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About Daily chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1837-1876 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 16, 1850)
CHRONICLE & SENTINEL. BY WILLIAM S. JONES. OFFICE iVrAIL ROAD BANK BUILDING. OAILY, TRI-WEEKLY & WEEKLY. TERMS —Daily Paper, toeity subscribers, per annum, in advance Daily Paper, mailed to the country 7 Tri-Weekly Paper, “ “ “ “ -4 Weekly (a mammoth sheet) “ “ .. 2 CASH SYSTEM. —In no case will an order for the paper be attended to, unless actompanied with the money, and in every instance when the time for which the subscription may be paid, expires before the receipt cf funds to renew the same, the paper will be discontinued. received at value in this city. H JUDGE WELBORN’S LETTER [CONCLDPED. ] But 1 propose to approach a little nearer the doubtless true question which (must it not be 7) is so deeply agitating so many able and virtu ous minds South on the subject ot secession and the formation of a southern confederacy. Can slavery, with propriety, be trusted longer B in this Union 7 But, preliminarily, are we not I dishonored by the very act of remaining in u nion with a people from whom in so many forms we have beard, and from whom in as many ' £ ways we shall in the future, should wo re main united, continue to hear, so much that is both unpleasant and offensive to our feelings and our rights T * Speaking first to the last point as being most important, it is obvious that the highest interest of society as a whole must, of logical necessity, represent that of the individuals who compose it ; and as there is no subject of equal concern to man with the preservation of a just claim to self respect, and the mainte nance of his personal honor, so nothing can exceed in gravity to the South the question propounded. Now, the being in the same po litical union together, as confederated States is obviously an atfair mainly of business and in terest. By it we are brought, it is true, into a more frequent and intimate association. But the unio n dissolved, would the northern and southern sections cease to transact business with each other, and have intercourse ? Would an impassable wall spring up between the two sections 7 If not, the nature of the in tercourse would not be changed, but only the degree of its intimacy —and the point of honor remain. We, behoving ourselves innocent in the affair of slavery accuse them of ‘sin,’ and in my opinion justly, in bringing false ac cusations upon us—sin against the scripture in being ‘busy bodies’ —sin against the consti tution, which in guarantying to us our prop erty in our slaves, guarantied to us impliedly the right to use it without molestation from them —sin against the peace of the country, which is disturbed by them—sin against the government, by bringing the love and duration of it into jeopardy. So far, therefore, as the matter of attack is concerned we have it at all times in our power to defend ourselves ; and if there be any virtue in crimination, the world has not lost the power to retort; and thus we perceive (do we not ?) that it is rather an affair of convenience and taste than a grave concern to us‘of honor.’ The right or the wrong of the present s'avery of the Stales of the South, like Sabbath mails, the sale and con sumption of spirituous liquors, See., is a specu lative question, the discussion of w r hich, in the midst of free and tolerant institutions like ours, will go on more or less in every section, and as we have occasion to lament, often very im properly and in very mischievious ways. It is not unfrequently a disgrace to those concern ed in bringing it forward. To the South it is an annoyance—to the whole country a great evil. But will not the institution, supposing it to remain in the Union, be overthrown, destroy ed in some way or other by the hostile action of this government 7 Such has often been ray own apprehension—is now more or less a fear with me. It is certainly not impossible. What will be the most probable mode in which, if at all, future aggression will go on 7 Will it by attacking the Slave trade between the States 7 The Supreme Court have decided that the jurisdiction of Congress over the Commerce between the Slates embraces only inanimate articles of mer chandise, and not persons. This view of the ques'un remaining of force, an act of Con gress proposing to interfere with the institu tion in this way would be simply null and void. But suppose such a law to be passed, and a future bench be found to reverse the present ruling on the point; in what way would the Government execute the law within the several States? It is to be hoped that the States will never so far lose sight of their simplest and most absolute forms of constitutional right, and the most obvious necessities ot defence against dangerous and alarming approaches of oppression and tyranny in their very midst, as not to fly to arms, if need be, and expel froiu their borders any agent sent on such an errand of outrage. But would the act referred to ac complish the object of abolition 7 It would primarily stand in the way of one source of danger much dreaded by the South—the emp tying of the slaves of the border States hold ing them into the more central and southern ones, through the medium of sales of them. But might it not be that it would serve to bold the slave in the border States until, becoming unprofitable and burthensome, he would be simply surrendered to gratuitous emancipa tion 7 To