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broken is its surface. I have hardly time to
speak of the view from the top—it is of sur
passing loveliness. It is from this spot you
realize the beauty of Naples Bay, because
you see it as a whole—the islands of Capri,
Ischia, and Procida —the indented coast of
Bake, the Promontory of Sorrento, and the
cool villages nestling under it—the streets
of Pompeii opened to your gaze,and the glori
ous Mediterranean,encircling the whole pros
pect, giving it its highest charm. On the land
side, the classic plateau, on the craggy edge
of which Naples is situated, is very well seen.
It extends to the base of the Apennines, and is
as flat as though it had been smoothed by a
roller—a heritage reclaimed in times very
remote—from the sea. Far in the distance,
I could descry Capua.
We descended toward the East, following
the lava stream of 1849, all the way in the
deep sand. The descent is easy, (on this
side,) and altogether agreeable. The impe
tus which one himself gives to the sand, helps
along his descent, for the mountain is so
steep that the least agitation will set the sand
in motion. It was amusing to look back and
sec- the whole mountain crawling down after us.
Crossing a dried stream of lava, we passed
around by the belt of level ground before
spoken of, to where we had left our horses.
Mounting, we rode down to Resina —this time
by the royal road—found our carriage wait
ing for us—and our volaute-jehu was not long
in reaching the hotel.
Thus you have my ascent and descent of
this mountain, with all the contingent cir
cumstances. 1 only hope you may enjoy it
in description, as I did in reality. Many as
cend Vesuvius by torch light—ostensibly to
be there at sun-rise—but this is a whim, I im
agine, much as seeing the Vatican by torch
light is—in other words, a convenient way of
spending money. Besides, a golden sun-set,
seen from the top of that mountain, is far pref
erable to a sun-rise. But travellers must
have their whims, and guides are not unwil
ling to foster them, for whims are always
costlier than common sense.
Truly yours,
A NATIVE GEORGIAN.
POLIT I C A L .
HON. R. TOOMBS’ SPEECH..
Notwithstanding the inclemency of the
weather on Tuesday last, a large number of
the citizens of Wilkes assembled at this place,
to hear the views of our distinguished Sena
tor on the present state of political affairs.— !
Never have we witnessed such an attentive
audience as the one on this occasion; it
seemed as if all were eager to catch every
word which fell from the lion, gentleman’s
lips. This was no party meeting, for we
saw Democrats and Whigs, Southern Rights
men and Union men, and nobody's men, ;d!
congregated to hear what our renowned
statesman and fellow-citizen might say to
them.
For nearly two hours, this attentive audi
ence listened to the remarks of Mr. Toombs.
He began by reviewing the position occupied
by himself lor the past two years, saying that
be had not changed a single iota, but was rea
dy now, as he has always been, to give his sup
port to the men who would plant themselves
upon the broad principles of the Constitution
and the country.
After reviewing the position of parties for!
the past two years, Mr. T. then spoke of the i
three candidates for the Presidency, now be
fore the American people. He commenced
with Gen. Scott, showing most conclusively
that he had no claims whatever upon his fel
low-citizens for that responsible station. He
spoke of him as a great General; admired his
achievements in arms against the British, the
Indians and the Mexicans; that he was the ■
last one who would pluck a single laurel j
from his military fame. On this point •
Mr. Toombs w’as very eloquent, and paid a i
just tribute to him as a military chieftain, and j
that was all that could be said for him. Gen. i
Scott was the free-soil candidate—he was for
the annexation of Canada—but not for any
more slave territory—this Mr. T. was bitter
ly opposed to, and recommended all who
thought it a moral duty to free their slaves,
to vole for Scott.
The Hon. Senator next reviewed the po
litical course of Gen. Pierce. He said noth
ing disparaging towards that gentleman, but
on the contrary, spoke of him as a very con
sistent man in all his Congressional career;
that he had always acted with the South, and
was the safest man (on the slavery question)
North of Mason and Dixon’s line. We
thought that Mr. T. lauded the Democratic
candidate too highly; for we believe there
are many men North of that line, as sound as
Gen. Pierce. He preferred Pierce to Scott,
but would not vote for either.
We were a little amused, while the Hon.
Senator was speaking in glowing terms of
Mr. Pierce, to behold the countenances of a
number of our Southern Rights friends bright
en up, as if they had secured a powerful ally
in that gentleman. But when he stated that
the contest between the two parties seemed j
to he whether our next President should be !
a big General or a little General, a fainting
General, or a sure enough General, they were
non plus , and we presume they burnt their
mouths a little in trying to eat their porridge ;
too hot! as did a certain General over a
“hasty dish of soup.”
Mr. Webster’s claims was next considered i
by }lr. Toombs. He gave his reasons for
preferring that gentleman above the others for !
the Chief Magistracy. He admired him as
a statesman, as a friend to the Constitution ; !
and contended that it was Webster who stav
ed the flood of abolition—who killed the Wil
mot proviso—who dared, in the face of the !
North, and in defiance of his constituency,
while speaking of the rights of the South. !
boldly to exclaim, ‘*Oh! God, I will be
just!”
Mr. Toombs paid a high, glowing and just ;
eulogy upon the character and services of
the renowned statesman ; said he should vote
for him, anil proceeded to show it was the
duty of every true friend of the Union to el
evate him to the highest office in their gilt.
On one occasion, said Mr. TANARUS., when this coun
try was being shaken from its centre to cir
cumference —when the V ihnot proviso was
before the Senate—and John P. Hale, that
deadlv enemy to the South, desired to know
if anv Northern man dared vote against the
proviso, Mr. Webster arose from his seat and
said, “Sir, l am a Northern man ; I was born
amid the granite hills of New Hampshire; but
thank God, I am an American ; I vote No.” It
continued Mr. TANARUS., that W ebster
Mtamed nobly forth, and battled for the South
and the country. He concluded bv express
ing a wish that history might record him the
greatest man on earth, and the greatest Presi
dent of the greatest Republic on the face of
the globe.
