CHRONICLE & SENTINEL.
BY WILLIAM S. JONES.
OFFICE iVrAIL ROAD BANK BUILDING.
OAILY, TRI-WEEKLY & WEEKLY.
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Daily Paper, mailed to the country 7
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CASH SYSTEM. —In no case will an order for
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the receipt cf funds to renew the same, the paper
will be discontinued. received at
value in this city.
H JUDGE WELBORN’S LETTER
[CONCLDPED. ]
But 1 propose to approach a little nearer the
doubtless true question which (must it not be 7)
is so deeply agitating so many able and virtu
ous minds South on the subject ot secession
and the formation of a southern confederacy.
Can slavery, with propriety, be trusted longer
B in this Union 7 But, preliminarily, are we not
I dishonored by the very act of remaining in u
nion with a people from whom in so many forms
we have beard, and from whom in as many
' £ ways we shall in the future, should wo re
main united, continue to hear, so much that is
both unpleasant and offensive to our feelings
and our rights T
* Speaking first to the last point as being
most important, it is obvious that the highest
interest of society as a whole must, of logical
necessity, represent that of the individuals
who compose it ; and as there is no subject of
equal concern to man with the preservation
of a just claim to self respect, and the mainte
nance of his personal honor, so nothing can
exceed in gravity to the South the question
propounded. Now, the being in the same po
litical union together, as confederated States is
obviously an atfair mainly of business and in
terest. By it we are brought, it is true, into a
more frequent and intimate association. But
the unio n dissolved, would the northern and
southern sections cease to transact business
with each other, and have intercourse ?
Would an impassable wall spring up between
the two sections 7 If not, the nature of the in
tercourse would not be changed, but only the
degree of its intimacy —and the point of honor
remain. We, behoving ourselves innocent
in the affair of slavery accuse them of ‘sin,’
and in my opinion justly, in bringing false ac
cusations upon us—sin against the scripture
in being ‘busy bodies’ —sin against the consti
tution, which in guarantying to us our prop
erty in our slaves, guarantied to us impliedly
the right to use it without molestation from
them —sin against the peace of the country,
which is disturbed by them—sin against the
government, by bringing the love and duration
of it into jeopardy. So far, therefore, as the
matter of attack is concerned we have it at all
times in our power to defend ourselves ; and
if there be any virtue in crimination, the
world has not lost the power to retort; and thus
we perceive (do we not ?) that it is rather an
affair of convenience and taste than a grave
concern to us‘of honor.’ The right or the
wrong of the present s'avery of the Stales of
the South, like Sabbath mails, the sale and con
sumption of spirituous liquors, See., is a specu
lative question, the discussion of w r hich, in the
midst of free and tolerant institutions like ours,
will go on more or less in every section, and
as we have occasion to lament, often very im
properly and in very mischievious ways. It is
not unfrequently a disgrace to those concern
ed in bringing it forward. To the South it is
an annoyance—to the whole country a great
evil.
But will not the institution, supposing it to
remain in the Union, be overthrown, destroy
ed in some way or other by the hostile action
of this government 7 Such has often been
ray own apprehension—is now more or less a
fear with me. It is certainly not impossible.
What will be the most probable mode in
which, if at all, future aggression will go on 7
Will it by attacking the Slave trade between
the States 7 The Supreme Court have
decided that the jurisdiction of Congress
over the Commerce between the Slates
embraces only inanimate articles of mer
chandise, and not persons. This view of
the ques'un remaining of force, an act of Con
gress proposing to interfere with the institu
tion in this way would be simply null and void.
But suppose such a law to be passed, and a
future bench be found to reverse the present
ruling on the point; in what way would the
Government execute the law within the several
States? It is to be hoped that the States will
never so far lose sight of their simplest and
most absolute forms of constitutional right,
and the most obvious necessities ot defence
against dangerous and alarming approaches of
oppression and tyranny in their very midst, as
not to fly to arms, if need be, and expel froiu
their borders any agent sent on such an errand
of outrage. But would the act referred to ac
complish the object of abolition 7 It would
primarily stand in the way of one source of
danger much dreaded by the South—the emp
tying of the slaves of the border States hold
ing them into the more central and southern
ones, through the medium of sales of them.
But might it not be that it would serve to bold
the slave in the border States until, becoming
unprofitable and burthensome, he would be
simply surrendered to gratuitous emancipa
tion 7 To this the reply suggested is, that it
would seem very doubtful at least whether the
States in view, should such a tyrannical and
lawless act be passed and submitted to, would
not hold their slaves in bondage among them
in preference to setting them free, at a dead
loss, at least as long a period of time as it
would occupy to drain them off by means of
sales. Ifso, would the number of slave States
be certainly more rapidly diminished than by
permitting the trade to proceed 7 It might
possibly reduce, to some extent, the ratio with
which slaves increase, and to that extent be a
motive to abolitionism, At all events, it would
seem to diminish the alarm prevalent in the
minds of some on this point, to find the danger
from it so much hedged in, and subject to
such checks and modifications.
