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Gr A T B - C IT f 5 mj ARDIAN.
ff f. HOWARD and R. A. CRAWFORD,
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ATLANTA, OEOBOIAi
JESDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1801.
Georgia State Convention.
I of the Convention from the
buntiea in this State, are hereby noti-
I hi the city of Savannah, on Thure-
[ March next.
GEORGE W. CRAWFORD,
Feb. SI, 1861. President.
public Meeting,
f Fulton County:
i to the State Convention,
emble at Savannah, ask
In regard to the question of a
M Legislature. There '
iy
Co|f» !
at this time throughout
ct, and while we feel our
i in the premises so far as
benefit go, we are not
I of our delegated power
fe were sent more partic-
l in the Convention upon
V t to the United States
[are net willing to stretch
ng upon a subject as for
ks question of Legislative
I should take this power
1 session of our Con-
llly carry out your in-
, you to meet us at the
bn Tuesday, the 5th of
^k, M. for the purpose
’ J. GLENN,
pj. P. LOGAN,
J. F. ALEXANDER.
, 1861.
United.
re and more decisive-
the United States Gov-
iment is defined by its
fialice prepense, been
politicians. We have,
t, believed that Mr.
1t>and of conspirators in
iiout the only men in the
Lred disunion for its own
elopraent of the move-
lengthens this opinion;
ling new after the round
principle of Black Re
nt principle was, that the
ment embraced in its high
tgation of a religious belief,
gest and most truculent ex-
>w#rs of the Government might,
aTany’Gime, be evoked for that purpose. That
dogmu bf itself contained the seeds of death,
and although a negro slave had not existed in
America, Would, in a quarter of a century,
haVe produced civil war upon the union of
Church and State. Let us dififor, however, as
wfcwajr on this point, no man of the slightest
i ft formation upon the structure of the late
Gevennaftnfc can doubt that the effect of the
now doctrine of ooercion is an utter overthrow
of tho. form of Government handed down to us
by the Revolutionary Fathers. It is really
wonderful to us how any man can reconcile
the incongruous ideas of consolidation and Con
stitutional republicanism—of coercion and State
sovereighty. Nothing can be more inevitable
than that this attempt must, sooner or later,
(sad certainly sooner) result in a centralized,
military despotism, without the solitary relief
to be found in most of tbs similar despotisms
of the earth, that one head should do the tyr
annizing. We contend, then, that a revolution
was twice proclaimed, and worse than proclaim
ed, virtually achieved, when the Abolitionists
erected with the government a religious prop
agandist^ and next, when they obliterated the
lines of State sovereignty by consolidation and
coercion. So we have been forced to cut asun
der from the anti Slave States—first to save
the form of Government we elected to live
under—the Government of our Fathers; and
next, to save ourselves the direst physical in-
ilictioaa that ever befel a people.
That we may have some idea of the notion
which leaders of public opinion North have of
this Governmentaad the scope of its powers, we
give the annexed extract from last Wednes
day’s number of the New York Tribune:
“ Cannot everybody see how easy it will be
if hostilities between the sections arise, to make
the destruction ofSlavery the issue of war? We
are in conflict on the auestion. If we come to
blows it will be still about slavery. And what
then is inevitable? Why simply this, and
nothing more, and nothing less—a fight to see
whether slavery shall go up or go down. The
issue cannot be escaped. The war will be wa
ged to crush the eggs of the reptile that has
hatched the brood of traitora and revolution
ists.”
If this really means anything, and if such a
diabolical purpose as the last lines quoted avow,
obtains, to any extent, among the masses at
the North, the very sun might well turn black
at the sight of the incoming conflict. Is it not
a high duty, then, for us to still all jealousies
•all «aptlom fault-finding and every attempt
to discredit the motives or the wisdom of those
who represent our dearest interests at this aw.
ful juncture. We would say so long as our
agents in Congress are laboring with singlenesa
of purpose fer the present safety of our section,
even when we think they err in a matter of
judgment, it is far safer, more seemly nnd Just
that we should give them the credit of pure
motives, cheer them when they flag and stum
ble, oommend and applaud where they do well
end adjourn ell disputes about fbrms of Gov-
eminent, till we settle the feet that wa have a
country.