We have heard our distinguished Senator
on many occasions, but never have we listen
ed to such an overflow of eloquence as was
exhibited by the Hon. speaker throughout
his entire address. The candidates were
fairly treated. Indeed, we never recollect to
have beard political opponents treated with
more ingenuousness, than were the present
candidates. Mr. Toombs carried out the
motto which his career shows that he has
adopted in public as in private life, “honor to
whom honor is due.”— Washington (Ga.)
Gazette.
PIERCE AND HALE.
Only, (near Onancock,) AccomacCo., Ya., ‘(
August 22, 1852. $
To the Editor of the Union—
Sir ; A gentleman from Maryland, who
was present at a meeting at the court house of
this county in July last, published a report of
a dialogue which took place in discussion be
tween Mr. Mapp, the Whig sub-elector, and
myself, as the nominated democratic elector
for this district. From several quarters I
have been asked whether the report was cor
rect, and 1 have replied that it was substan
tially correct. My reply was made accor
ding to what 1 understood to be the meaning
of the enquiry : “Was it true that a Whig,
in public discussion, bore testimony to the tact
that he himself had heard Gen. Pierce de
clare, in New Hampshire, in public discussion
among a non-slaveholding people, that if an
army were raised in the .North to march upon
the South for the purpose of putting down
slavery by force, it would have to march over
his dead body, for he would head another
to oppose it (” I answered to that point of
the inquiry alone, when I replied that Mr.
Mapp so declared in Vccomac, and he has
since so declared at a meeting in Northamp
ton, at Eastville, the second Monday of this
month, in a discussion which then took place
between Mr. Botts and myself. The report
in the particulars respecting Mr. Hale was
not so correct. My question to Mr. Mapp
was:
“Were you not in New Hampshire some
few years ago,” (not two years,) “and did you
not hear some abolition partisan of Hale,
perhaps, declare in public discussion that he
regarded slavery as so grievous a sin, that an
army ought to be marched upon the South
to suppress it bv force, ii’ it could not be sup- j
pressed in an y other way V’
Mr. Mapp replied that he was there, and ]
had heard such a declaration in public discus- i
sion. But Ido not think he named the per- j
son from whom he heard it. I then asked him
the question :
“Was not Gen. Pierce present at the time, ;
and did you not hear him reply that it an ar- j
my were raised to march against the South to I
put down slavery by force, it would have to j
march over his dead body, tor he would head i
another army to oppose it ?”
Mr. Map)) replied, iie had heard Gen. Pierce
so reply; adding that he (Gen. P.) had no
sympathy for slavery, but be was bound to
regard the constitutional compact, and to
maintain the execution of the laws.
Mr. Mapp had been using the New Boston
falsehood to prove Gen. P.’s loathing of slave
ry. 1 was repelling the attack, when Mr. Mapp
said, his opportunities of knowing Gen.
P.’s sentiments were more recent than my
own. I had not heard him since l served
with him in Congress, but he had heard him
speak on the subject of slavery within some
few years back. He did not at first say what
sentiments he had heard him utter, when a
gentleman requested me to put to him the
questions which J have mentioned. Mr.
Mapp’s answer was unequivocally in the af
firmative, that he had heard Gen. Pierce pub
licly declare what 1 have stated, that an ar
my raised to march upon the South to “put
down slavery by force, would have to march
over his ((Jen. P.’s) dead body, for he would
head another to oppose it.” Mr. Mapp did
not say this was said in reply to Mr. Hide,
nor to whom it was said in reply ; but I ex
claimed, as soon as he had borne this ample
testimony—
“ Such is the language Gen. P. holds to the
John P. Ilales and other abolition minions
in N. H ampshire, on the very soil of a free j
State; and yet here is a Whig sub-elector,
who can bear such testimony of Gen. Pierce’s
truth to our institutions, assailing him in Vir
ginia, without himself first disclosing the facts j
tie knows to the contrary, upon the testiino- j
ny of such a witness as this man Foss.”
Thus, I suppose, the error got into the re- j
port that the remark of Gen. P. was made in j
reply to Mr. Hale. No matter to whom it
was made in reply, it is enough it was made,
and is vouched by a Whig opponent, who
is himself vouched as worthy of credit
by the entire Whig party of this State. Mr.
Mapp is not only a Whig sub elector, but is
a Whig member of the Virginia House of
Delegates from Accomac. I believe he heard
Gen. i*. make the declaration which he states,
not only because l know Mr. Mapp to be
respectable and reliable for a fact like tiiis,
which he stated reluctantly against his party,
but because I know such a fact to be in ex
act consonance with the character of Gen.
P., and with his course in the Congress of
the L nited States. It is therefore a non se
quitur for Hale to say in his card of contra
diction, which I have just seen, that because
he (Hale) made no such remark, as was erro- j
neously, perhaps, attributed to him in the re- I
port of the statement of Mr. Mapp, “he j
(Gen. Pierce) never made any such reply.” |
Mr. Mapp did not say it was made in reply |
to him ; and if it never was made in repiy j
to him, that does not prove it never was
made in reply to someone else. Os that
Mr. Mapp must speak. My purpose was to j
obtain his testimony as to what General
Pierce was heard by him to declare public- j
ly, in New Hampshire, and that purpose i
was fully accomplished, both here and at j
Eastville. I have been thus particular, in
order to correct the general statement which
I have made, that the report of the dialogue |
between Mr. Mapp and myself at Accomac j
court house was substantially accurate.—
Substantially it was correct as to everything
relating to Gen. Pierce.
In haste, yours, respectfully,
Henry A. Wise.
The Last Argument.
The whig papers are aware that Geti.
Scott’s position on the slavery question is
more than doubted in the South, and that the
warm advocacy of his cause by such higher
law abolition fanatics as Seward, Greeley,
Wade, Johnston, Stephens and others, fur
nishes pretty strong evidence that they have
private assurances from him which satisfies
their fanatical views. By way of quieting
this uneasiness among their friends, the whig
papers tell them that Gen. Scott was born
in a slave State, was reared and educated
in a slave State, married in a slave State,
and must consequently have sympathies with
slavery. Now let us see how much this ar- j
gument is worth.
