seminole chief; they are composed of Seminoles, Li pans, Wecoes and Tankewas. This party of Indians have assembled for the ostensible pur pose of making war, with their united forces, upon the Camanches, but we have no doubt that future developement will show that their barbarous combination will result in robberies and treacherous assassinations of our citizens. Gen. Brooke had issued orders for a scout ing party, at least twice a week, to scour the country on the Leon, Ban Antonio and Salado rivers, from five to twenty miles. Indians are seen in every direction in the neighborhood of San Anionio, and several of the citizens have been shot at, while wander ing a few miles from that town. The Santa Fe controversy provokes much public excitement in Texas, but thus far it has manifested itself only in threats. The Charleston (Va.) Republican states that the Cholera is prevailing to some extent in that neighborhood. Several cases had ter minated fatally at Kanawah Salines. The number of deaths by Cholera at St. Louis during the week ending on the Ist in stant, was 67. The Glasgow (Mo.) Banner has a letter dat ed on the 6th June, eighteen miles boyond Fort Kearney, which represents that the Chol era hah broken out among the emigrants and was making terrible ravages. Texas Indian Fight. —A Texan newspaper, called the Nueces Valley, gives a detailed ac count of a fight between a company of Ran gers, under Capt Ford and a party of Caman che Indiana, on the 291 h of May, the scene of which is not stated, although no doubt, it was on the Rto Grande. The Rangers numbered 24 men, and on arriving at the camp of the In dians, 7 men were detailed to guard the pack mules in rear ofthe company. The charge was then made, and a portion of the Indians driven from the chaparral. Another attack was then made on the remainder of the warriors in which a Ranger, named Gillespie while attack ingan Indian whom he had wounded, w as kilt ed with an arrow. This caused a halt, giving the Indians time to retire, which they did slow ly. The rear guard then coming up, another attack was made in front and flank, which proved successful. The Indians broke and fled, leaving one warrior a prisoner, and another, a chief named Otto Cuero, dead on the field. The prisoner stated the loss of his people to be three killed and four or five wounded, to protect them they fought so desperately. — Sergeant Level, ofthe Rangers, was wounded in the leg by a ball. The prisoner was sent to Gen. Biooke, and the head dress, shield, bow and arrows of the fallen chief to Gov. Bell. From the Constitutionalist of the 9th insi. Mr. Editor :—On the 28th of June, I proclaimed in your p_ cr an intended celebration of the 29th an niversary, f the Town of Hamburg, South Carolina by its founder and citizens, to take place on the 2d ; instant, and I now give the result of that festivity. About 3 o’clock of that day, a Barbecued Dinner was placed upon two tables, each 50 feet in length, in the Park near the Spring, of which about 200 persons partook. It received a general praise as be ing a well cooked dinner—plentiful for all and some to spare for absent friends, which was sent to them ; and at candle light some 50 stands upon posts 10 feet high, prepared for the occasion, in addition to the same number of lamps, placed in the Park and on Park Hill, were lit up, when the dancing commenc ed, and kept up until 12 at night. Sky rockets and splendid fire-worka were set off at intervals. From 12 to 1500 persons graced the celebration, and our sister city of Augusta honored us with one half of that number, it is understood that the bridge re ceived thirty dollars from that party byway of toll; and it affords me infinite pleasure to say, that the whole company returned home well satisfied with the entertainment received, and I will ask —what would life be worth without some moments of pleas ure. And I may be permitted to say that this Park and Park Hill is the spot where these pleasurable moments may be enjoyed—the distance is short, one quarter of a mile from the bridge, and shaded; tbo water is good, the air on the hill is pure, and the scenery for romance is among the grandest in the United States. It is free to all, whether from South Carolina, Georgia or elsewhere, without money am! without price. But when a select party is intended, permission must first be asked. Henry Shvltz. Park Hill, near Hamburg, S. C., July 5, 1850. ROPE, BAGGING AND TWINE. lAAA COILS best Hemp ROPE; • vFVr Ls 100 bales heavy Gunny BAGGING 2,000 lbs. TWINE. For sale low by „ j T 12 HAND, WILLIAMS & CO. BACON, BACON.--10,000 lbs. prime Ten nessee BACON, for sale by mbS HAND A FLEMING.
