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GEORGIA COURIER.
J. O. K’WKORTEB
A.VD
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/ ADDRESS
Of the Jackson Convention to the People of Mary
land
Felt.ow-Citizuss :
Having been appointed Delegates from
the several 'Electoral Districts of; this
State, to meet in Conveution, in this city,
for the purpose of considering the course,
which duty to our country enjoins upon
us, in relation to the next Election ot
President, we beg leave to lay beioreyou
the result of our deliberations.
After taking iuto our most serious con
sideration all the circumstances of .lie last
Presidential Election, we are, on mature
reflection, impressed with a -solemn con
viction, that altho’ the forms of the consti
tution were observed, the spirit of that
sacred instrument was violated :
That the Chief Magistrate was elected
by the votes of the Representatives of the
States against the will of die people of
those States:
That, if the votes of those States had
been given according to that will, when
the real contest lay between General
Jackson and Mr. Adams, as the spirit of
the Constitution dictates, the former would
have been elected President of the Uni
ted States, instead of the latter :
That, therefore, the will of it majority
of the States, as well as of the people of
the Union has been defeated :
That, the President, having thus ob
tained the Chief Magistracy, re warded his
principal assistant in defeating the voice
of the nation, by the highest office in his
gift, and has since employed the patron
age of government for the furtherance of
his personal views, and to secure his ro-
elcctiou :
That before bis election by the House
of Representatives', Mr. Adams approved
of an amendment of the Constitution, in
order to take the power ot choosing the
President from that body, and to give it
directly to the people, for the purpose of
preventing in future, not only all corrup
tion, hut all suspicion of corruption :
But that, since his success with the
House of Representatives, in defeating
tlie will of a majority of the people and ot
the States, he has not only disappointed
tlie friends of the purity ot our govern
ment by declining to recommend that a-
piendment to the adoption of Congress,
but his friends in that body, when it was
brought forward without his recommenda
tion, opposed and defeated it.
In support of these opinions, we will
state the, facts, wltfeh have wrought con
viction on our minds.
In the late Presidential Election, nine
ty-nine electoral votes were gjven to Ge
neral Jackson, eighty-four to Fr. Adams,
forty-one to Mr. Cranford, and thirty-
seven to Mr. Clay.
Had the election been sent back to the
people and the choice restricted to the two
highest candidates as it virtually was in
die House, there is no one, who was well
acquainted with the state of public opinion
In the Southern and Western states, where
nearly all the votes for Mr. Crawford, and
Mr. Clay were given, who would not be
obliged to acknowledge, that of the seven-
ty-eight votes, received by those gentle
men, at least thirty-two, the number which,
in addition to the ninety-nine already re
ceded by Gen. Jackson, was necessary
to his election, would have been given to
him.—According to this test, therefore, a
majority of the people of the United
States, were opposed to the election of
Mr., Adams.
A majority of the states, if their wishes
had been complied with, were also oppes-
ed to his ejection. lie succeeded in the
House bv a majority of one state only ;
and it is notorious, that in contempt of the
will of their constituents, who had given
unequivocal proofs of their preference of
General Jackson over Mr. Adams, the re
presentatives in Congress of several of the
western states gave their votes for Mr.
A lams, a
In political intrigues written instruments
are not exchanged, nor witnesses called
h) bv the parties to attest the conditions
of their compact. Positive testimony on
the present occasion, is*not, therefore,, to
be expected. Circumstantial evidence,
however, often as irresstibie as positive
testimony, has established beyond a rea
sonable doubt, that the votes thus given to
Mr. Adams by Representatives in con
tempt of the will of their constituents,
were obtained for him chiefly through the
instrumentality and influnce of Mr. Clay.
In proof of this fact, we solicit your atten
tive consideration of the following circum
stances : *
During the contest for electors, Mr.
Clay and his friends had opposed Mi*. A-
daras more violently than any of the other
candidates. The grounds of objection to
Mr. Adams, most warmly urged, were:.
That a President ought to be elected
from the West:
That Mr. Adams was .unfriendly to
Western interests:
That he had attempted to sacrifice them
in favor of his Eastern Brethren at the
negotiation of Ghent.
Mr. Clay himself charged Mr. Adams
in his representation of that negotiation
with “ errors both as to matters of fact
and matters of opinion, relating to the na
vigation of the Mississippi and certain lib
erties, claimed by the Unitea States in the
fisheries”—and in allusion to the excite
ment of the presidential contest, stated,
that “at some time more propitious than
the present to calm and dispassionate con
sideration, and when there could fie no
misrena&ematioa of motives, he would
lay before the public a narrative of those
transactions.”