Tie well we know to be jealous of power, but
there are times of such exigency in the affkirs
af a people, that power with the bridle ofT is
all that will save us. It will do infinite good
to trust, boner and endorse our public men just
now. Ws do moot heartily deprecate the oourse
which the Charleston Mercury has seen fit to
persne in referenee to the utffrrn of tho Mont
gomery Congress.
Nothing but unaixed evil can result to the
common weal from such untimely carping and
rohelre, and nothing, we think, can be more
certain than that a glorious and speedy deliv
erance from present dangers will be affected if
we stand united as a sacred band of brother!.
lighting In the rnlon—*x-Oeveu*>r
wise.
Ex-Governor Wise, who is a member of the
Virginia Convention at this tims from tho coun
ty of Princes Anne, explained, on the 21st in
slant, in a running debate, what he meant by
“fighting in the Union." Mr. Wise said :
“I wish, at this point of time, to say one
word, and especially as my friend from Wetzel
(Mr. Hall) has informed me of an opinion of
his that gives me some pain—that by uttering
the words that I intended to fight in the Union,
I have caused some persons, perhaps, in the
North-West to take the ground of submission
to the wrongs which ws are suffering. I stand
where I have always stood. I mean to stand
even in the last ditch for the defence of the
Union and the Constitution ; and if it is ever
dissolved, it shall be dissolved by war. (Ap
plause ) And I want to say a word to the
South-West, and South-East, against this Fed
eral doctrine, that it is treason to war in the
Union against the usurpation, against the per
version of power in auy form, whether by a
State or by the Federal Government. I wish
to show that this power to make defensive war
in the Union is not an implied power—that it
is not a derived power—that it is not even one
that proceeds merely from the nature of the
government—but that it is an expressed power
given to you in the Constitution of the United
States.
“I am speaking in the language of the Consti
tution when I say that ‘no State shall, with
out the consent of Congress, lay any duty of
tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time
of peace, enter into any agreement or compact
with another State, or with a foreign power, or
engage in war unless actually invaded or in
tuck imminent danger at will not admit of delay.
“I declare, then, by the authority of the Con
stitution of the United States, that whenever
this sovereign State is ready for herself to de
clare that she is in such imminent danger as
will not admit of delay, although she be not
actually invaded by force of arms, if she be in
such imminent danger as will not admit of de
lay, she has the express Constitutional power
to engage in war herself. She has the power to
make a compact or agreement with any other
State. She has the power to make a compact
or agreement even with a foreign power. There
is my authority, (referring to the Constitution,)
and I ask gentlemen who are maintaining the
Constitution to tell mo how they will get over
these express declarations. Yet I am constant
ly told by the knowing ones that they do not
know what I mean by fighting in the Union ;
and this want of understanding is solely attrib
utable to the fact that they will not even read
the very Constitution of the country. (Laugh
ter.) You hr.ve not, without the consent of
Congress, the power to do this thing, unless
you are in imminent danger. Are you in im
minent danger now, or not ? Upon warning to
the world, that you feel the danger in such a
manner as to compel you to go to war against
oppression, having previously shown that your
disposition, your purpose, was to defend the
Union snd the Constitution—tell me, gentle
men, whether that oourse would tend to pre
serve peace, or to cause war ? And tell me,
farther, is it wiser to ask our people to give up
the stakes in this Union, that, up to a short
time past, has boen blessed of God and man ?