Cassius M. Clay, as well as Gen. Scott,
was born in a slave State, was reared and
educated in a slave State, married in a slave
State, and what is more than can he said of
Scott, still lives in a slave; State, has a large
property in a slave State, bv family inher
itance and entail, has a large interest in slave
property which lie cannot under the law dis
pose of, and consequently might be suppo
sed to have sympathies with slavery ; but
everybody who knows the man knows that
he is an abolitionist. —Mobile Register.
Southern %tniind.
COLUMBUS. GEORGIA:
THURSDAY MORNING,...SEPT. 16,1852.
The Fall Trade.
By reference to our advertising columns, our
readers will see that the Fall Trade is now openc-d,
and that a portion of our merchants are anxious to
see their customers. Good Boots and Shoes will be
found at Garrett’s, and the most fashionable Cloth
ing, and at reasonable rates, at John Mi ni's.
Prof. Millar.
We beg leave again to call attention to the ad
vertisement of this gentleman, who lias been pre-
I vented, by severe indisposition, from commencing his
j writing school. He has now recovered, and will be
i pleased to see his pupils at his rooms.
U” E. T. Taylor & Co.’s Excelsior Straw Cut
i ter has taken the first premium at the great New
York State Fair.
j
Southern Rights Convention in Alabama.
This body met in Montgomery on the 13tli inst.,
and was organized by the appointment of the officers
of the Convention of July. There were nine coun
ties represented by about seventy-five delegates, to
wit: Autauga, Dallas, Macon, Mobile, Montgomery,
Lowndes, Bussell, Tallapoosa, Barbour. A com
mittee of two from each county was appointed to re- j
port action for the Convention. The letters of Gen. j
j Scott, Mr. Graham and Gen. Quitman, were re
ferred to this committee, which reported in substance,
that the Southern Rights party of Alabama could
not support the nominee of either National party, l
and that for the purpose of preserving the separate
organization, an independent nomination was neces
sary. Tlie Convention ratified the report, and made j
the following nominations:
For President:
GEORGE M. TROUP, OF GA.
-For Vice President :
JOHN A. QUITMAN, OF MISS.
Electors.
For the State at Large.
Thomas Williams, of Montgomery.
S. D. J. Moore, “ Lowndes.
For the Districts.
T. J. DeYampert, of Mobile.
P. T. Sayre, “ Barbour.
Morgan Smith, “ Lowndes.
William Cooper, “ Franklin.
Jefferson Buford, “ Barbour.
Geo. W. Gayle, “ Dallas.
Meeting of the Pierce and King Club.
Avery large meeting assembled in Temperance
Ilall on Wednesday night of last week. The speakers 1
were Colquitt and Wellborn.
Mr. Colquitt electrified the audience with one of ■
his rousing speeches. It is impossible to report this
gentleman. He even says more by his manner and
action than by his tongue. He apologized for his i
speech, by saying that his spirit had all run out of him ; j
but in this his audience did not seem to agree, as j
even his opponents applauded him in spite of them
selves.
Mr. Wellborn's effort, though not so amusing as
Mr. Colquitt's, was listened to with equal atten
tion. We are sorry we are not able to give our j
readers a full report of his able address. The fol
lowing comparison of the two candidates, by him, is j
as iusl a3 it is elegant:
“Against Gen. Scott as a military chieftain, T have j
nothing to argue. The greatest of living American
Captains, I am proud of the distinction to which in
the line of his profession as a soldier, he has attained.
Asa writer, he has added somewhat to the learning
of tactics. Asa commander in actual war, he has
illustrated the power and the glory of American
arms. I join in no warfare upon him which has
for its object the taking of one tithe from his well
earned military fame, or the dimming in the slightest
degree of the lustre which surrounds his exploits
in the field. That he is wanting, however, in those
qualities and in that experience of life more emi
nently called for in the Chief Magistrate of a Republic,
a certain familiarity with the administration of civil
affairs, knowledge of legal science, practical econo
my, and a sound reliable judgment, has ever been
argued by many of his own political associates, and
generally believed. Is there a well founded doubt j
that he owes his nomination to the seductive glitter j
of military renown and the preference felt for him by
the anti-slavery sentiment of the non-slaveholding
States ? His total want of identification with public
civil station hitherto, the volunteering by him on
repeated occasions of strong anti-slavery sentiments
through the medium of the public prints, the desire
expressed by him for the annexation of the Canadas,
the discriminating and persevering advocacy of
his name by the more artful and intriguing leaders
of the Abolition and freesoil wing of the Whig par
ty North, all conduce to the truth of this proposition, j
These influences have prevailed against the strenuous
efforts of the truest and most national portion of the
Whigs of the non-slaveholding States, and the stern
protest of those of the South—have driven Mr. Fill
more from his vantage ground in the government and j
suppressed the strong and growing claims of the great- j
name of Mr. Webster. Shall vve honor and exalt \
a lawless and unscrupulous fanaticism by bowing |
down to its dictate and executing its will ? Shall ;
we stimulate the already alarmingly warlike spirit of
the Republic by anew, distinct and impressive com- |
plitnent ?
“For Gen. Pierce I claim that he is endowed with
good abilities, that he is a well informed lawyer,
of some experience in public affairs, sincere, manly
and national in the tone and temper of his conduct.
With these qualifications, it is decisive with me that
he appears in his candidacy as the flag- bearer of a
party devoted in its Federal administrative policy j
to the emancipation of the commerce of the country j
from unnecessary and unjust legislative interference, j
to the economical use of the public monies, a
watchful observance of the limitations of the consti- j
tution, and maintaining a more publie spirited, im- ;
partial and friendlier bearing touching Southern in
stitutions and Southern policy than that of the oppo
site party. If Southern Whigs find themselves able j
to abide the mode in which their views and feelings
were disposed of in their late nominating conven
tion, and to continue their connexion with the wing i
of their party North, I respectfully submit that j
Southern Democrats will hardly find anything in
the present posture of the public affairs to call on
them to abaudon their national party alliance.”
Owen Thomas, of this county, has lost ten
negroes, this fall, with measles. All .of them were
grown hands but one. The disease is accompanied
with diarrhoea.
Addenda to the Whig Piatform.