Will not an effort bo made to abolish the in
stitution in the States themselves, by an
amendment of the constitution conferring
power on Congress for that purpose? There
are now fifteen slave States in the Union, in
cluding Delaware. She has no law of pros
pective emancipation even, but the number
owned by her is so small that she cannot be
expected to exert the same influence as many
others, to preserve the institution. Excluding
her, there are fourteen. Texas, by division,
may in the future furnish us with three ad
ditional ones, and we are now aiding to put
her in a condition to look to it. h requires a
numerical majority of three-fourths of the
Slates to change the constitution. Looking
into the Territories on the map, extensive as
they are, the first inquiry arises, where will the
requisite majority be found 7 h i B true
that availing themselves of majorities, which
they will certainly henceforth have in both
branches, the non-slaveholding States may, 1
by concert and artifice, present to the
nation the extraordinary spectacle of uni- |
ting to multiply States arbitrarily for the
express purpose of bringing about this change
in the constitution ; but would not that be an
extreme length for fanaticism itself to go 7
And what would be the nature of the obser
vation of the slavehoiding States in the mean
time, and what would not be their stupidity if
they did not, in solid column and undivided
sentiment, interpose by some decisive action?
Should such a proportion as four nou-slave
holding to one slaveholding be left to the grad
aal aod legitimate working, of i iroe aod the
lawsot population, we should reason that the
period when it would be reached would be a
remote one. Suppose, however, the propor
tion necessary to a change of the constitution
collected in Congress and the measure of
abolition broached ; would the proposition be,
looking to probability, to abolish the institution
at once or prospectively 7 Again, in all sim
ilar cases elsewhere—in the abitrary and heavi
ly indebted States of Europe—the custom has
been for the government performing e ac
to pay for the property a greate. or ess price.
We have now, according to P rev S
mates, about three millions and a half of slaves
in number, of the probable value of’ fifteen
hundred millions of dollars. Supposing our
selves to be within ihe short period of twenty
five or thirty years of so vast a change in our
federal offairs, our number of slaves at past
ratios ©(increase would be seven millions, and
at present rates of price their total value three
thousand millions of dollars. Fifty or sixty
years hence it would be doubled. Should it
be decided, then, to pay us one third their val
ue at the expiration of twenty-five years, as
part of a system of emancipation, it would re
quire one thousand millions of dollars. Our
present federal debt is estimated in round num
bers at seventy-five millions, and is spoken of
with concern on account ofita magnitude by our
most experienced financiers. Not beingable
to approach us, then, with so much as a show
of compensalion, would they not leap over
all obstructions, and emancipate uncondition
ally 7 Supposing, as wo must, the sword to
be replying with all the strength of defence to
such gross outrages, by what process would
the government execute its decree of abolition 7
Would it march its armies into the slave States
and declare war, to coerce them into the exe
cution of the law by themselves upon them
selves? Or would it send the civil officer to
the field or house yard to interpose between
the master and slave 7 Or would it issue a
paper proclamation to the slave, announcing
to him that he was free, and trusting to him to
relieve himself from his master’s rule 7 Will
the free States be willing to travel through this
procedure and confront such results, and at the
same time, while inflicting on others such ex
traordinary oppressions and outrages, them
selves endure all the losses, revulsions in
trade, commerce, etc., which would come of
such an anomalous stale of affairs as would be
thus brought about in the pursuits and pro
ceeds of the slave labor and other conditions
of the South 7 It is certainly wise to bear in
mind that such things lie within the compass
of human possibility, and equally important to
keep in view the patient, the persevering ener
gy of fanaticism.
Will not slavery in the District, and the
public forts, arsenals, and dock-yards, be very
soon brought about 7 A proposition in the
Senate to abolish it in this District, including
payment for them, during the present session,
received four votes. Abolitionism is usually
regarded as progressive. If this vote be re
ceived as a measure of its progress during the
sixty years the District has been in the hands
of the government, it would seem to have ad
vanced slowly. In the House, however, it
received a more considerable vote. On a
motion to suspend the rules to introduce such
a proposition for consideration there, the mo
tion received, not counting fractions, fifty
votes. It is sometimes convenient to consult
very small numbers of voters, and the temp
tation is most likely to be yielded to an occasion
when no actual legislation is looked to. Some
honorable members who voted for the proposi
tion to suspend the rules, with tbs view to
offer such a bill, did me the honor to state to
me that they were opposed to the measure re
ferred to. Many illusory votes are cast on
similar temptation. I profess to give no opin
ion as to the precise strength of the dreaded
measure in either House. The prevailing de
sire on the part of members now would seem
to be to evade, if possible, all farther allusion
to topics which have so tired the temper and
exhausted tne patience of the patriotic and
considerate members of society in ail th*
States during our late war and territorial con
test.