Is it policy to wake up at six o’clock in the
morning, and ask them to give up the stakes
of nationality, of treasury and of public lands,
all at once, and to leave them to the enemy—
who have proved themselves unworthy to hold
this nationality and this treasury, this eminent
domain? Is it policy to give up the name of
Union, to give it to them, and to fix upon us
who really mean to defend the Union, the cry
of reproach of disunion? I tell you I mean to
take the weather-gage of them and if I must
fight, I will have the stakes if I can, if I
can win them by the battle. And if my friend
had expressed himself thus, and had an un
derstanding with his people that he would
fight, in the Union, for the Constitution and the
Union—for all the rights of Virginia under the
Constitution and in the Union, with a firm de
termination to give up the Union only when,
in the Providence of God, :t shall be inevitably
dissolved by war—if my friend from Wetzel
had taken this position, firmly and nnderstand-
ingly before his people, I apprehend that it
would have strengthened, instead, as he sup
poses, of weaken his hands. I love peace,
and I love Union. But rather than let this
Union stagnate in the corruption of a revolu
tion of decay until the very green scum of
stagnation shall offend the olfactories of every
patriot, I would invoke the purification of fire
and blood—those great purifiera of the Almigh
ty Himself, from the redemption of the cross
down to the countless instances of national
crime expiated by the blood of an offending
people. And if we must come to batilo, and if
there shall be fouud in North-Weatern Virgin
ia, or any section of Western Virginia, unsound
men, whose rights I have strives ao hard to
maintain, if they will not stand by my rights,
and I must meet them in battle, I will bare to
their spears the bosom which has defended
them. I will fight on against all enemies, and
especially, with all my might, against those
who shall prove ingrates to a mother Common
wealth like this.”
WST R'.coiotti Garabaldi, (he youngest son
of Garabaldi, who is described as about four
teen years of age, with a decided resemblance
to his illustrious father, is on a short visit (o
Evan Leigh, of .Manchester, England. On
the 20th ult. he was the recipient of a flatter
ing address from the workmen in the service
of Messrs. Leigh & Sea, engineers of that
place.
The Empress of France recently sent
500 franca to the wfie of a Sergeant da Villa,
who had juit presented her hueband with three
glrla, entemble. As the poor Sergeant had bad
aix ohildren already, he wee naturally conster
nated, and the Ktnprese expressed her munifi
cent sympathy through the Prefect of Po
lio#.
P+* A new fashion in ladies’ stockings has
come out in England. They are of woolen or
ootton, but arc parti colored, as red and white,
red and blaek, mauve and gray. When her
moaisiag In color with tho drwee, tho effect is
•aid to bo very pretty.
Mesaage of the Principal Chief of tho
Choctaw Nation.
Gentlemen of lbe Senate and
llouso of Represent at I vee;
The nature of rapidly occurring evonie has
been such, linos the adjournment of our last
council, that l conoelved it to bo my duty to
call you together in consultation. The posi
tion we occupy to the central Government of
the United Slates is somewhat complicated and
peculiar; and whatever aerioualy affects that
Government also affects us, either directly or
indirectly.
You are afrare that the question of Afriean
slavery, an institution that exists in fifteen
Slates of the General Government of the Uni
ted State#, and also in our own country—has
been in agitation, with more or less violence
and intensity, for tho last thirty years, and it
has finally approached a climax, and culmina
ted into a crisis of momentous concern to our
best interests, to our peace and to our prosper
ity; and in the language of the venerable Chief
of the United Slates, in his late Message to
Congress, “this unwarrantable interference by
one section with the affaire of another, has
produced its natural result, and we behold,
with intense emotion, that splendid fabrio of
human government tottering and trembling
upon the very brink of anarchy and ruin, and
that proud temple of liberty is about to be de
secrated and polluted, if not utterly destroyed,
by the contentions, factions, and passions of
man.” Let this sad picture, my friends and
brothers, be a warning to us, aud never let
contention and discord enter into our internal
and domestio policy. Let the body politic be
ever preserved purs and uncontaminated by
passion aud prejudice.
I apprehend that it will not be deemed im
proper for me, in a brief manner, to refer to
the present state of publio affairs in the United
States, which has been produced by the con
tinual agitation of this vexed question of
Slavery, and ascertain, if possible, who are
right and who are wrong. The Constitution of
the United States declares, in Art. 4, Sec 2,
that *• No person held to service or labor in one
State, uuder the laws thereof, escaping into
another, shall, in consequence of any law or
regulation therein, be discharged from such
service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on
the olaim of the party to whom such service or
labor may be due.” In this clause it is plain
ly manifest that the framers of the Constitu
tion rccoguizsd the institution of Slavery, and
the right of property in Slaves is guaranteed ;
and the highest tribunal of the United States,
the Supreme Court, has so decided.
Now, each Stale in the Confederacy is bound
by the plainest terms of the original compact,
to abide by, aud carry into practice, every let
ter of the Federal Constitution, and upon no
other basis oan the Government be maintained.