The Webster Whigs of Georgia, not content with
the federalism prescribed jn the platform of the Na
tional Whig party, have had the temerity to make up
two little pills of their own, f>r private use, in the
State of Georgia. The first, and probably the fa
vorite, of these pills, is contained in the 9th resolu
tion of their platform, which is in these words :
9. Relieving the limit-of our Union, extending be
tween oceans from the British Possessions to the Mex
ican Republic, are already latgeenough for all the pur
poses of national prosperity and power, ice arc utterly
onpoeed to all further acquisitions of territory, what
ever, whether bought with the treasure ol the country
or the blood of her people.
One of the distinguishing marks of the old Feder
al party, from the commencement of the century,
has been a deadly opposition to the extension of
“the area of freedom.” The old blue lights opposed
: the purchase of Louisiana, by which the Republic
was extended, at small cost, from the banks of the
; Mississippi to the apex of the Rocky mountains,
i and the mouth of the Father of Waters and the
splendid city of New Orleans were brought under
American dominion. They opposed the pureha e
of Florida, though it has been regarded as absolutely
essential to our security, in a military point of view,
and gave the United States command of the ini
mense trade -f the Gulf of Mexico. Not less fierce
and bitter was their opp sition to the annexation of
Texas. At the close of the Mexican war, the de
scendants of these men, aided by a small party in
the South, which had been contaminated by too
intimate political association with them, followed in
the fooisteps of their ancestors, and foolishly proposed
to reject the offer of the gold mines of California,
and the untold mineral and agricultural wealth of
Utah and New Mexico, and the immense trade of
the Pacific.
The policy of this blind and narrow minded party
is"now condemned by the almost unanimous voice of
the American people 5 for who would now consent
to give up the mouth of the Mississippi and the
boundless plateaus east of the Rocky Mountains ?
Who would surrender to the tyranny of Old
Spain the rich, alluvial lands of the Peninsula of
Florida, with its groves of orange and its gardens
of flowers ? or the mouth of our own rapid Chatta
hoochee, and the beautiful city which sits like a
swan upon its waves? Who would recede from the
banks of the Rio Grande ? Who would relinquish to
the mongrel races of Mexico the golden gate of Cali
fornia, and the inexhaustible trade of the Pacific, which
pours through it its affluent flood ? There is not, we arc
persuaded, one true American heart which would
not pour out its last drop under the standard of our
country upon the extremes! verge of our possessions,
rather than seethe stars and stripes recede befoie
the advance of a foreign nation, or one foot print of
our progress effaced upon any part of our wide do
minions.
The spirit of the above resolution, and the princi
ple embodied in it, is at war with the whole policy
of our government, and is but the echo of the clamor
of old and effete Federalism. It finds r.o response in
trie American heart. Progress—extension—is our
destiny and mission ; and not ours only, but of the
Anglo Saxon race. We rejoice in that mission, for
wherever this noble race plants its footsteps, it not
only erects altars to the Most High God, but Tem
ples to Liberty, and carries wi h it a pure religion
and the principles of Anglo-Saxon freedom.
But there may be another reason for the adoption
of this resolution by the Webster Convention, ft is
known that Daniel Webster is deadly hostile’ to
the extension of slavery—that ho has invariably op
posed the acquisition of territory, upon which it was
possible for the Syuthern people to introduce their
peculiar institutions —and sympathized with and
sanctioned tlie harsh measures of Mr. Fillmore’s
administration in respect to the Cuban invasion. It,
is, furthermore, well settled, that if Cuba were of
fered to the United States, for a price, by Spain,
that the “God like,” as he is irreverently calLd by Ids
admirers, would decline the purchase; or ifflthe op
pressed Creoles of the Queen of the Antilles were
to break the galling chains of tyranny with which
they are- bound, and throw their magnificent island
into our lap, Unit he would spurn the gift, “because
it is cursed,” as lie would piously say, “with the sin
of slavery.”
The advocates, therefore, of the claims of Daniel
Webster to the Presidency, in order to bolster up
their candidate, and conceal his anti-Southern pre
judices from the people, may have inserted this spe- j
cions and plausible resolution into their platform, so ;
that in the event of Mr. Webster’s election, they
may excuse hint before the Southern people, if he j
should refuse to admit Cuba into the Union.
Nor are the partisans of General Scott in a better j
position on this very interesting subject. \\ bile j
General Scott is willing to take into the Union the
frozen wastes of Canada, lie lias unequivocally com
mitted himself against the annexation of any more
territory contiguous to the South.
There is every probability, that in tho next four
years, tho fate of Cuba will be fixed. That this no
ble island would form an important acquisition to the
Southern portion of our confederacy, there can be no
doubt. Its acquisition would be important to the j
whole Union, as it is undoubtedly the key to the 1
Gulf, but to the South its benefits would be incalcu
lable. It is a slaveholding State, and it brought into
the Union, it would restore the equality of the South
in the Senate of the United States, and thus pre
vent the jarring in our political system likely to re- j
suit from the preponderance of the North in all de
partments of the government. We well not disguise
the fact, therefore, that we look forward to the ac
quisition of Cuba with solicitude and hope. W e are j
free to confess, however, that we have no sympathy
with the movement which proposes to seize it by
force. But if Spain should propose to sell the island -
to us, we would be willing to buy it; or if the Creole :
population shall be able to assert and maintain their
independence, and ask to be admitted into the Union. •
we would give them a cordial welcome. The proba
bility is, that one or the other of these propositions
will be made to ns in the next four years. If Scott
or Webster is elected, there is but little doubt but ;
that they would throw the whole weight of their in
fluence against her admission ; while Pierce would
cordially co-operate with the South in the acquisition.
If Southern men can find no other cause of prefer
ence for Pierce over his competitors, we think this
fact alone ought to decide the question in his favor.
Opinions of the Press.
Soil of the South.—We are in receipt of the
September number of the Soil of the South, which
fully sustains its high reputation. It is a Journal
calculated to do good in the cause in which it is on
paged, viz. : the enlightenment of the farmer of the
South as to his true interest. Mr. Peabody’s Ad
less before the Oak Bowery Agricultural Society
will be found in this number, and is well worth
reading. We can commend his earnest, laborious
and successful efforts in the promotion of Southern
Agriculture.— Clayton Banner.