But there are other modes by which the in
stitution may be attacked. May not a sort of
esprit de corps of feeling, founded alone on the
distinction between the two classes of Slates
in the matter of slavery, spring up and link
together a sectional majority that will go to
murk disparagingly the minority, to now in
sult with an air of patronage, and now wrong
by an unjust discrimination 7 This is a deli
cate affair to introduce into discussion. It was
believed that a disposition to favor the labor
of the white, in contradistinction to the black
man, had somewhat to do with the tariff acts
of 1824 and 1828 ; but is it possible to over
look, in this precise connexion, the two signi
ficant facts—first, that the tariff policy is now
in the hands of free-trade politicians; and,
moreover, that if it were not so, the slavehold
ers are not better agreed among themselves on
this point than are the different sections ? One
strong test of the ground of immediate inquiry
would seem to be the accessibility of places
of pre-eminent honor and high power in fede
ral rank to slaveholders. The proportions of
time in which slaveholders and non-slavehold
ers have presided over the republic is known
to all. Both houses of the present Congress
Save placed their organization in the hands of
southern slaveholding gentlemen. Is there
any well-founded complaint on this score as
yet. 1 This point is parted from with the re
mark that it is, perhaps, not without its dan
gers, and that should so inconsiderate and un
fortunate an infatuation seize on the Congress
or the spirit of the nation as the one under
notice, the affair of secession ought not to be
reasoned about. Feeling ought to decide it.
1 have thus felt my way through the gloomy
caverns into which we are accustomed to send
our imaginations as containing the sources of
danger that, in the fears of many, including
my own, may sooner or later possibly render
it necessary to destroy the government with a
view to avoid them, or, at all events, to save
ourselves from the ignominy of a blind or
cowardly submission to outrage and desecration.
But is our ru in in the Union inevitable 7 Are
our dangers distinct or speculative, proximate
or remote? Fanaticism is proverbially hard to
be reasoned with. On the other hand, the non
slaveholding States have an immense stake in
the proceeds of slave labor, and immense
obstacles to overcome, it must be seen, in order
to effect its destruction.
But, supposing secession by Georgia to be
abandoned, would it not be wise and prudent
to make an effort to unite majorities in the
three, four, or five States lying in the angle of
the Atlantic and Gulf, oa which, as on a° foot
to the vast column of the confederacy, the su
perincumbent pressnre is greatest, and form a
league of them, or of them construct and cen
tralize a single one, with a view to get away
from the presence and jurisdiction of the pre
sent federal government? Were such my
opinions, I would not, according to present
impressions, advise just now an attempt at its
accomplishment. Were it certainly wise,
just, and prudent, does there exist/ or can
there be produced, in present circumstances,
so general a concurrence of judgment in be
half of it among the Stales in view as would be
necessary to give i: an air of plausibility 7 If
undertaken, must it not prove impracticable 7
And every failure, Jet it be borne in mind,
that shall transpire on false or unsustainable
issues, must deeply injure us. The cast of
j States frustrated in a movement of so porten
tous a nature will suffer, and the courage ne
cessary to effectual resistance, should that be
come absolutely and certainly necessary, be
weakened.
. ® u PPose the four or five specified States
violently withdrawn, against the convictions
and will of an overwhelming majority of the
States and people of all the great sections ,
what will be the probable gain to them by it ?
In the first place, let us contemplate what will
be Hie probable nature of the rule that will
prevail at home. After such exasperations of
society as the movement itself must occasion,
what will be the probable fortunes of the
crushed, dreaded, and hated minorities within,
who could not agree to, and will not have con
cursed In, the movement ? The weakness and
distrusts of the new government would render
its rulers, (would it not?) supposing them to
be the best men in a, of necessity harsh.
What would be the new government’s resour
ces of war, its army, its navy ? Courage, or
desperation, it might display. Revenues we
should hope for at our ports; but is it clear
and sure that this would be conceded to us ?
Might not the collections, confident to the con
trary as we may feel, be attended with more
or less expense in some form or other ? Is
there not a perilous uncertainty resting over
this point? Is it not being sanguine to assume
that we shall be left to withdraw, refuse dues
to the government, and engross the custom re
ceipts at our ports, without disturbance or mo
lestation 1
Let an intelligent impartial mind look over
the geography of the Atlantic States and the
valley of the Mississippi, and survey the vast
mesh of connexions, associations, and affini
ties now spread over these two surfaces; trace
the rivers and roads that pervade them in com
mon like the arteries and veins of the human
body; estimate the thousands of millions of
their internal traffic, conducted now on the ft ot
ing of perfect freedom; observe the extent
and involved nature of our associated rela
tions, common property, common engage
ments, public debts, then turn his philos
ophy for a moment to the high, sensitive, not
to say resentful condition of the minds of the
people of this Union touching rights and re
straints, the logical fruit of our free institutions,
and answer the question whether the conclu
sion can be safely trusted, as asserted by many
now, that a section of it can violently, in defi
ance of the judgment, moral sense, and choice
of the others, tear away without present strug
gles or future disturbance ? That there is
nothing peculiar to the South in this particu
lar; that she has vast natural resources; is, as
a section, a profitable one to the confederacy;
and that the non-alaveholding States will incur
a heavy, as it will be a just penalty for their
guilt and infatuation in driving her from the
Union, if they shall do so, is most apparent.