Whenever Ibis instrument, which in its very
nature is sacred, is violated, then the best bul
wark of liberty is overthrown and destroyed.
Under the Constitution, ws see that if a Slave
or person held to labor by a citizen of one
Sta»e, escapes into another State, whose laws
do not recognize Slavery, or the right of prop
erty by one person in another, that State is
constitutionally bound, notwithstanding the
non recognition by its laws of the institution,
to deliver op the fugitive upon the claim and
identification of the lawful owner.
For a number of years past, that portion of
the American Union, koown as the Southern,
or Slave States, have made frequent complaints
against their Free State brethren, for the re
peated and palpable violation of the above re
cited clause of the Constitution, by refusing
to deliver up fugitive Slaves upon the demand
of their owners. A number ot the Free States
on the other hand denied (be right of proper
ty in Slaves, and therefire, that they were
not bound to deliver them up. This denial,
you must remember, is made in pointed and
direct opposition to one of the ablest and most
profound decisions ever rendered by a Judicial
officer. The Supreme Court of the United
States is the expounder of the Constitution ;
it has said that under that instrument, the
right of property in Slaves, is a living, vital
right. When an opinion of that august de
partment of the Government is expressed, it
beoomes the law of the land, and all parlies
a re bound by Ha mandates. It appears that
the South had at least some ground for com
plaint. Thia state of things oould not long
continue, without an explosion. Consequent
ly, in the year 1850, these memorable laws,
known as the “Compromise Measures,” were
introduced into Congress, and after crimina
tion and recrimination, until the Government
was brought to the point of convulsion, were
passed, placed upon the statute book, and be
came the law of the land ; and to the faithful
observance of these measure# ell parties were
pledged. Among those Aets, was one known
as the “ Fugitive Slave Law,” whioh was de
signed to give a practical effect to the Consti
tution, and more explicitly define its meaning.
The Act recognizes the right of property in
Slaves, and makes it obligatory upon the au
thorities of the Free States to deliver them up
to their owners whenever demanded and Iden
tified. This is a solemn enactment of the Ne-
tional Legislature, in Congress assembled ;
and I apprehend (Jiat the intentional cominis--
sion of an aot by a State, which violates and
defeats its provisions, constitutes in l%w and
fact, treason and rebellion against the Geueral
Government. The perpetration of euch an act
by State authority, renders an absolute nulli
ty the primary objects for whioh the central
Government waa intended—and that is equal
rights and equal protection to all, in person
and property. A number of the Free States
have, through their Legislatures, plaoed Acts
upon their statuto books, known as “ Verson
al Liberty” laws, whioh abrogate and ignore
the practical operation of the Fugitive Slavs
Lew. A large and pewtrful pnryr has been
organized by those advocating the denial of
the right of property in 81aves, nnd they have
nominated and elected to the highest position
on earth—the Presidency of the United States
—an exponent of their pretended rights to set
•side and disregard an Aot of Congress. Suoh
an unwarrantable presumption is without e
parallel in the history of free governments.
These are the principal causes that have
brought alarm and dismay to the patriot’s
heart, and make him tremble for his country.
This is why a number of the Slave States say
they will resume the powers delegated to the
central government, because they een no
longer be protected in their rights under it.
It is not my purpose here, to discuss the va
rious and oontlioting opinions existing in the
United States, in relation to Slaves in the
Federal Territories, or public domain of the
General Government. I only deeire to point
out the chief and primary oause of the pres
ent trouble# of the government of the United
Stales, and that is, as you have teen, the
deadly animosity entertained by a large por
tion of the Northern people against domestio
servitude wherever it exists. From the best
is format ion that I have been able to obtaie,
five of the Slave States have already with
drawn from the Unioe, by separate 8tate ac
tion, through eon vent ion# of the people, and
have uefurled their benners to the world ae
separate, free, independent govsrqmeata, and
it it intimated that the formation of a South-
era Confederacy is the ulterior design of the
acceding States.