The Soil of the South. —We have frequently
taken occasion to call the attention of planters to this
invaluable agricultural paper. It has been truly said
that each number is itself worth the dollar which is
the price of a year's subscription. Certainly no in
telligent planter who has ever experienced the ad
vantages to be derived from its perusal, would be
without it for five times that amount. It is a most
useful and well conducted Southern enterprise, hav
ing the highest claims upon the support of the South
ern agriculturist.— Spirit of the South.
We make the following extract from the letter of an
intelligent correspondent., who writes from Lee county,
in this State :— Neirs.
The Clops.—The boll worm has committed great
ravages on some farms in Lee and Baker counties, and
the flo_ods have done great injury on low grounds. A
gentleman informs me that he has discovered anew
brood of boll worms in his cotton. The cotton plant
has grown well, and new ground fields are still in blototn.
Washington Correspondence of the Sentinel.
Washinoto.n, September 3. 1853.
The nine mcnths’ wonder is over, and Congress
has ceased its labors, t.i tl.o present, to take the
field. And now the Presidential campaign will,
‘doubtless, commence in earnest. The closing scenes
of this session were not so rich and rare ‘.his time
as usual. The reason assigned for it was, that tin y
were “through by daylight.” the night lines usually
being the noisy ones. With the exception of the
sparring matches mentioned in rny last, ‘.he greatest
harmony and good feeling characterized the final
proceedings of both bodies.
In the Senate, Mr. Maugum offered the resolutions
of thanks to Mr. King, to which that gentleman
briefly but gracefully responded. lie has hitherto
been acting as temporary President of that body, but
; it is now generally supposed that after the 4th of
March next, he will do so ex-officio, Ot course it
is idle to calculate with any certainty on the results
[ of popular suffrage even three months in advance,
but all the indications now are that Pierce and King
I will be successful. The \\ higs are working very
I hard—more methodically than their opponents.
; They are determined not to give up without a des
perate struggle. Their publication and dissemina
tion of documents is prodigious. They are printed
chiefly at the Republic , and JEra, (Abolition office.)
The Abolitionists are working desperately against
Pierce, for they know their most determined and in
veterate foe, who has always kept an iron hand at
the throat of their especial leader and nominee, John
P. Hale, at home, and is hated by the whole swarm
in New England with a most cordial hatred. I
i speak from personal knowledge and observation.
The result of the Pittsburg nomination, however,
disappointed the head managers. They wanted
Chase nominated, because in that way Ohio, Penn
sylvania and New York would he more apt to sup
port him than Hale, who will draw off many Whig
Abolitionists. It is stated, confidently, that Horace
Greeley, of the Tribune , Bailey, of the Era , and
other prominent Abolitionists, used all their efforts to
rule Ilale off the track. But the freesoil Demo
crats, of Ohio, out-manceuvered them, probably in
duced to do so by Chase himself, who had hi< own
game to play. Although Hale was persuaded to
publish a letter peremptorily declining the nomina
tion in advance, lie has finally determined to stand
the fire. It is said that he will make a strong poll,
especially in Massachusetts. W ebstcr’s masterly
inactivity will foil the Scott Whigs, and it is re
ported, on good authority, that he has openly de
clared his preference for Pierce over Scott. lie will
not be pacified, and it is supposed will neither accept
nor decline the nominations tendered him hv the
disaffected Whigs in Massachusetts, Georgia and
North Carolina. Without the slightest hope of suc
cess, he seems obstinately bent on crippling Scott,
and has moral force enough to accomplish that ob
ject. Thus exposed to the fire in front from the op
position—one in the rear from the Websterites—
and a cross fire at the North from a portion of
Hale’s particular friends—the old General stands a
had chance of hoisting his banner on the White
House. So hard run are his supporters now, that
they are facing both ways. Mr. Graham, his com
panion on the ticket, publishes a pathetic letter, in
which he vouches for active a euey
in getting the compromise passed, while the Repub
lic now drops the New Bosstory altogether,
and insists upon it that Gen. Pierce aiaov l( ’i ( ‘ e °f
the secessionists.” publishing M'to try Saiietter to
the Hillsborough meeting to sustain it.
The news of the reconciliation of the two wings
of the Democratic party in Georgia, by the with
drawal of the Union ticket for Pierce, is also re
garded as a good omen, and it is confi k-ntiy hoped
that the Southern Rights nun of Alabama, who still
retain their separate organization, will also eo operate
with their friends to defeat Scott, Seward & Cos.
Mr. Sumner’s speech has been published in the
National Era , and will appear in the Union in a
few days. It is by far til ; ablest and most dang -r
----ous speech made this session, and will go pari passu
with Uncle Tom’s Cabin to influence.-the Northern
mind. That book is now circulated all over the
North, and distributed on the Rail Roads, &e
The poison is taking deep hold of the whole system,
and this argument of Sumner’s will aid its effect,
for it teas not satisfactorily answered. Mr. Bad
ger spoke in the spirit of a special pleader. Clemens
only sneered at it—but it needs an answer—and a
strong one. It is a most mischievous and malignant
speech. We must meet argument with argument,
for having submitted to try the question on its mer
its, it must stand or fall by them. Gen. Cass’ ad
mission in relation to Ids refusal to vote for the fugitive
bill shows the set of the wind. Douglas and Dodge
deserve especial praise for their manhood, in refus
ing to hate one jot of their opposition to the Aboli
tion fanaticism. The most ominous indie ition of
the continued unsoundness of the Northern politi
cians, who apparently bad repented the error of
their ways, is shown by the reception of this speech
of Sumner I will not, for party purposes, disguise
the fact that the Barnburners, of New York, are
still rotten to the core on the subject of slavery,
though not as openly insulting as the Whigs under
Greel y.