this the reply suggested is, that it would seem very doubtful at least whether the States in view, should such a tyrannical and lawless act be passed and submitted to, would not hold their slaves in bondage among them in preference to setting them free, at a dead loss, at least as long a period of time as it would occupy to drain them off by means of sales. Ifso, would the number of slave States be certainly more rapidly diminished than by permitting the trade to proceed 7 It might possibly reduce, to some extent, the ratio with which slaves increase, and to that extent be a motive to abolitionism, At all events, it would seem to diminish the alarm prevalent in the minds of some on this point, to find the danger from it so much hedged in, and subject to such checks and modifications. Will not an effort bo made to abolish the in stitution in the States themselves, by an amendment of the constitution conferring power on Congress for that purpose? There are now fifteen slave States in the Union, in cluding Delaware. She has no law of pros pective emancipation even, but the number owned by her is so small that she cannot be expected to exert the same influence as many others, to preserve the institution. Excluding her, there are fourteen. Texas, by division, may in the future furnish us with three ad ditional ones, and we are now aiding to put her in a condition to look to it. h requires a numerical majority of three-fourths of the Slates to change the constitution. Looking into the Territories on the map, extensive as they are, the first inquiry arises, where will the requisite majority be found 7 h i B true that availing themselves of majorities, which they will certainly henceforth have in both branches, the non-slaveholding States may, 1 by concert and artifice, present to the nation the extraordinary spectacle of uni- | ting to multiply States arbitrarily for the express purpose of bringing about this change in the constitution ; but would not that be an extreme length for fanaticism itself to go 7 And what would be the nature of the obser vation of the slavehoiding States in the mean time, and what would not be their stupidity if they did not, in solid column and undivided sentiment, interpose by some decisive action? Should such a proportion as four nou-slave holding to one slaveholding be left to the grad aal aod legitimate working, of i iroe aod the lawsot population, we should reason that the period when it would be reached would be a remote one. Suppose, however, the propor tion necessary to a change of the constitution collected in Congress and the measure of abolition broached ; would the proposition be, looking to probability, to abolish the institution at once or prospectively 7 Again, in all sim ilar cases elsewhere—in the abitrary and heavi ly indebted States of Europe—the custom has been for the government performing e ac to pay for the property a greate. or ess price. We have now, according to P rev S mates, about three millions and a half of slaves in number, of the probable value of’ fifteen hundred millions of dollars. Supposing our selves to be within ihe short period of twenty five or thirty years of so vast a change in our federal offairs, our number of slaves at past ratios ©(increase would be seven millions, and at present rates of price their total value three thousand millions of dollars. Fifty or sixty years hence it would be doubled. Should it be decided, then, to pay us one third their val ue at the expiration of twenty-five years, as part of a system of emancipation, it would re quire one thousand millions of dollars. Our present federal debt is estimated in round num bers at seventy-five millions, and is spoken of with concern on account ofita magnitude by our most experienced financiers. Not beingable to approach us, then, with so much as a show of compensalion, would they not leap over all obstructions, and emancipate uncondition ally 7 Supposing, as wo must, the sword to be replying with all the strength of defence to such gross outrages, by what process would the government execute its decree of abolition 7 Would it march its armies into the slave States and declare war, to coerce them into the exe cution of the law by themselves upon them selves? Or would it send the civil officer to the field or house yard to interpose between the master and slave 7 Or would it issue a paper proclamation to the slave, announcing to him that he was free, and trusting to him to relieve himself from his master’s rule 7 Will the free States be willing to travel through this procedure and confront such results, and at the same time, while inflicting on others such ex traordinary oppressions and outrages, them selves endure all the losses, revulsions in trade, commerce, etc., which would come of such an anomalous stale of affairs as would be thus brought about in the pursuits and pro ceeds of the slave labor and other conditions of the South 7 It is certainly wise to bear in mind that such things lie within the compass of human possibility, and equally important to keep in view the patient, the persevering ener gy of fanaticism. Will not slavery in the District, and the public forts, arsenals, and dock-yards, be very soon brought about 7 A proposition in the Senate to abolish it in this District, including payment for them, during the present session, received four votes. Abolitionism is usually regarded as progressive. If this vote be re ceived as a measure of its progress during the sixty years the District has