Yet all this is foreign to the point. It is not a
familiar device of the human mind, when it has
decided on aline of conduct looking logically
to perils, to avert the eyes of its judgment, as I
men intent on rushing down a precipice blind
fold themselves ? Certainly one who weighs
his words will admit that in our new estates, if
we shall indeed shift offour present connexions
and go from system to chaos, all, having unob
structedly wheeled away, may go smoothly for
ward, indefinitely, on new lines of movement.
But what, certainty being unattainable, are the
probabilities ? The true mode, then, of settling
the question, so far as this particular argument
can have just weight would seem to be, if it be
conceded that it is not obligatory upon us on
the score ofhonor to secede, whether the pros
pects of redress for past wrongs, of resources
of future security, by secession on so small a
scale, in present circumstances, are on the
.vhole better than those even in this Union,
beclouded as they may be; and, especially,
whether we may not hope, however doubtful
the point, that acknowledged causes ofdanger
will not reach the consummation we fear in the
Union, without making some step in their
career, at which we can rally more union of
judgment South as to the sufficiency of the of
fence than can be construed to arise out of
the late bills, and more agreement of determi
nation to resist than now exists. For example ;
should slavery be abolished in this District,
will not Maryland and Virginia fire up and go
as far as Georgia to resent it? Should Con
gress overleap constitution and rights in re
sped of the slave trade between the States, will
not the border States, by whom it will be, per
haps, most sensibly felt, unite with us in a just
resistance of it? Is there any State in the
Union of whom we may not hope that if it be
assailed within its own borders, in the avidity
ol abo'iiionism to destroy the institution, it will
unite in repelling it with those most deeply ag
itated on ihe subject ?
Would we feel that by secession we were
honorably released from our federal debts ?
What is to become of them? Will we settle
with the creditors in the matter of the seventy- 1
five millions we now owe, and which it is no
reproach to us to say that we had a proportion
ate share in contracting, by referring them to
our dissensions ? But will not other slave
States, thrown out into chaos, come to us and
increase our numbers and strength ? They
may tender themselves in such an emergency,
doubtless; but as they are reluctant to go
with us now, will they mure readily unite with
ua after the disrespect we shall have shown
their judgments and feelings In breaking op the
union already existing between us and them,
and converting their government and our own
into a heap of ruins ? And yet, more especially,
will they especially he in the temper to con
sent to our terms of reunion, or in a condi
tion then to furnish, should they desire to do
so, a firmer and more reliahleslaveholding bor
der than they now constitute ?
We are now in constant solicitude to have
room for the expansion of slave labor. Where
will lie the unsettled territory of the new re
public ? W here will it display its enterprises
of acquisition ? But do we now dread future
territorial stricture ? Taking the population,
to the acre, of many of the tree States of this
Union as the criterion, and every human being
in the slaveholding Slates can go into the
State of Texas, dismembered as she is. Gen
tlemen, seriously, may we not safely rest for
the present on our land acquisitions7 Will
not a territorial vista, stretching through the
lapse of seventy years, suffice for a present
grace 7 And yet already the telescope of po
litical astronomy, it would seem, is sweeping
the skies of Cuba, and an expanding philan
thropy busying itself not a little to know by
what honorable device it is to be that she is to
be relieved from her oppressions.
You will thus perceive that I am not with
out fear that while too little sensibility may be
shown by some to the nature and approaches
of the tell spirit of abolitionism, others may
over estimate the value of proposed remedies.
We will abide a government (will we not?)
which has shown itself capable of putting forth
such vast powers to protect, and has as yet so
little’oppreased, which is still embracing within
its vast and mild grasp so much of present
prosperity and happiness, and is looked to
with hopeful pride throughout the world, until
at least a blow be dealt.
M. J. Wellborn.
Washington, Oct. 7,1850.
Census or Memphis.— The city proper of
Memphis, according to the recent census, con
tains 6,480 free persons and 2,332 slaves, total
8,832. The suburbs contain 1,490 free »nd
1,046 slaves.