The New York Evening Post praises highly this
speech, and indorses every word of it. reproaching
the Abolitionists with impeding the cause, by work
ing outside the constitution, instead of within it. as
Sumner recommends. ‘‘Slavery is sectional—Free
dom, national,” is tli-.-ir text; “therefore, the duty of
government is to repress sectionalism, strengthen j
nationality, and thus make the Union the great wedge j
for splitting slavery to pieces.” That is now the strong
est sentiment at the North. But Frank. Pierce j
has had the manhood sternly to set his face against
it. and there are not ten public men at the North beside
who have so openly and so repeatedly done so. He ■
has been a perfect God send to the South, after the |
proclamation of “acquiescence” in the spoliation of
an empire by the North, and the recognition of the j
right of the Federal Government to legislate away
slavery in the District of Columbia.
The alterations made by the Committee of Con
ference on the Appropriation bills, render it. impossi- j
ble to say much about them until they are published.
The members themselves had to take them for ‘■
granted, being much pressed for time in the last ;
stages of their performance.
The chief acts relate to the various appropriations
—to the River and Harbor Bill—to the Public Print
ing—to the St. Mary’s Canal—and some Land Donat
ing bills to Railroads. That is all that nine mouths’ j
gestation has brought forth. Upon the whole, Utile j
mischief has been done, which is one thing to be
thankful for.
T’ne fishery squabble has been laid over, and Mr. ;
Webstar goes home to rusticate again, after having
affectionately taken a brief leave of Mr. Fillmore,
whom he loves as the devil loves holy water.
The Peruvian matter also lays over; and also
the Tehuantepec.
The Cuban Filibusters are moving again, in New
York, and it is said also in Georgia. But of this j
you know best.
I will endeavor to keep you fully advised of what
is floating on the upper and under cm rent of North
ern polities, as usual.
ANON. 1
Vermont Elections. —A Whig Governor is elect- i
ed in Vermont by a majority of 1.500 votes over
both the Democratic and Free-Soil candidates. Tvo
Whigs, Messrs. Meaehum and Tracy, are eleettd to
Congress. There is no choice in the Third District.
Minister to England.—The Tlon. J. R. In
gersoll. our newly appointed Minister to England,
will le3ve to-morrow week for the scene of his du
ties, in the U. S. steamship Arctic. The Hon. Ab
bott Lawrence will probably return in the Atlantic,
which will leave Liverpool on the 33d instant.
COMMUNICATIONS.
Mountain Soenerr—Georgia K nil-Road* and
Watering l’iaces.
Catossa SriuNus, Ga., Sept. 33, 1853.
Dbar Lomax :
Three days since, I arrived at Chattanooga, (call
ed here the centre of the world,) and the next day
I spent on the top of the Look Out Mountain, at the
foot of which stands this aspiring young city. I
might dwell upon the vast mss and the beauty of the
scenery, as seen from this interesting point of obser
vation. lam sure that I should do, what hundreds
of others have done, fail to convey any adequate
idi-a of the reality. I have seen bolder mountain
scenery, but nothing surpassing this in richness and
beauty. But you and your readers must excuse ef
fort to say more on this subject, while 1 speak of
matters of substantial interest. From Atlanta to
this point, every association seems to be with Rail
Roads and Steam Cars ; it is therefore of these that
I propose to write. I have said that some call
Chattanooga the great centre. There is less pre
sumption in this, than you might imagine. Its loca
tion is on the Southern Bank of the Tennessee Ri.-
er. one hundred and thirty-eight miles from Atlanta,
and the terminus of the great “State Trunk.” It
has four hundred miles of Steam Boat navigation ;
two hundred up the River to Knoxville, and two
hundred below to the Muscle Shoals. The Rail-
Road to Nashville, a distance of one hundred and
thirty-five miles, is now in rapid progression, to
be completed in a year or less. The road to Mem
phis on the Mississippi River, is also, I learn, pro
gressing to a speedy completion, both terminating at
Chattanooga. You can at your leisure trace out
and calculate the benefits of these connections. Then
comes the Hiwassee road, diverging from our State
Road at Dalton, ninety-nine miles from Atlanta.
This Road, now in operation some eighty miles, is
said to be one of the best built in the Union, and is
to pass by Knoxville, then through upper Virginia,
and intersect the great Atlantic route at Petersburg
or Richmond. At Kingston, fifty-eight miles from
Atlanta, enters the Road from Rome. From Sel
ma, on the Alabama River, there is a Road now in
construction to Jacksonville, in Benton county. It is
in contemplation, to extend this Road to Rome, thus
making the connection with Mobile, by the use of the
River below Selina. These concentrations of faci'i
tics for travel and general transportation, added to
those already in existence, reaching the Atlantic at
Charleston and Savannah, beget hopes for the pros
perity of tbi3 mountain region, that are anything
else than ideal or visionary. We sit down at home,
and project schemes for Connections with the Gulf,
and conclude that the competition for the trade and
travel, is all between ourselves. While those peo
ple up here, calculate very confi lently upon con
trolling this whole question ; insisting that, from Mo
bile or New Orleans, this will be the nearest,
cheapest and most expeditious route, for all the tra
vel going North from these points. The public, and
not ourselves, must settle the questions which are
to be put at issue. One tiling, however, is settled,
that art is triumphing over nature, and in this pro
gressive age, he who succeeds, must work for it.
We have no more time to lose in apathy or in divi
ded counsels, but if we maintain our advantages,.we
must do it, by keeping up with our facilities.
To come a little nearer home, I will tell you what
may be news to you, as it was to me. I learn that a
Road to Talbotton, from the thirty-five mile station
on our Muscogee Road, is located, the stock taken,
and the work to be commenced in October ; and that
the Road from Barnesville to Thomaston, is being
located, and the work of building to be commenced
this fall. The distance between these two points, is
not more than twenty-five miles, and this gap will
doubtless soon be filled up, giving Columbus a con
nection with the Macon and Western Road, at
Barnesville. After this hang chapter on Rail Roads.
I may be permitted to say a few words about Catoo
sa. This new watering place is about twenty-five
miles South of Chattanooga, and two East of the
State Rind. Its location is beautiful, and I should
think healthy, and impr ived with more taste and
elegance than any watering place which 1 have
seen in the South. There can certainly be no lon
ger .a necessity for any of our Southern people go
ing North to spend their time or their money in
pursuit of health or pleasure, while so-many retreats
are to be found in our own Mountain regions. We
say not a word in disparagement of the claims of
other places, or other proprietors, but only say to
those who are in search for good accommodations,
that they may be most assuredly had, at the hands
of the gentlemanly proprietors of Catoosa.