been in the hands of the government, it would seem to have ad vanced slowly. In the House, however, it received a more considerable vote. On a motion to suspend the rules to introduce such a proposition for consideration there, the mo tion received, not counting fractions, fifty votes. It is sometimes convenient to consult very small numbers of voters, and the temp tation is most likely to be yielded to an occasion when no actual legislation is looked to. Some honorable members who voted for the proposi tion to suspend the rules, with tbs view to offer such a bill, did me the honor to state to me that they were opposed to the measure re ferred to. Many illusory votes are cast on similar temptation. I profess to give no opin ion as to the precise strength of the dreaded measure in either House. The prevailing de sire on the part of members now would seem to be to evade, if possible, all farther allusion to topics which have so tired the temper and exhausted tne patience of the patriotic and considerate members of society in ail th* States during our late war and territorial con test. But there are other modes by which the in stitution may be attacked. May not a sort of esprit de corps of feeling, founded alone on the distinction between the two classes of Slates in the matter of slavery, spring up and link together a sectional majority that will go to murk disparagingly the minority, to now in sult with an air of patronage, and now wrong by an unjust discrimination 7 This is a deli cate affair to introduce into discussion. It was believed that a disposition to favor the labor of the white, in contradistinction to the black man, had somewhat to do with the tariff acts of 1824 and 1828 ; but is it possible to over look, in this precise connexion, the two signi ficant facts—first, that the tariff policy is now in the hands of free-trade politicians; and, moreover, that if it were not so, the slavehold ers are not better agreed among themselves on this point than are the different sections ? One strong test of the ground of immediate inquiry would seem to be the accessibility of places of pre-eminent honor and high power in fede ral rank to slaveholders. The proportions of time in which slaveholders and non-slavehold ers have presided over the republic is known to all. Both houses of the present Congress Save placed their organization in the hands of southern slaveholding gentlemen. Is there any well-founded complaint on this score as yet. 1 This point is parted from with the re mark that it is, perhaps, not without its dan gers, and that should so inconsiderate and un fortunate an infatuation seize on the Congress or the spirit of the nation as the one under notice, the affair of secession ought not to be reasoned about. Feeling ought to decide it. 1 have thus felt my way through the gloomy caverns into which we are accustomed to send our imaginations as containing the sources of danger that, in the fears of many, including my own, may sooner or later possibly render it necessary to destroy the government with a view to avoid them, or, at all events, to save ourselves from the ignominy of a blind or cowardly submission to outrage and desecration. But is our ru in in the Union inevitable 7 Are our dangers distinct or speculative, proximate or remote? Fanaticism is proverbially hard to be reasoned with. On the other hand, the non slaveholding States have an immense stake in the proceeds of slave labor, and immense obstacles to overcome, it must be seen, in order to effect its destruction. But, supposing secession by Georgia to be abandoned, would it not be wise and prudent to make an effort to unite majorities in the three, four, or five States lying in the angle of the Atlantic and Gulf, oa which, as on a° foot to the vast column of the confederacy, the su perincumbent pressnre is greatest, and form a league of them, or of them construct and cen tralize a single one, with a view to get away from the presence and jurisdiction of the pre sent federal government? Were such my opinions, I would not, according to present impressions, advise just now an attempt at its accomplishment. Were it certainly wise, just, and prudent, does there exist/ or can there be produced, in present circumstances, so general a concurrence of judgment in be half of it among the Stales in view as would be necessary to give i: an air of plausibility 7 If undertaken, must it not prove impracticable 7 And every failure, Jet it be borne in mind, that shall transpire on false or unsustainable issues, must deeply injure us. The cast of j States frustrated in a movement of so porten tous a nature will suffer, and the courage ne cessary to effectual resistance, should that be come absolutely and certainly necessary, be weakened. . ® u PPose the four or five specified States violently withdrawn, against the convictions and will of an overwhelming majority of the States and people of all the great sections , what will be the probable gain to them by it ? In the first place, let us contemplate what will be Hie probable nature of the rule that will prevail at home. After such exasperations of society as the movement itself must occasion, what will be the probable fortunes of the crushed, dreaded, and hated minorities within, who could not agree to, and will not have con cursed In, the movement ? The weakness and distrusts of the new government would render its rulers, (would it not?) supposing them to be the best men in a, of necessity harsh. What would be the new