Resistance — Rebkess.— What do the dts
unionistsmsan by the constant cry -of resie
tance ? It is due to the people that they should
be informed to what kind of resistance the disu
nion, office-seeking demagogues wis'a to com
mit them. Come out and tell the people what
you mean. You want resistance, and vou
know what kind of resistance you design ; Then
why not say what you want? IToii iay the
people must determine for thenjselves. But
why not speak out on this quest ion as on all
others T Is not your silence on the subject
your refusal to speak—evidence conclusive
that your designs are da igerous to the Union
and the liberty of the people?
The Southerner of the 3d iust. says : “For
ourselves, we claim a brotherhood with all
who favor resistance, (to the act of Congress,)
though we differ when to apply the remedy.
For ourselves, we think the grievances already
perpetrated, demand a redress and toe call for
it.” Now we ask the editor of the Southerner , ’
in all honesty, to tell the people what he means
by “ resistance 7 ” Do you mean secession or
disunion ? or what do you mean ? Tell th«
people what kind of resistance to the act of
Congress admitting California as a State, the
Slate Convention can constitutionally offer.
If any, say what it is, and let the people kq ow!
Will the editor ha candid on this subject-,-and
speak ont like a and tell us what
kind of redress he wants? We shall see.— i
Cassvtlle Standard. «
—■^ppssp—PS——■
Chronicle anh Sentinel. '
A TJGrXJS TA , G-A- ,
m )
WEDNESDAY MORNING,* • • • OCT, 16.
0 s Hon. Alexander H. Stephens has ac- 1
cepted invitations to address the Public on the great i
questions before the people, !
In Macon, on Thursday, 17th October. i
In Jonesbaro’, on Saturday, 19th “
In Lexington, on Tuesday, 22d “
In Atlanta, on Thursday, 24th “
In Gumming, on Saturday, 26th “
In LaGrange, on Thursday, 31st “
la Newnan, on Tuesday, stli November.
In Kingston, on Friday, Btb “
CP See first Page of Daily for a letter from
our correspondent “Hillsberry,” and other
items.
EF* For Auction Sales, see Fourth Page.
Small Pox--Healtli of the City.
It affords us great pleasure to announce that
Dr. Paul F. Eve, under whose charge the two
cases of Small Pox at the Pest-house have been,
has in a letter to Mayor Miller, pronounced
them convalescent and rapidly recovering.
We are therefore induced to hope as no new
cases have occured, that we shall in a few days
be relieved of the existence of this loathesome
disease.
As the Pest-house is a mile or more from the
business part of the city and is well guarded,
persons visiting the city need feel under no ap
prehension of contracting the disease.
“ The Georgia convention —if carried, as we as
sume that it will be, by Southern Union men —may
have a very beneficial influence, if it can but
strengthen and develope a Southern spirit of united
exertion in favor of the fullest developement of the
resources and advantages of the South, by diversify
ing the pursuits of labor and the employment of cap
ital, and introducing manufactures, encouraging the
mechanic arts, adopting improved methods cf hus
bandry, and courting commerce to Southern ports.
This is a legitimate sort of warfare—an honorable
ambition for independence—and it will be fortunate
fer the South if even political resentments shall have
the effect of rousing in them the determination to go
to work in earnest for their own permanent pros
perity.”
The above paragraph from the New Orleans
Picayune , indicates a sound, practical mind,
thoroughly versed in the interests and duty of
the South. The policy suggested, the readers
of this journal are aware, is the same urged
upon the consideration of Southern men
through its columns for the last ten years and
more. Our object however, was not “non
intercourse,” with the North, as is urged now
by stupid, visionary theorists, but a higher and
nobler motive—it was to build up the South
as a part and parcel of this great republic—to
inc. aaso the wealth and advance the prosperity
of our native land, to introduce and promote
a high * standard of comfort among all class
es of society and to render her independent.
These were the incentives to our action and
suggestions, and they shall continue to call
forth our highest energies in their advance
ment.
In this connexion it may not be improper to
inquire how our efforts were responded to
by some of the disunion, secession and non
j intercourse gentry of the present day. We
were charged with favoring Northern policy —
with seeking to lay the foundation for a tariff
policy, the most odious and oppressive, and
many other equally stupid and vapid insinua
tions against our policy and motives. If we
urged the people of the South to bend all their
energies and most all their surplus capital in
the erection of Cotton manufactories to spin
every pound of Cotton made in the South,
and to build up and encourage all other manu
factures in our midst, calculated to render us
independent, we were met with the assurance,
which stupidity alone could venture, that every
nail driven to build up factories at the South,
was only another nail in the coffin of Free
Trade!
A Rally for the Union.
The publication of the proceedings of the
meeting on Saturday last, of the friends of the
Union, at the City Hall, renders it necessary
for us to call the public attention to the meet
ing on Friday next, at 3 o’clock P. M.