The oaole that places these States ip this
attitude, le one of (he utmost concern to ua;
we and they, by a close similarity of institu
done, climate, soli, and occupations, have a
common destiny—upon their prosperity de
pend* ours—if they go down, we go down ; if
they rise, we riscL By our Constitution and
lawa, the Institution of Slavery is known and
recognised; it is e creature of our law, and
ueh, we are bound to look to Its protec
lien. We have among ns about t wo thousand
Slaves, who form a large portion of our na
tional wealth and prosperity. It is not
straogn, theo, that we should feel concerned,
and view with the deepest interest the mo
mentous events trabspiriug around us. From
wjini we have seen, it may. be that our insti
tutions may be brought imp peril and danger.
The self sacrificing Missionaries among us,
have already been denounced and repudiated
by a Northern Society, because they refused
to interfere with the question of Slavery in
our oounlry. We have aver been loyal and
faithful to the government of the United
States. The band of hostility has never been
raised against her citizens. We hare ever
regarded, with masonic fidelity, all our cove
nants, treaties, and stipulation*. The best
blood of our friends and brothers has been
poured out side by side with her citizens, in
defence of their homes and firesides, under
the victorious banner of Jackson, and it is
not now our purpose to desert the Star
Spangled Banner, until it trails in the dust,
and is renounced by these with whom we hare
a common destiny.
We pride ourselves upon the fact, that we
hare nerer been a party to the violation of
solemn treaty stipulations. It is not our in
tention to change our relations to the govern
ment of the United Slates as long as it is a
government, and concedes and protects us in
our rights. But in the event, that that gov
ernment is destroyed, snd the Slave Stales
form themselves into a separate and indepen
dent government, then 1 apprehend that in
terest and locality will prompt us to transfer
our present relations with the General Gov
ernment to that of the Southern States.
We have been born and reared in the South,
and it is endeared to us by countless associa
tions and remembrances. It is the beloved
home of our forefathers, and there their re
mains still peacefully repose, (he oherfsbed
memory of whom has erected in our hearts
an altar of devotion to the scene of their ex
istence.
We have been nurtured and prospered bv
the generous products of her soil, and it
would be unnatural if our feelings and sym
pathies were not on her side. But we still
have hopes that the hand of provideuee will
intervene, and save one of the grandest
schemes of government ever devised by man,
from destruction, and that the people will
learn the great truth, that a republican gov
ernment can only exist in the affections of
the people.
It is, at this time, important to us (bat the
woild should know and understand our posi
tion as a political body. We have fallen Upon
troublous times, the kind “that try the souls
of men.” We would be unworthy of the
name of freemen, and recreant to our country,
and to our posterity, if equivocation and eva
sion of the stern facts that stare us in the
face, characterize our policy.
Let us be equal to the occasion. The rights
claimed by ns, under treaty stipulation, with
the United States, are plain and specific, and
yet I do not think that they have ever been
properly defined. The treaty of June 22d,
1825, concedes to us and the Chickasaws, the
following bounded tract of country : “ Be
ginning at a point on the Arkansas River, one
hundred paces east of old Fort Smith, where
the western boundary line of the State of
Arkansas crosses the said river, and running
thence due south to Red River, thence up
Red River to the point where the meridian of
one hundred degrees west longitude crosses
the same, thence uorth, along said meridian
to the main Canadian River, thence down said
river to its junction with the Arkansas River,
thence down said river to the place of begin
ning.”
Now, to the above tract of country, we
claim absolute title in fee simple, uncondi
tionally, and that title is guaranteed by the
act of the Congress of the United Stales, Ap
proved May 28th, 1830, and I presume and
believe the same to be (rue of all (he Indian
Territory. We, of the Indian oountry, neith
er occupy the position of a State or Territory
towards the general government of the United
States. Our Constitution and laws are not
subject to the revision of Congress, like those
of federal territories, and we have the unre
stricted right of jurisdiction over the persons
and property of all those who are citizens by
birth or otherwise within our limits. In the
1st Article of the above mentioned treaty, it
is plainly declared, “that said land shall re
vert to the United States, if said Indians and
their heirs become extinct, or abandon the
same. Now, how is it possible t# couceive of
a reversion legally, without the previous vest
ment of tile ? The very fact that it does re
vert, upon certaiu contingencies, provea, con
clusively, that the title roust be absolute and
permanent, if thiae contingencies do not
traospire. The oase of a private individual
under the common law, when he diea intestate
and without a legal representative, and seized
of land, it escheats to the government under
which he lives, is analogous to our position.