government’s resour ces of war, its army, its navy ? Courage, or desperation, it might display. Revenues we should hope for at our ports; but is it clear and sure that this would be conceded to us ? Might not the collections, confident to the con trary as we may feel, be attended with more or less expense in some form or other ? Is there not a perilous uncertainty resting over this point? Is it not being sanguine to assume that we shall be left to withdraw, refuse dues to the government, and engross the custom re ceipts at our ports, without disturbance or mo lestation 1 Let an intelligent impartial mind look over the geography of the Atlantic States and the valley of the Mississippi, and survey the vast mesh of connexions, associations, and affini ties now spread over these two surfaces; trace the rivers and roads that pervade them in com mon like the arteries and veins of the human body; estimate the thousands of millions of their internal traffic, conducted now on the ft ot ing of perfect freedom; observe the extent and involved nature of our associated rela tions, common property, common engage ments, public debts, then turn his philos ophy for a moment to the high, sensitive, not to say resentful condition of the minds of the people of this Union touching rights and re straints, the logical fruit of our free institutions, and answer the question whether the conclu sion can be safely trusted, as asserted by many now, that a section of it can violently, in defi ance of the judgment, moral sense, and choice of the others, tear away without present strug gles or future disturbance ? That there is nothing peculiar to the South in this particu lar; that she has vast natural resources; is, as a section, a profitable one to the confederacy; and that the non-alaveholding States will incur a heavy, as it will be a just penalty for their guilt and infatuation in driving her from the Union, if they shall do so, is most apparent. Yet all this is foreign to the point. It is not a familiar device of the human mind, when it has decided on aline of conduct looking logically to perils, to avert the eyes of its judgment, as I men intent on rushing down a precipice blind fold themselves ? Certainly one who weighs his words will admit that in our new estates, if we shall indeed shift offour present connexions and go from system to chaos, all, having unob structedly wheeled away, may go smoothly for ward, indefinitely, on new lines of movement. But what, certainty being unattainable, are the probabilities ? The true mode, then, of settling the question, so far as this particular argument can have just weight would seem to be, if it be conceded that it is not obligatory upon us on the score ofhonor to secede, whether the pros pects of redress for past wrongs, of resources of future security, by secession on so small a scale, in present circumstances, are on the .vhole better than those even in this Union, beclouded as they may be; and, especially, whether we may not hope, however doubtful the point, that acknowledged causes ofdanger will not reach the consummation we fear in the Union, without making some step in their career, at which we can rally more union of judgment South as to the sufficiency of the of fence than can be construed to arise out of the late bills, and more agreement of determi nation to resist than now exists. For example ; should slavery be abolished in this District, will not Maryland and Virginia fire up and go as far as Georgia to resent it? Should Con gress overleap constitution and rights in re sped of the slave trade between the States, will not the border States, by whom it will be, per haps, most sensibly felt, unite with us in a just resistance of it? Is there any State in the Union of whom we may not hope that if it be assailed within its own borders, in the avidity ol abo'iiionism to destroy the institution, it will unite in repelling it with those most deeply ag itated on ihe subject ? Would we feel that by secession we were honorably released from our federal debts ? What is to become of them? Will we settle with the creditors in the matter of the seventy- 1 five millions we now owe, and which it is no reproach to us to say that we had a proportion ate share in contracting, by referring them to our dissensions ? But will not other slave States, thrown out into chaos, come to us and increase our numbers and strength ? They may tender themselves in such an emergency, doubtless; but as they are reluctant to go with us now, will they mure readily unite with ua after the disrespect we shall have shown their judgments and feelings In breaking op the union already existing between us and them, and converting their government and our own into a heap of ruins ? And yet, more especially, will they especially he in the temper to con sent to our terms of reunion, or in a condi tion then to furnish, should they desire to do so, a firmer and more reliahleslaveholding bor der than they now constitute ? We are now in constant solicitude to have room for the expansion of slave labor. Where will lie the unsettled territory of the new re public ? W here will it display its enterprises of acquisition ? But do we now dread future territorial stricture ? Taking the population, to the acre, of many of the tree States of this Union as the criterion, and every human being in the slaveholding Slates can go into the State of Texas, dismembered as she is. Gen tlemen, seriously, may we not safely rest for the present on our land acquisitions7 