We shall make no appeal now or then to any
one to be present on the occasion, feeling as
tiured that every man who deserves the name of
American citizen or patriot, and who is op
posed to disunion, secession, or resistance to
the acts of the last Congress, will take care to
make himself heard on the occasion. The cri
sis is one replete with interest to every man,
and involving questions of the gravest impor
tance to all classes, from the common laboring
man to him who possesses bis thousands. All,
all are deeply interested in the perpetuation of
our Government and the preservation of Lib
erty, the Constitution, the Union.
Mr. Stephens’ Appointments.
We rejoice in common with all those ap
posed to the ultra and disorganising doctrines
of the disunionists, to perceive that this distin
guished advocate of the rights of the South
and the Union, will not rest quietly on his oars
during the recess of Congress. He has made
a series of appointments which we publish, to
meet and address the people, who we hope
will be out in great force to greet him, and
to give ear so his sage counsels.
Perhaps some of those who are so fond of
denouncing him and his course in Congress,
as well as Mr. Toombs, would like to meet
him on the stump and test their qualities. If
so, we are quite sure they will be welcomed
most cordially, by both tnose gentlemen and
their friends-
Mr. Toombs, we are assured, will also ar
range in a few days a list of appointments in
ebedience to the earnest solicitations of his
friends in various sections of the State.
Penmanship.
We are pleased to announce that Messrs.
Jenree & Millar, propose to open a School
in this city for giving instruction in this elegant
accomplishment. In addition to some very
beautiful specimens of their own skill in the
art, they I abundant testimonials of their
capacity as teachers, and we trust will receive
a liberal patronage. Their School will be
open in a; day or two, when those wno desire
it can ay pi I themselves of their instruction,
” These Southern rights associations will be of
the greatest aid in promoting the non-intercourse
doctrine, and do more in a year to build up the south
and make it independent than all the trading politi
cians can do or undo within a lifetime.” —Mobile
Tribune.
Having passed through the crisis of 1832
slid 33, we are quite familiar with these non
intercourse, then anti-tariff resolves, about not
wearing or uaeing anything of Northern manu
facture, all of which sounded very patriotic
and looked very well on paper; but strange to
say the very men who were most vociferous
in their denunciations of the North and who
were the most prominent actors in the meet
ings which iterated and reiterated those very
patriotic southern resolutions, were to be
seen daily clad in Northern shirtings, jeans,
bools, shoes, hats, &c. What was true in that
day, will be so now. Let the people look
around them and see who those men are who
talk loudest about non-intercourse, disunion
and secession, and ascertain what they have
done and are doing to build up the South and
render her independent—see how much money
they have invested in manufactories, and what
enterprises they are embarked in to relieve
the South from her dependent state —see
where they spend their summers and money,
and educate their sons and daughters, Just
here speaking of education we have acase in
poin.
There resides in Macon a Col. Bailet, a na
tive of New Hampshire, a most rabid fire ea
ter, who denounces the universal Yankee na
tion with more apparent gusto than a half
dozen gasconading sons of South Carolina.
He isjndeed so furious that the very name of
Yankee seems to stink in his nostrils. He of
course is for non-intercourse, secession, disun
ion, or any other ultra or extreme measure to
relieve the South from any alliance with Yan
keedom. Yet strange as it may seem, this ‘tra
ding politician,’ sends his children to the North
to be educated, and expends his money in
supporting anti-slavery institutions, to the in
jury of Southern Schools. So much for his
devotion to the South. There are hundreds
of Col. Bailey’s in the South who are seeking
to play the demagogue upon this crisis.
But the Tribune expects these associations
to do more in a year to build up the South
than all the trading politicians can do in a life
time. Wo have no confidence in the associa
tions, because we have none in the “trading poli
ticians ” who are their prime movers. An
enterprising citizen or mechanic who will
promptly invest his capital in a manufactory,
and zealously engage in the work of introdu
cing into the South labor-saving machinery,
will actually accomplish more good than all the
associations in the SoutLara States. We as
earnestly desire to build up the South and
reader her independent as any of her sons,
but we do not hope to accomplish it by means
of these associations. If the South is never
built up until they do it, she will grope on in
a state of abject dependence for all time.
South Carolina is a striking illustration of
the truth of this position. She has always been
a most cordial hater of Yankeedom, and yet
there is no Southern State more dependent,
and few so dependent on the North as she is.
She built the first Railroad at the South, and
with all their vapid slang and cant, about being
independent of the North, they are being en
riched by the fruits of Northern labor, capital
and enterprise. Where are her steam engines
and passenger cars manufactured, but in the
non-slaveholding States ?
We allude to this in no terms of reproach to
the Railroad Company, but it is a singular
commentary, and it may be applied to all the
ramifications of business and society through
out the State, upon the gasconade of her sons,
about Southern independence.
Mobile for tbe Union.