We hold that we have a perfect right to
make whatever disposition of our real estate
we choose, with the consent of the parties,
and no power on earth haa any more right to
dispute our title, than that of a private indi
vidual in the lawful possession of bis land ;
and until a certain contingency happens, that
title remains with us, and in us, without the
position is assumed that there is no difference
between us and a wild savage tribe, wbioh
would be an outrage upon every principle of
justice and right. The doctrine of the State
Rights, which is regarded as inherent in each
State of the Amerioan Union, ia applicable to
our position as a free and sovereign people.
Tho right to resulate our own domestic affairs,
pass all needful laws for the advancement and
promotion of our social and moral existence ;
the right to defend ourselves against aggres
sion, &c., these are among the fundamental
rights of a free and independent people. I
conceive that out sovereignty is admitted and
established, when we have legal requiaitea to
make a treaty with another independent pow
er. The parties to a valid contract or stipu
lation must be able, willing, free and inde
pendent, and they must aot without restraint.
How could it be said that ws made a solemn
covenant with the United States or any other
power, if wo acted under the direotion or at
the will of a greater or higher power? Such
a conception is a manifest absurdity. The
treaty making power is one of the legitimate
rights of a sovereign ooromuoit/. And no
other than an unreservedly free and indepen
dent government oan make a treaty—freedom
of action and will, are absolutely necessary.
Suoh a thing as a treaty between the Ameri
can Colonies and the King of England prior
to the year 1770, would have been regarded
as nonsense by the latter, because from the
position that the eotatfetf Sustained to his
government, (key had ne power to make a
treaty, resulting from Ike fast that they #«re
a part of his govwromeat.
Dot our position Is widely different. The
tery fast that the United States has entered
into n solemn treaty with us, shows that she
does not regard us as a part of her govern*
igh burn, the people of.
■ our inn J
t relations In
guarantee# to WS ion indemnity for
property lost or destroyed by persons over
whom we have no jurisdiotion. For this
magnanimity on her part we shall ever feel
grateful.
In consideration of the present perilous at
titude of public sffairs in the United States, I
would recommend that a general council be
held at surne central point, which you may
designate, of the Chickasaws, Cherokees,
Creeks, Seminole*, and Choctaws, to deliber
ate upon the best course to pursue, and to
adopt a line of policy necessary for our safe
ty and security. I would reoominend further,
tnai in the event that the Slave States should
hold a Convention for (he purpose of forming
a new government, each of the above tribee
should send one er more persons to such Con
vent ion, there to represent our interests, and
make all necessary arrangements ler our wel
fare.
The question of seotioniziag our country,
and allotting so much land to each citizen has
of late excited much iuterest and feelmg
among us. This is a question upon which
the people should be fully enlightened, and
it should be maturely discussed among them,
aud the position of all fairly defined. Gen
eral acquiescence is the main thing to obtain.
My own opioion is that it would be condu
cive to our interest, and to our national pros
perity, in fact to (hat of all (he Indian terri
tory, if ii can be done so as to give satisfac
tion to all the parties ooncerued. If, for
instance, the above named tribes were to
have tbeir respective trade of country sur
veyed, and apportion an equal amount of
land to each citizen, that is consume the
whole, aud divide it all out, so tnat there
would be no public land remaining. This plan,
1 think, would place us in a much surer aud
safer position. We would then hold our land
by individual tenure and title, aud all civil
ized people respect the rights of private pro
perty.
In the event that it becomes necessary to
raise a public revenue, we would reBort to di
rect taxation, and lay a tariff upon all goods
or merchandise brought into the country, &o.
Nothing engages the affections or strikes the
imagination of man so foicibly as the abso
lute possession of property, in whatever shape,
and it always acts as an impetus to iudustry
and enterprise.