Will not a territorial vista, stretching through the lapse of seventy years, suffice for a present grace 7 And yet already the telescope of po litical astronomy, it would seem, is sweeping the skies of Cuba, and an expanding philan thropy busying itself not a little to know by what honorable device it is to be that she is to be relieved from her oppressions. You will thus perceive that I am not with out fear that while too little sensibility may be shown by some to the nature and approaches of the tell spirit of abolitionism, others may over estimate the value of proposed remedies. We will abide a government (will we not?) which has shown itself capable of putting forth such vast powers to protect, and has as yet so little’oppreased, which is still embracing within its vast and mild grasp so much of present prosperity and happiness, and is looked to with hopeful pride throughout the world, until at least a blow be dealt. M. J. Wellborn. Washington, Oct. 7,1850. Census or Memphis.— The city proper of Memphis, according to the recent census, con tains 6,480 free persons and 2,332 slaves, total 8,832. The suburbs contain 1,490 free »nd 1,046 slaves. Resistance — Rebkess.— What do the dts unionistsmsan by the constant cry -of resie tance ? It is due to the people that they should be informed to what kind of resistance the disu nion, office-seeking demagogues wis'a to com mit them. Come out and tell the people what you mean. You want resistance, and vou know what kind of resistance you design ; Then why not say what you want? IToii iay the people must determine for thenjselves. But why not speak out on this quest ion as on all others T Is not your silence on the subject your refusal to speak—evidence conclusive that your designs are da igerous to the Union and the liberty of the people? The Southerner of the 3d iust. says : “For ourselves, we claim a brotherhood with all who favor resistance, (to the act of Congress,) though we differ when to apply the remedy. For ourselves, we think the grievances already perpetrated, demand a redress and toe call for it.” Now we ask the editor of the Southerner , ’ in all honesty, to tell the people what he means by “ resistance 7 ” Do you mean secession or disunion ? or what do you mean ? Tell th« people what kind of resistance to the act of Congress admitting California as a State, the Slate Convention can constitutionally offer. If any, say what it is, and let the people kq ow! Will the editor ha candid on this subject-,-and speak ont like a and tell us what kind of redress he wants? We shall see.— i Cassvtlle Standard. « —■^ppssp—PS——■ Chronicle anh Sentinel. ' A TJGrXJS TA , G-A- , m ) WEDNESDAY MORNING,* • • • OCT, 16. 0 s Hon. Alexander H. Stephens has ac- 1 cepted invitations to address the Public on the great i questions before the people, ! In Macon, on Thursday, 17th October. i In Jonesbaro’, on Saturday, 19th “ In Lexington, on Tuesday, 22d “ In Atlanta, on Thursday, 24th “ In Gumming, on Saturday, 26th “ In LaGrange, on Thursday, 31st “ la Newnan, on Tuesday, stli November. In Kingston, on Friday, Btb “ CP See first Page of Daily for a letter from our correspondent “Hillsberry,” and other items. EF* For Auction Sales, see Fourth Page. Small Pox--Healtli of the City. It affords us great pleasure to announce that Dr. Paul F. Eve, under whose charge the two cases of Small Pox at the Pest-house have been, has in a letter to Mayor Miller, pronounced them convalescent and rapidly recovering. We are therefore induced to hope as no new cases have occured, that we shall in a few days be relieved of the existence of this loathesome disease. As the Pest-house is a mile or more from the business part of the city and is well guarded, persons visiting the city need feel under no ap prehension of contracting the disease. “ The Georgia convention —if carried, as we as sume that it will be, by Southern Union men —may have a very beneficial influence, if it can but strengthen and develope a Southern spirit of united exertion in favor of the fullest developement of the resources and advantages of the South, by diversify ing the pursuits of labor and the employment of cap ital, and introducing manufactures, encouraging the mechanic arts, adopting improved methods cf hus bandry, and courting commerce to Southern ports. This is a legitimate sort of warfare—an honorable ambition for independence—and it will be fortunate fer the South if even political resentments shall have the effect of rousing in them the determination to go to work in earnest for their own permanent pros perity.” The above paragraph from the New Orleans Picayune , indicates a sound, practical mind, thoroughly versed in the interests and duty of the South. The policy suggested, the readers of this journal are aware, is the same urged upon the consideration of Southern men through its columns for the last ten years and more. Our object however, was not “non intercourse,” with the North, as is urged now by stupid, visionary theorists, but a higher and nobler motive—it was to build up the South as a part and parcel of this great republic—to inc. aaso the wealth and advance the prosperity of our native land, to introduce and promote a high * standard of comfort among all class es of society and to render her independent. These were the incentives to our action and suggestions, and they shall continue to call forth our highest energies in their advance ment. In this connexion it may not be improper to inquire how our efforts were