The meeting of the friends of the Union,
the call for which was signed by over seven
hundred citizens of the city and county of
Mobile, is said to have been the largest political
meeting ever assembled in that city. The Ad
vertiser in alluding to it remarks :
There is no mistaking this demonstration. A large
majority of the voters of Mobile county were present
and put their seal of reprobation on the odioi.s doc
trine of secession and all other schemes for the dis
solution of the Union. Under the broad banner of
the Union, Whigs and Democrats met harmornlous
ly together, forgetting all party differences,
and pledged themselves to each otberto make com
mon cause in defence of tbe constitution as it is and
the Union as it is.
We have no room to day for comment on this glo
rious meeting. Our columns ara too much occupied,
and we shall defer to another occasion the remarks
we intended to make. We cannot omit to say how
ever, that the speech'of Judge Hopkins, who presided,
was ona of the ablest arguments to which we ever had
the pleasure of listening.
The number present at this great meeting was es
timated at 1500 to 2000, and they were all Union
men. Our opponents kept away, and made every
effort in their power to prevent others from going.
But it was of no avail. The people were there. Mo
bile ha* spoken ; and her voice is for the Union.
That the demonstration was a most com
plete and triumphant one, we were quite sat
isfied from the writhings and contortions of the
disnnionists, through their organ, even before
we had received the account of the Advertiser.
At first they tried to deter the friends of the
Union by threats of proscription in business,
(a la South Carolina.) threatening to repub
lish the names appended to the call that, the
; planters might refuse to purchase goods of all
auch. Finding this would not do, they attempt
ed ridicule, and lastly, since the meeting, they
have been snarling like hyena*. They see “tbe
handwriting on the wall.”
Union Tieltet**
Th* friends of the Union in Cass, DeKalb,
and Floyd Counties, have nominated the fol
lowing tickets for the Convention. We re
joice to hear from the Cherokee country gene
rally the most cheering news of the progress
of sound, conservative principles, the efforts
of the disunionists to the contrary notwithstand
ing. The Tickets are composed of an equal
number of Whigs and Democrats :
1 Cass.
Col. L. Johnson, I W. Akin,
L. Tomlin, | J. Wofford,
DeKalb.
W. W. Ezzard, J. M. Calhoun,
C. Mvrphy, Cor, ikr.
Floyd.
J. Walters. J E. Ware.
BOOK KEEPER WANTED
WANTED, a person capable of keeping a se«
of Books, who will be satisfied for the present
, with a moderate salary, with a prospect of doing
i better. Address A. B. C. through the Post Office,
. in own hand writing °
I 1 -g AA oZ. ftUlNlNilf for sale by
lOU olfi PHILIP A. MQIBE, Druggist,
XHlblte Meeting-
At a meeting of the friends of the Union
held at the City Hall, in the city of Augusta
on Saturday, October 12, 1850,
The Hon. Wm. W. Holt, and Garey p
Parish were appointed Chairman, and Michael
F.Boisclair and Theodore Bridges, Secretaries
On motion of the Hon. Geo. W. Crawford
and seconded, the following resolution was
adopted:
Resolved , That a committee of sixteen be appoint
ed to present the names of four persons as proper del
egates of Richmond County, to the State Convention
to be held in December next, and that said Commit!
tee report on Friday next at 3 o’clock, P. an 1
that the chair appoint the committee.
The following gentlemen were appointed
said committee:
committee of sixteen.
First Ward. Rock District.
W. H, Pritchard, Jno. Skinner,
Foster Blodget, Jr. Thos. Skinner.
Second Ward, Island District.
Jos. A. Etc, Peter P. Boisclair,
Lewis Levy. L. T. Shopp,
ITiird Ward. Bath District.
W. A. Beall, W. J, Rhodes,
Richard Allen. W. J. Mims,
Fourt i Ward. Bridge District.
P. Stovall, M. Scago,
T. C. Bridges. W, E, Johnson.
The Hon. Charles J. Jenkins offered the
foilowing resolution, which was seconded and
adopted :
Resolved, That a committee of six be appointed
by the chairman, to prepare for the consideration of
the meeting resolutions, expressing the opinions upon
the great questions now engaging the public mind
and that they report to the adjourned meeting, and
that the chairmen of k tbe meeting constitute two of
the committee.
COMMITTEE ON THE ADDRESS,
C, J. Jenkins, Edw. P. Campbell.
Robt. P. Poe, W. W. Holt,
H. H. Cummiog, G. F. Parish.
On motion, it was resolved to publish the
proceedings, and the meeting adjourned to
meet on Friday next at 3 o’clock, P. M.
Wm. W. Holt, ? nI .
(jtakkv F. Parish, I
Michael F. Boisclair ? a *
Theodore Bridge,, \ Seentmnm.
fjf The Committee of sixteen is requested to meet
at the City Hall on Friday Morning at 11 o’clock.
For the Chronicle Sentinel.
The Burke Convention Meeting.