C ’ I
The Principles of the Webster and Scott
Parties, not the Principles of the old Geor
gia State Rights and Whig Party.
No. 2.
To the E.lilors of the Southern Sentinel :
Gentlemen: —Having promised in my last to
produce testimony from the “Record” to sustain the
position assumed in my communication to you last
week, and which is re a.-serted in the heading
to this article, I will now proceed to fulfil that pro
mise.
It is known that in 1828, Congress passed a Tar
iff act. distinctly recognizing and levying duties up
on the principle, of protection. Though high, yet
it was no worse in principle, than the tariff of 1842,
(which every Whig member in Congress f mil Geor
gia. voted against,) and no worse ti an the Tariff now
recognized an 1 contended for by the National Whig
Convention at Baltimore, and which principles l a e
recently been endorsed and adopted , by the Scott and
Webster parties at Macon. But Georgia Whigs act
ed upon and defended the principles of t ie Consti
tution, in those days. And such was the feeling of
indignation produced, that, in the winter of 1828, the
Representatives of the people of the State of Geor
gia, in solemn form and manner, entered her re
monstrance and Protest against the exercise of any
such powers by the General Government, and sent
it on to Washington City, to be u carefnlly preser
ved among the archives of the United States Sen
ate,” as a “perpetual testimony” of Georgia’s faith
fulness to the Constitution, and the rights of the
people. This Remonstrance will be found below,
incorporated in Mr. Beall's resolutions, which
were afterwards presented to the Legislature. Bat
the Congress of the United States, turning a deaf
ear to the Remonstrance of Georgia, and other
Southern Status, in 1830 the subject was again
brought before the Georgia Legi.s ature. And while
the old Clarke or Democratic Union party, beaded
by Governor McDonald, Towns, Schley, and oth
ers, were not prepared to declare the Tariff of 1828
unconstitutional, but were in favor of its repeal or
modification —and while tlrey were not prepared to
declare Internal Improvements unconstitutional, but
deemed it a “doubtful” power, and therefore oppo
sed the exercise of it by Congress, until the Con
stitution was altered; on the other hand, the
Troup State Rights or Whig party, headed by
Charles Dougherty, Charles J. Jenkins, Robert A.
Beall, and others, were fierce iu their denunciation
of both measures, as not only unconstitutional , but
partial arid unjust in their operation. Am 1 wrong,
Messrs. Editors? Let tbe Record speak. October
28, 1830, Mr. Murray (Democrat) having offered,
among other resolutions, the following, viz. :
Resolved, That though the Congress of the United
States may legitimately raise a revenue for the support
of Government, yet in so doing, a just and prudent dis
cretion ought to be exerei-ed, constantly keeping in
view a f irand ju-t equalization of the burthens imposed
amongst the several States. Yet this principle has been
greatiy disregarded, and experience prove? it, in tiie ex
i-ting tariff of 1843. That law, manifestly unjust in it;
conception, has also been partial in its operation, and
still continues its baneful pressure on the most vital in
terests ot the South, while the people of this Suite, with
their accustomed patriotism, have yielded obedience to
it, but they now urge, in the most emphatic terms, its
modification and belter adaptation to the interact ot tne
whole.
Resolved, That as there are conflicting opinions as
wall as m avowed hostility of tbe people, against tbe
assumption by Congress, to aoply the national resources
to the purposes mi-callel “internal Improvements;’
therefore this Lesri-Jature cannot forbear expressing their
positive disapprobation of any such appropriations, until
the Constitution of the United States is so amended as
expressly to surrender the guaranty of the power now
claimed.
Mr. Beall, of Twiggs, (State Rights or Whig ,)
offered the following as a substitute, viz.:
Whereas, the General Assembly of the State of Geor
gia, at their session iu the year 1323, did adopt the fol
lowing protest:
In the House of Representatives.
December 10, 1323.
From a painful conviction that a manifestation of the
public sentiment, in tiie mo 4 imposing and impressive
form, is called for by the present agitated state of the
Southern section of the Union :
The General Assembly of the State of Georgia have
deemed it their duty to adopt the novel expedient of ad
dressing, in the named tie State, the Senate of tiie Uni
ted States.
In her sovereign character, the State of Georgia pro
tests against the Act of the last session of Congress, en
titled an “-Yet in alteration of the several Acts imposing
duties on imports,’’ as deceptive in its title, fraudulent in
its pretexts, oppressive in its exactions, partial and un
just in its operations, unconstitutional in its well
known objects, ruinous to commerce and agriculture—
to secure a hateful monopoly to a combination of im
portunate Manufacturers
Demanding the repeal of an act, which has already
disturbed the Union, endangered the public tranquility,
weakened the confidence of whole States in the Federal
Government, and diminished the affection of large mass
es of the People ot the Union itself-—and the abandon
ment of the degrading system which considers the peo
ple as incapable of wisely direction their own enter
prise—which sets up the servants of the people in Con
gress, as the exclusive judges of what pursuits are most
advantageous and suitable for those by whom they were
elected ; the State of Georgia expects, that, in perpetual
testimony thereof, this deliberate and solemn expression
of her opinions, will be carefully preserved among the
archives of the Senate, in justification of her character
to the present generation and to posterity : if, unfortu
nately, Congress, disregarding this protest, and continu
ing to pervert powers granted for clearly defined and
well understood purposes, to effectuate objects never
intended, by the great parties, by whom the Constitu
tion was framed, to be entrusted to the controlling
guardianship of tiie Federal Government, should render
necessary, measures of decisive character, for the pro
tection of the people of the State, and the vindication of
the Constitution of the United States.
And whereas, the foregoing protest was, on the 12th
day of January, 1829, laid before the Senate of the U.
States, with due solemnity.