responded to by some of the disunion, secession and non j intercourse gentry of the present day. We were charged with favoring Northern policy — with seeking to lay the foundation for a tariff policy, the most odious and oppressive, and many other equally stupid and vapid insinua tions against our policy and motives. If we urged the people of the South to bend all their energies and most all their surplus capital in the erection of Cotton manufactories to spin every pound of Cotton made in the South, and to build up and encourage all other manu factures in our midst, calculated to render us independent, we were met with the assurance, which stupidity alone could venture, that every nail driven to build up factories at the South, was only another nail in the coffin of Free Trade! A Rally for the Union. The publication of the proceedings of the meeting on Saturday last, of the friends of the Union, at the City Hall, renders it necessary for us to call the public attention to the meet ing on Friday next, at 3 o’clock P. M. We shall make no appeal now or then to any one to be present on the occasion, feeling as tiured that every man who deserves the name of American citizen or patriot, and who is op posed to disunion, secession, or resistance to the acts of the last Congress, will take care to make himself heard on the occasion. The cri sis is one replete with interest to every man, and involving questions of the gravest impor tance to all classes, from the common laboring man to him who possesses bis thousands. All, all are deeply interested in the perpetuation of our Government and the preservation of Lib erty, the Constitution, the Union. Mr. Stephens’ Appointments. We rejoice in common with all those ap posed to the ultra and disorganising doctrines of the disunionists, to perceive that this distin guished advocate of the rights of the South and the Union, will not rest quietly on his oars during the recess of Congress. He has made a series of appointments which we publish, to meet and address the people, who we hope will be out in great force to greet him, and to give ear so his sage counsels. Perhaps some of those who are so fond of denouncing him and his course in Congress, as well as Mr. Toombs, would like to meet him on the stump and test their qualities. If so, we are quite sure they will be welcomed most cordially, by both tnose gentlemen and their friends- Mr. Toombs, we are assured, will also ar range in a few days a list of appointments in ebedience to the earnest solicitations of his friends in various sections of the State. Penmanship. We are pleased to announce that Messrs. Jenree & Millar, propose to open a School in this city for giving instruction in this elegant accomplishment. In addition to some very beautiful specimens of their own skill in the art, they I abundant testimonials of their capacity as teachers, and we trust will receive a liberal patronage. Their School will be open in a; day or two, when those wno desire it can ay pi I themselves of their instruction, ” These Southern rights associations will be of the greatest aid in promoting the non-intercourse doctrine, and do more in a year to build up the south and make it independent than all the trading politi cians can do or undo within a lifetime.” —Mobile Tribune. Having passed through the crisis of 1832 slid 33, we are quite familiar with these non intercourse, then anti-tariff resolves, about not wearing or uaeing anything of Northern manu facture, all of which sounded very patriotic and looked very well on paper; but strange to say the very men who were most vociferous in their denunciations of the North and who were the most prominent actors in the meet ings which iterated and reiterated those very patriotic southern resolutions, were to be seen daily clad in Northern shirtings, jeans, bools, shoes, hats, &c. What was true in that day, will be so now. Let the people look around them and see who those men are who talk loudest about non-intercourse, disunion and secession, and ascertain what they have done and are doing to build up the South and render her independent—see how much money they have invested in manufactories, and what enterprises they are embarked in to relieve the South from her dependent state —see where they spend their summers and money, and educate their sons and daughters, Just here speaking of education we have acase in poin. There resides in Macon a Col. Bailet, a na tive of New Hampshire, a most rabid fire ea ter, who denounces the universal Yankee na tion with more apparent gusto than a half dozen gasconading sons of South Carolina. He isjndeed so furious that the very name of Yankee seems to stink in his nostrils. He of course is for non-intercourse, secession, disun ion, or any other ultra or extreme measure to relieve the South from any alliance with Yan keedom. Yet strange as it may seem, this ‘tra ding politician,’ sends his children to the North to be educated, and expends his money in supporting anti-slavery institutions, to the in jury of Southern Schools. So much for his devotion to the South. There are hundreds of Col. Bailey’s in the South who are seeking to play the demagogue upon this crisis. But the Tribune expects these associations to do more in a year to build up the South than all the trading politicians can do in a life time. Wo have no confidence in the associa tions, because we have none in the “trading poli ticians ” who are their prime movers. An enterprising citizen or mechanic who will promptly invest