I would recommsnd that you select one or
more discreet persons to proceed immediately
to Washington City, clothed wi'b the full
power to perform whatever our interest re
quires in that ciiy. We have considerable
monied investmems there, in the security of
which we are deeply interested. I would ad
vise that the person or persons sent by you,
ba directed to see the President of the United
States, have a personal interview with him,
and obtain his advice and counsel in relation
to our affaits.
The office of National Attorney is one of eo
great importance to the Nation. 1 would
therefore recommend that his uuties be en-
Urged and his salary increased, so as to ren
der his services more effective to the country.
And 1 would suggest that you empower him
to employ the best legal talent in his country,
to act in connection with himself, to arrange
and digest the laws of the Nation, and form a
criminal code, subject to your adoption at
the next Council. Under the new Constitu
tion there is no criminal law ia the Nation,
except what was passed at the last Counoil.—
I am informed that a gentleman of experienoe
and ability oontemplatea the establishment
of a printing press in our country, and de
signs issuing a newspaper, which is intended
for the advancement and promotion of the
Indian interest generally in the Indian Ter
ritory. Such an enterprise ie greatly needed
among us. We should have some mode of
Government expression, and in an acoocmical
point of view we would be greatly benefitted.
I trust that you will use every effort to sustain
the institution among us. I would recommend
that you make provision to remove the Na
tional Library from Fort Smith and Skully-
vtile to this place.
In conclusion permit, me to urge upon you
(be great importance of dispassionate action
—by conciliation—yet firm in the right.—
Banish prejudice aud paseion from your miodf,
and uffer them not to deter you from the du
ty you owe your country. Great events are
rapidly transpiring around you. Human Gov
ernments and Constitutions are being hurl
ed to the ground, desecrated and trampjed un*
der foot. My countrymen, stand by your
colon! Never give up the ship! We are
few in numbers, but strong in principle.—
Though we may meet the unhappy fate of the
Montezumas, and our existence be blotted
from the face of the earth, our memory will
go down to future generations as a bright and
blazing light of unyielding fidelity to what we
conceive to be right.
Let the glorious banner of ‘equal rights' go
proudly to the bleeie, and rely upon the God
of nations to sustain you. Let us show to
the World that we are worthy of liberty, and
our national reputation as a.law abiding peo
ple. Let not our time honored eeoutebeon be
tarnished by rashness or imprudence. Let us
act as a people who know their rights, and
knowing, dare defend them. May a kind and
benignant Providence ever preserve, guide
and protect us.
GEORGE HUDSON.
RESOLUTIONS
Expressing the feeling and sentiments of the
General Council of the Choctaw Nation in
reference to the pelitieal disagreement ex
isting between the Northern and Southern
States of the American Union.
Resolved, By the Central Council q/* the
Choctaw Nation, assembled. That we view with
deep regret and great solicitude, the present
unhappy political disagreement between the
Northern and Southern States of the Ameri
can Union, tending to a permanent dissolu
tion of the Government, and the disturbance
of the various important relations existing
with (bat Government, by treaty ttipulations
and international lawa, and portending muoh
injury to the Choctaw Govern meat and people.
Resolved, further, That vrt must express the
earnest desire, and ready hope entertained by
the entire Cboetaw people, that any and all
political disturbances agitating and dividing
the people of the various States may be hon
orably and speedily adjusted ; and the exam
pie and blessing, and fostering cars of their
General Government, and the many and friend
ly aooial (tee existing with their people, con
tinue, for the enlightenment In moral, and
good Government and prosperity in the me
lerial concerns of life to our whole pepula
tion. r
Resolved, further, That in the event a per
maoent dissolution of the America Union
takas plaoa, our many relatione with the Got
ernment mult cease, and we ebnll be left to fol -
low the natural effeolione, education, institu
tions, and interest of oor people, which indie-
eelubly hind us in every way to the destiny #f-
our neighbor*, aud breihran of the 8ou4heim
States; upon whom wo are eonftdent, wo can
rely for th«preservation of our right*, of lifb,-
ltberty, and property, and the«ontii|uanee of
»Mf wets of friendship, genet** sonneo* and
fraternal support. ' *
Reeoteed, father, That vt dailra to aaiut*
: 3SS33
Jmicab)
existing bei
Hi»M_ „
Siaioi, tho right, nnd feeling. , 0
will rent,in reepecled bj them ; end be *
ed from Ibe enroncbmenii of otb.ra
Reeolved further, Tbol Hi, Eteelhu,
Principal Chief, be rcqueeied to eocl,»
on appropriate com mu ideation from ul.
cop/ ot ibe,a reiolutiun, lo the GoiwS
the Southern Staler, with ibe reqoM
they be laid before (be Stale Con»,a
each Stole, e, man; ao bare nsembW
dato of tbair roeopiiot | aad that iJJ
bare not, they be publiehedin the nr""
of ihe Stale.