In the circular address of Mr. Clay’s
friends in Ohio, it is stated, that “ it was
the first object ofthe friends of Mr. Cla^,
to keep from the ‘Presidential Chair one
of the present cabinet,” and*to elect some
person <vho was out of the cabinet.”—
The same doctrine, that it was necessary
to. break up the “ succession of Secreta
ries” to the Presidency, or the “ Secreta
ry dynasty,” so called, was urged through
out the West by Mr. Clay’s friends.
At length the contest forelectors is ofrer.
introduced into Congress without the aid
of his expected recommendation, nearly
all bis friends in that body arrayed them
selves against it, and all his New England
friends without a single exception, voted
against taking the election from the House
ofRepresentatives. e.
*T#e foregoing statement demonstrates
that Mi&Adams having obtained power
by violating ihe spirit of the Constitution
is employing all the means which his sit
uation gives him, to maintain it, and to se
cure are-election, and gives us the solemn
admonition, that the period has arrived
Mr. -Clay is not returned to the House of j j n the operation of our government, wheu
Representatives, and could not himself
therefore any longer be voted for.
Another Western man, however, of
great talents, splendid services, aud un
questioned integrity, and a man, moreo
ver, who did not belong to the Cabinet,
was returned to the House by a much lar
ger number of electors than Mr. Adams,
and under circumstances that left nofea-
sonable doubt,’ as has already been shown,
that when the real contest lay between
him and Mr. Adams, he was the choice of
a large majority of the people of the Uni
ted States.
The elevation of Gen’l Jackson, howe
ver, to the Presidency, by satisfying the
claim of the West, would opoi;ate against
the future prospects of Mr. Clay, which,
on the contrary, would be strengthened by
the election of an Easiem mart, especially
if it could be seen by the East, that the
boon was conferred upon them by his
exertions and influenc.
Mr. Clay, therefore, and his partisans
with him, suddenly adopt a new set of
opinions to suit altered Circumstances,
& think it is in conformity with “safe pre
cedents” that another Secretary should be
elected President.
That an Eastern man, whom they had
denounced as unfriendly to Western inter
ests, was nevertheless to be preferred to a
Western man—and notwithstanding their
late violent and bitter animosity and op
position; and in defiance of the known
wishes of their constituents, they vote for
John Quincy Adams and make him Pre
sident of the Uni ted States.
As soon as Mr. Adams is thus made
President by the voje and influence of
Mr. Clay, he rewards Mr. Clay for his
services with the highest office'in his gift
makes him Secretary of State, and places
him in the line o{“ safe precedents ”
Mr. Clay, gives his warmest support to
Mr. Adams, administration, and forget
ting his public pledge, is as silent as the
grave about the Ghent negotiation!
Can you fellow citizens, have stronger
proof of a POLITICAL BARGAIN
by which the rights of the people have
been set at naught,and personei interests
have triumphed over the spirit of the Con
stitution and the fundamental principles of
republican government 1
Power, thus obtained by intrigue and
management with the unfaithful agents of
the people against the will of the people,
must of necessity be maintained and con
tinued by the same means. Hence all the
selfish passions of politcal opponents have
been appealed to, and high offices have
been lavished upon those, who Were most
conspicuous amongst them, to purchase
their support and neutralize the efforts of
their friends.
Hence the papers under the immediate
control of the government, have teemed
with calumnies without number upon the
distinguished and patriotic men, who have
had the courage to stem the torrent of ex
ecutive influence, to exetcise and main
tain the freedom of speech, and opinion,
to aid in an attempt to’ punish the violation
of the spi/if of the constitution.
Hence Mr Clay has attempted to pun
ish the- independence of other papers by
withdrawing the publication of the laws
from them, because they were not entirely
subservient to his views, and by transfer
ring it to those of comparatively limited
circulation, although the object of that
publication is to diffuse a knowledge of the
laws as widely as possible, amongst the
people.