his capital in a manufactory, and zealously engage in the work of introdu cing into the South labor-saving machinery, will actually accomplish more good than all the associations in the SoutLara States. We as earnestly desire to build up the South and reader her independent as any of her sons, but we do not hope to accomplish it by means of these associations. If the South is never built up until they do it, she will grope on in a state of abject dependence for all time. South Carolina is a striking illustration of the truth of this position. She has always been a most cordial hater of Yankeedom, and yet there is no Southern State more dependent, and few so dependent on the North as she is. She built the first Railroad at the South, and with all their vapid slang and cant, about being independent of the North, they are being en riched by the fruits of Northern labor, capital and enterprise. Where are her steam engines and passenger cars manufactured, but in the non-slaveholding States ? We allude to this in no terms of reproach to the Railroad Company, but it is a singular commentary, and it may be applied to all the ramifications of business and society through out the State, upon the gasconade of her sons, about Southern independence. Mobile for tbe Union. The meeting of the friends of the Union, the call for which was signed by over seven hundred citizens of the city and county of Mobile, is said to have been the largest political meeting ever assembled in that city. The Ad vertiser in alluding to it remarks : There is no mistaking this demonstration. A large majority of the voters of Mobile county were present and put their seal of reprobation on the odioi.s doc trine of secession and all other schemes for the dis solution of the Union. Under the broad banner of the Union, Whigs and Democrats met harmornlous ly together, forgetting all party differences, and pledged themselves to each otberto make com mon cause in defence of tbe constitution as it is and the Union as it is. We have no room to day for comment on this glo rious meeting. Our columns ara too much occupied, and we shall defer to another occasion the remarks we intended to make. We cannot omit to say how ever, that the speech'of Judge Hopkins, who presided, was ona of the ablest arguments to which we ever had the pleasure of listening. The number present at this great meeting was es timated at 1500 to 2000, and they were all Union men. Our opponents kept away, and made every effort in their power to prevent others from going. But it was of no avail. The people were there. Mo bile ha* spoken ; and her voice is for the Union. That the demonstration was a most com plete and triumphant one, we were quite sat isfied from the writhings and contortions of the disnnionists, through their organ, even before we had received the account of the Advertiser. At first they tried to deter the friends of the Union by threats of proscription in business, (a la South Carolina.) threatening to repub lish the names appended to the call that, the ; planters might refuse to purchase goods of all auch. Finding this would not do, they attempt ed ridicule, and lastly, since the meeting, they have been snarling like hyena*. They see “tbe handwriting on the wall.” Union Tieltet** Th* friends of the Union in Cass, DeKalb, and Floyd Counties, have nominated the fol lowing tickets for the Convention. We re joice to hear from the Cherokee country gene rally the most cheering news of the progress of sound, conservative principles, the efforts of the disunionists to the contrary notwithstand ing. The Tickets are composed of an equal number of Whigs and Democrats : 1 Cass. Col. L. Johnson, I W. Akin, L. Tomlin, | J. Wofford, DeKalb. W. W. Ezzard, J. M. Calhoun, C. Mvrphy, Cor, ikr. Floyd. J. Walters. J E. Ware. BOOK KEEPER WANTED WANTED, a person capable of keeping a se« of Books, who will be satisfied for the present , with a moderate salary, with a prospect of doing i better. Address A. B. C. through the Post Office, . in own hand writing ° I 1 -g AA oZ. ftUlNlNilf for sale by lOU olfi PHILIP A. MQIBE, Druggist, XHlblte Meeting- At a meeting of the friends of the Union held at the City Hall, in the city of Augusta on Saturday, October 12, 1850, The Hon. Wm. W. Holt, and Garey p Parish were appointed Chairman, and Michael F.Boisclair and Theodore Bridges, Secretaries On motion of the Hon. Geo. W. Crawford and seconded, the following resolution was adopted: Resolved , That a committee of sixteen be appoint ed to present the names of four persons as proper del egates of Richmond County, to the State Convention to be held in December next, and that said Commit! tee report on Friday next at 3 o’clock, P. an 1 that the chair appoint the committee. The following gentlemen were appointed said committee: committee of sixteen. First Ward. Rock District. W. H, Pritchard, Jno. Skinner, Foster Blodget, Jr. Thos. Skinner. Second Ward, Island District. Jos. A. Etc, Peter P. Boisclair, Lewis Levy. L. T. Shopp, ITiird Ward. Bath District. W. A. Beall, W. J, Rhodes, Richard Allen. W. J. Mims, Fourt i Ward. Bridge District. P. Stovall, M. Scago, T. C. Bridges. W, E, Johnson. The Hon. Charles J. Jenkins offered the foilowing resolution, which was seconded and adopted : Resolved, That a committee of six be appointed by the chairman, to prepare for the consideration of the meeting resolutions, expressing the opinions upon the great questions now engaging the public mind and that they report to the adjourned