Be it therefore res deed by the S-nate and House of
Representatives of the Slate of Georgia, in General
Assembly met, and acting for the people thereof. That
the State of Georgia, influenced by a sense of forbear
ance, and respect for the opinions of the other States,
and by community of attachment to the Union, so far
as the same may be consistent with self preservation
and a determined purpose to preserve the purity of ; ur
republican institutions, having, in her sovereign charac
ter, protested again t the Tariff, and by inference, its de
pendent measure, Internal Improvement, as being an
infraction of the sacred bond of our Union—demanded
its repeal, and in perpetual testimony thereof, deposited
that protest and demand in the archives of tiie Senate
ol tne United States, cannot now, adhering firmly and
unalterably, as she does, to the declarations contained
in that instrument, descend, without eompromitting her
honor and dignity as a sovereign and indop- ndent .State,
to the measures of memorial and remon trance, which,
having been patiently resorted to for years, were utterly
disregarded, thus compelling her, in justification of her
character, to the present generation, and to posterity, re
luctantly to adopt the measure herein before recited.
Res lived, nevertheless, by the General Assent ly of
the Slate, of Georgia, acting for and in behalf of the
people thereof, That this State looks with the deepe r
solicitude to the re-election of General Jackson to the
Presidency of the United States, because, in that event,
we will have a certain guarantee, that lie will fearlessly
go, a- far as his official powers will warrant, “in arrest
ing the profligate expenditure of the public money, ex
tiugui hing the pub” debt as speedily as possible, and
in restraining the Government to its original simplicity
in the exercise of all its functions.”
And much discussion having been had upon the
same, Messrs. Schley, Towns, McDonald, YVofford,
Hatcher and Barns, advocating Mr. Murray’s reso
lutions—and Messrs. Howard, of Ballwin, Beall, of
Twiggs, Charles J. Jenkins. Dennis L. Ryan. Geo.
Young, of Ogletho pe, and Churl -s Dougherty, ad
vocating the substitute — Mr. Beall's substitute was
adopted by yetis 10, nays 45 —and all the State
Rights men or Whigs of that day, voted for them.
How strange, then, does it seem, when I turn and
look at their course now ! and y t. how true is the
assertion, that they stand not now where they stood
then. They have lowered Georgia's banner: they
are now in the ranks of the enemy; their heavy
guns and light artillery are now levelled at Geor
gia’s Protest, and every seul’i >n and jaekull of party
among them, now shunt “huzzas” to them, and a.e
ready to swear tint “tliev h ive always been so.”
; But, Messrs. Editors, there is a remarkable fact
connected w ilh these resolutions, which, when un
derstood, will come home to ever man. woman and
child in Georgia. During the consideration of Mr.
Murray’s resolutions, the Whigs of that day moved
to insert the word “ unconstitutional ” after tlio
words “that law manifestly’’in the Tariff resolution,
and they sought also to declare Internal Improve
ments by the General Government Uuncnnsiitu
tionalbut Messrs. Schley, Towns, and McDon
ald, voted against these amendments. Since that
time, each of them have been before tbe people of
Georgia, as candidates for Governor. And notwith
standing these gentlemen have acted with a party
and supported its men unflinchingly, which lias also
denounced for the last 12 or 15 years, a Protective
Tariffan-i Internal Improvements, as unconstitutional
— yet, for these oi l votes, and because they did not
opeiriy avow a change of opinion, they have b ren
denounced all over Georgia, by the Whigs, as Fed
eralists and Consolidationistß, and as unworthy of
tbe support of the republican people of Georgia
And even up to last year, Gov. McDonald was thus
denounced, by these Scott and Webster Whigs, for
these very votes! What do we now see? Tiny
were either hypocrites, then, and unworthy to be
now trusted by honest men—or through party
prejudice, party organization, or a disposition to
“rule or ruin,” they have themselves now voted for
and adopted, ns their party creel, these very sain®
Federal and Consolidation principles, they have here
tofore charged upon Messrs. Schley, Towns and Mc-
Donald. And for witness, see the resolutions adop
ted by both the Conventions lately assembled at Ma
con, viz.:
5. Government should be conducted upon principles
of the strictest economy, and revenue sufficient for the
expense 3 thereof, in time of peace, ought to he mainly
derived front a duty on imports, and not from direct
taxe-; and in levying such duties sound policy requires
a ju-t di-erimination and protection from fraud by speci
fic duties, when practicable, whereby suitable encour
agement may be assured to American industry, equally
to all classes and to all portions of the country.
6. The Constitution vests in Congress the power to
open and repair hatbors, and remove obstructions from
navigable rivers; and it is expedient that Congress shall
exercise that power whenever such improvements are
necessary for the common defence or for the protection
and facility of commerce with foreign nations or among
the States ; such improvement* being, in every instance,
national and general in their character.
In the tariff resolution above, the principle of
Protection, is not only admitted to be Constitution
al, bat it goes further and says “sound policy re
quires a discrimination,” not even upon the princi
ple of ad valorem duties, (whereby a tax is paid in
proportion to the value of the article,) but this p: in
eiple is to be carried out by “ specific duties,” where
by cheap articles and those commodities used by the
poorer classes of the people, are .to pay most of the
tax ; and this is to be done to give “ protection ’ or
“suitable encouragement” (as the word is now used)
to Northern manufacturers. And in the Internal
Improvement resolution, the declaration is not only
clearly and distinctly made, that “ the Constitution
vests in Congress the power ” to carry on works of
Internal Improvements, but says “if is expedient
that Congress shall exercise that power to any
extent IT may think proper, or “whenever such
improvements are necessary (in the opinion of Con
gress) for the common defence, or for tiie protect on
and facility of commerce with foreign nations, or
among the States .”
Was there ever a more sudden and barefaced
and open abandonment of all their old principles,
on the part of any set of men. as is here exhib.ted
bv the Scott and Webster parties ol thi- Stat- ?
Will the honest and unsophisticated yeomanry t
the country—the honest old farmers and otiers,
< f the country—thus “jump Jim Crow,’ arid rims
be made turn “right about face,” and follow
their false and treacherous leaders? Mmy of
them may do so, and they ma'y thus desert the
“good old cause,” and aid in the destruction of one
of the best governments man has ever yet had.—