Keeotiei, further, Thai Ibese rr»|
taka efeat, aud ba in foroe frum u
tbeir passage. Approred Keb 7tfc
ffl
S H. OATMAN, proprietor, and <
• Italian, American and Egyptian Mad
Monuments, Tombs, Tablets, Head and R
Stones, Uiub, Vases, Marble and Eu»i_
Slate Mantels, Statuary Figures, aod F«rj
iog Marble of all descriptions.
Always on hand a fine assortment of 1
ments, both Tlain and Carved, of all sises,^|
prices to suit.
Call and see specimens, at Ware Rooui^
Yard, opposite Georgia Railroad Depot,
ieb2f> if.
J. H. L0VEJ0Y
K\
WHOLESALE & RETAIL
AMD DBA1.KX IB
Tobarrt, Wine, Liquor, (’iron, it I
Cherokee Block, Peach-Tree Street,•*"|
Atlanta, Georgia.
feb25-ly
THOMAS & ABBOTT,
ATTORNEYS AT Li
Atlanta, Georgia.
Office in Smith’s Building, Whitehall!!
G. 8. Thowas, jatfltf Bbb. F. /
PROFESSOR NOTTS
DANCING ACADEMIA
corxxb or peach tree aud marietta i
Atlanta, Geergia.
D AYS OF TUITION: Mondays and I
days, from 3 till 5 o’clock, P. M- fofjl
dies, Misses and Masters; and theiAtnfi
at night, from 7* till 10 o'clock, for Younfl
tie men. ,. L x . , • • ^
Term*, $10 for the full courie of It nl*
fieb. 10—tf.
J. W. HEWELL!
waeassALB aud detail dbalib n
Fancy and Staple
DRY GOODS
MARKHAM’S BLOCK, I
Cornar "WTiUtihaU Sc AIuIjhuiaM
ATLANTA, OBOSCHA.
Fab. 16—ly.
UU'KOVKU j
METALIC BURIAL
A LSO, a general asiortu^
Weodt&ftin*, iocls*C^
Wood and Mahogany.
MarahaPs Sheet Metallc Burial C
An entirely new article, nearly as lights
and eloted up with luaia Rubber—»ir
for sale at my Rooms, in Markham’*
ing, on Whitehall street, up stairs.
L. R0BI!«
Residence On Bridge street, near (
Collier's.
Orders, by telegraph, or otherwise,!
ly attended to jo* “
SIOH B. BOBSOX. ROBERT <
S. B. ROBSON &<
WHOLESALE UR0CN*
Commission Merchotft
Whitehall Street.
ATLANTA
Bell Everything in tbeir Line ofl
Hr Atcnt Prteet f* ,
octlw *1
COKE! COKE!! COKED
AT THE GAB WOBK8. .
A LARGE quantity for ill, at the 6
of 111 cent, per buthel. ,
Fab-Jl-dtr. J.F. WAKNSM
T EN 8barea afBtMk in the ri.<nui«B
r ■ “
ciation. Appl/afejn
BuihMug Am
Fab. I*.
SUta of CwrgtK, Fulton <
TWO month. After ilalr annlkailiiii — U
t than .1 Or.ltn.rr rf uM c.molr Wjf
UtalMl Katat. .( JohaO. H«l. •' *
d.crue.1. P. I Ro"**’ 1 1
T.b. SI, lMt. W. HkUIAf
' Vauggla—M!ltp» cow*
Wb«OA Oil— f. Ma/IUM Anpllr. » » ,
Of ntMliUii tnm tha BaMAombtoW
BA<Uaklara.U.ui. «f aaU C..mr, *
OoL. fyim-trn