meeting, and that the chairmen of k tbe meeting constitute two of the committee. COMMITTEE ON THE ADDRESS, C, J. Jenkins, Edw. P. Campbell. Robt. P. Poe, W. W. Holt, H. H. Cummiog, G. F. Parish. On motion, it was resolved to publish the proceedings, and the meeting adjourned to meet on Friday next at 3 o’clock, P. M. Wm. W. Holt, ? nI . (jtakkv F. Parish, I Michael F. Boisclair ? a * Theodore Bridge,, \ Seentmnm. fjf The Committee of sixteen is requested to meet at the City Hall on Friday Morning at 11 o’clock. For the Chronicle Sentinel. The Burke Convention Meeting. Mr. Editor: As your correspondent “ Peri cles ” has given you only a brief outline of tht* meeting, perhaps the fitting out of the picture with the pencil of truth, may enable public opinion to settle down upon something definite with regard to the position of Burke couuty in the coming struggle. I pass over the or ganization of the meeting, to the movements of the dramatis personnet, A. McK izae, Esq., lead off in a speech which out-Rhetted (ex cuse the coinage) Rhetthimself, and concluded with the presentation of a Preamble and Reso lutions, not of “ unmeaning generalities,” *i “ Pericles ” stated, but worse still—of the se cession spirit—deeply imbued with Disunion sentiments. Dr. Antony next followed, more mild and conciliatory in temper and expression, his resolutions meeting more favor than Mc- Kenzie’s from their moderation. To him suc ceeded Dr. C. W. West, who boldly broke ground in favor of Disunion—immediate seces sion—and offered in conclusion a preamble and resolutions, which did not mince the matter. A remark of the latter gentleman in bis speech, drew out W. B. Bennett, E?q., a gentleman ex tremely eccentric in his habits, unique in his expressions, somewhat misanthropic in feel ings, and decidedly erratic in his course, as alt our county meetings can testify. The meeting was entertained tor some time with an abstruse dissertation on slavery and its relations, read by himself, the most remarkable feature about which was a proposition to cut the confederacy in half. In defining bis position, be proclaimed his preference for the man who would dissolve the Union at 11 o’clock, over the one who would wait till twelve. His treatise deserves a place in the Georgia Historical Society.— His penetration, however, enabled him to per ceive that “ a more intelligent meeting would not appreciate it,” and consequently he with drew it from the vulgar profana'ion of the “ plebeian herd.” During the discussion upon these preambles and resolutions, which had only been offered without pressing their acceptance, Co I. W. S. C. Morris, in just such a speech as might have been expected from a gentleman of such strong military predilections, and just the right quantity of non-committalism, to make it take, begged leave to introduce to the meeting your fellow countynaan, W. Montgomery, £*q. This gentleman was opposed to disunion, but in favor of resisting the present settlement He recommended “ the seizure of the Custom Houses,” asserting that ‘ unconstitutional leg islation should be met by unconstitutional acts.” Thi* speech, however, for so young a man, was one evincing considerable ability. I am not political casuist eneugh to determine upon the propriety of his recommendation. At this stage of the proceedings. Dr. Antony offered his preamble and resolutions. Judge Whitehead moved their adoption. Dr. West then offered his as a substitute, ob jecting to the resolutions of Dr. A. as too tame —not enough of disunion about them. Dr. A. replied, proclaiming himself of the South Carolina Nullification School, ready to go a little farther than the farthest— willing to trust the Convention in the matter —opposes to disunion instructions. Disorder and con fusion were now predominant, out of which the meeting was rescued by Mr. Bennett’s pro; position to be governed by “common sense, in conformity with which he moved a resolu tion, something about delivering ourselves up to the abolitionists, &c. It was at this stage o! the proceedings that Daily Carpenter, Esq ,a* staunch a Tooinbs and Stephens (yes, and Clay too,) Whig as ever drew the breath of life, out of all patience with the reiterated cry of disunion! disunion! disunion! arose ana spoke boldly for the Union, and acquiescence in tbe present settlement of the questions o* the day. He was for the Union as it i«, a ; only lamented that he lacked language to ex press his feelings on tbe occasion. 1 ~ speech was a good one, and just such as ® would expect from “ Old Bailey .” car ; had Mr. Carpenter closed ere Jno. K =“ ges, E»q., moved the adoption of his reso as an amendment for all that had been o ® j The sentimentof this resolution, « ' can remember, was to instruct the deleft the Convention to take the necessary f te P the formation of a Southern Co«We«;r M. D. Jones. Esq., opposed this reso A. McKinzie followed, advocating d * lion, as presenting the true issue to flf pie, Union or Disunion. He was f e , hoU ld disunion, and the candidate (or h»» Wc giC be pledged to it. Dr. West foil zie harping on the same string. Jadg head followed in favor of the I aD d as it could be preserved. {j Qlo n. Major E. Byne all You can scarcely conceive of the * and confusion prevailing « »•; heariB g". conflicting views clamoring Cor _ a 0 { In the midst of this chaos of 1. t 0 lay sentiment,” J no. T. Shewmake tablf all the preamble and re*ol«nowj Bpee ch i» preceding the motion by «i t he a^ud* defence of tbe conautu»o»aiJJ r f c „ch