Mr. Editor: As your correspondent “ Peri
cles ” has given you only a brief outline of tht*
meeting, perhaps the fitting out of the picture
with the pencil of truth, may enable public
opinion to settle down upon something definite
with regard to the position of Burke couuty
in the coming struggle. I pass over the or
ganization of the meeting, to the movements
of the dramatis personnet, A. McK izae, Esq.,
lead off in a speech which out-Rhetted (ex
cuse the coinage) Rhetthimself, and concluded
with the presentation of a Preamble and Reso
lutions, not of “ unmeaning generalities,” *i
“ Pericles ” stated, but worse still—of the se
cession spirit—deeply imbued with Disunion
sentiments. Dr. Antony next followed, more
mild and conciliatory in temper and expression,
his resolutions meeting more favor than Mc-
Kenzie’s from their moderation. To him suc
ceeded Dr. C. W. West, who boldly broke
ground in favor of Disunion—immediate seces
sion—and offered in conclusion a preamble and
resolutions, which did not mince the matter. A
remark of the latter gentleman in bis speech,
drew out W. B. Bennett, E?q., a gentleman ex
tremely eccentric in his habits, unique in his
expressions, somewhat misanthropic in feel
ings, and decidedly erratic in his course, as alt
our county meetings can testify. The meeting
was entertained tor some time with an abstruse
dissertation on slavery and its relations, read by
himself, the most remarkable feature about
which was a proposition to cut the confederacy
in half. In defining bis position, be proclaimed
his preference for the man who would dissolve
the Union at 11 o’clock, over the one who
would wait till twelve. His treatise deserves
a place in the Georgia Historical Society.—
His penetration, however, enabled him to per
ceive that “ a more intelligent meeting would
not appreciate it,” and consequently he with
drew it from the vulgar profana'ion of the
“ plebeian herd.”
During the discussion upon these preambles
and resolutions, which had only been offered
without pressing their acceptance, Co I. W. S.
C. Morris, in just such a speech as might have
been expected from a gentleman of such
strong military predilections, and just the right
quantity of non-committalism, to make it take,
begged leave to introduce to the meeting your
fellow countynaan, W. Montgomery, £*q.
This gentleman was opposed to disunion, but
in favor of resisting the present settlement
He recommended “ the seizure of the Custom
Houses,” asserting that ‘ unconstitutional leg
islation should be met by unconstitutional
acts.” Thi* speech, however, for so young a
man, was one evincing considerable ability. I
am not political casuist eneugh to determine
upon the propriety of his recommendation.
At this stage of the proceedings. Dr. Antony
offered his preamble and resolutions.
Judge Whitehead moved their adoption.
Dr. West then offered his as a substitute, ob
jecting to the resolutions of Dr. A. as too
tame —not enough of disunion about them.
Dr. A. replied, proclaiming himself of the
South Carolina Nullification School, ready to
go a little farther than the farthest— willing to
trust the Convention in the matter —opposes
to disunion instructions. Disorder and con
fusion were now predominant, out of which
the meeting was rescued by Mr. Bennett’s pro;
position to be governed by “common sense,
in conformity with which he moved a resolu
tion, something about delivering ourselves up
to the abolitionists, &c. It was at this stage o!
the proceedings that Daily Carpenter, Esq ,a*
staunch a Tooinbs and Stephens (yes, and
Clay too,) Whig as ever drew the breath of
life, out of all patience with the reiterated cry
of disunion! disunion! disunion! arose ana
spoke boldly for the Union, and acquiescence
in tbe present settlement of the questions o*
the day. He was for the Union as it i«, a ;
only lamented that he lacked language to ex
press his feelings on tbe occasion. 1 ~
speech was a good one, and just such as ®
would expect from “ Old Bailey .” car ;
had Mr. Carpenter closed ere Jno. K =“
ges, E»q., moved the adoption of his reso
as an amendment for all that had been o ® j
The sentimentof this resolution, « '
can remember, was to instruct the deleft
the Convention to take the necessary f te P
the formation of a Southern Co«We«;r
M. D. Jones. Esq., opposed this reso
A. McKinzie followed, advocating d *
lion, as presenting the true issue to flf
pie, Union or Disunion. He was f e , hoU ld
disunion, and the candidate (or h»» Wc giC
be pledged to it. Dr. West foil
zie harping on the same string. Jadg
head followed in favor of the I aD d
as it could be preserved. {j Qlo n.
Major E. Byne all
You can scarcely conceive of the *
and confusion prevailing « »•; heariB g".
conflicting views clamoring Cor _ a 0 {
In the midst of this chaos of 1. t 0 lay
sentiment,” J no. T. Shewmake tablf
all the preamble and re*ol«nowj Bpee ch i»
preceding the motion by «i t he a^ud*
defence of tbe conautu»o»aiJJ r f c „ch