Hence the papers which supported the
election of Mr. Adams most warmly before
the people, while it could serve the inter
est of their patron, recommended and ap
plauded the proposition to- change the
mode of choosing the President, so as to
take the contingent power of electing him
from the House of Representatives, &c.
give the election directly to the people,
and assure the people that Mr Adams, if
.elected would use his influence in favefr of
the change, have since his rejection by the.
people, and his election by the House of
Representatives, thrown obstacles in the
wayof that proposition, d
Hence,, although Mt Adams himself
immediately after his election while the
obligation of former declerations and the
assertions of his advocates and friends,
were fresh upon his mind, in Vis answer
to the committee of the House of Repre
sentatives, that waited upon him <o inform
him of his election, avo wed ‘his approba
tion of the proposed change in the follow
ing words;
‘ t Could my refusal to accept of the
Presidency, give an immediate opportu
nity to the people to form& express, with
a nearer approach to unanimity, the object
of their preference, I should not hesitate
to decline the acceptance of that eminent
charge and submit the decision of this mo
mentous question again to their determi
nation,” and by assigning as his only rea
son for not doing so that “ the constitution
itself had not so disposed of the contingen
cy, which would arise in the event of his re
fusal,” offered a pledge of his support to a
proposition so to change the Constitution
in respeejt to theforms of the Presidential
election as to take it from the House, &
give it directly to the^people, yet notwith
standing this pledge and the general ob
ligation of duty, imposed, by the Consti
tution itself, to recommend to Congress
such measures as he may deem the pub-
lip welfare to require, he has hitherto de
clined sending a message to Congress to
recommend that change. On the contra-
ry, when a measure for, that purpose was
it behoved the peop’e to recur rto first
principles, and to enquire if ^he founda
tion on which theirpolitical^Rberty rests
be not undermihed. - jf ■
The fundamental principle on which
onr whole system, rests, is the political
equality of the citizens.
From this political equality necessarily
results the doctrine, that the icill of the
majority shall prevail.
The object of all the forms of our
national and state governments, is to se
cure the fair and unbiassed expression of
that will.
The only effectual security against the
abuses of the supreme executive power, is
the direct responsibility of him who ex
ercises it, to thepeople over whom it is
exercised ; and the only efficient mode, by
which that Responsibility can be enforced
is by making the chief magistrate depen- 1
dent upon the people for the possesion and
the continuance of his power.
We hold it to be undeniable, that ac
cording to the theory of our constitution
the election of the President of the U.
States was intended to be the act of the
American people, and that the electors are
bound to vote according to the will of
their constituents.
We also hold that when the election of
the President devolves upon Congress, the
representatives of the several States,
the discharge of their electoral duty, are,
by the spirit of the -constitution which
they are sworn to support, bound like the
electors io carry into effect, so far as prac
ticable, the will of their constituents
And we are of opinion, after the most
dispassionate and deliberate consideration
of all the circumstances attending the late
presidential election, that the forgoing
fundamental principles were violated in
the election of John Quincy Adams to
the chief magistracy, by the House of Re
presentatives, in which the votes of sev
eral States were given by the representa
tives, contrary to the known will of the
people of those States. Such, fellow citi
zens, are the essential and fundamental
principles of liberty in our government,
according to our construction of the con
stitution. Such are the great principles
which have been violated.
The supporters of Mr. Adams endea
vor to avoid the odium of that violation
by giving a totally different interpretation of
the constitution. They justify the con
duct of those who voted against the will
of their constituents, by maintaining the
alarming doctrine, that the members of
the House of Representatives, in the elec
tion of President, may throw off all refer
ence nnd regard to the opinions of the peo
ple and the States, and under the plea of
“ interrogating their consciences,'" set up
their own judgment and wishes, general
ly the offspring of their interest, in oppo
sition to the disenterested wishes and will
of their constituents.'
This doctrine is maintained in the face
of the very words of the constitution,
which directs that when the election of
President devolves on the House of Re
presentatives, the votes shall be taken by
States, and each State shall be entitled to
one vote, and a majority of all the States
shajl be’necessary fo a choice. The natural
and plain cbnstructioh of the terms vote of
a State, menus a vote expressing the will
of the people of the State, &. not the per
sonal vote of the representatives from the
State. This feature of the Constitution
was inserted in imitation of the provisions
of the old confederation, according to
which the vote was always taken by States,
and it i§ well known that the delegates in
Congress from the States under the Con
federation, were completely under the con
trol, and subject to the instructions of the
legislature, by which they were sent, and
by whom also they vvere recalled at plea
sure. ,
The reasoning from analogy then is
strongly in favor of the construction for
which we contend.
And we beg every citizen who is attach
ed to liberty and his country, to pause and
reflect seriously upon the fatal consequen
ces of giving the latitudinarian construc
tion of rhe x construction, contended for by
the supporters of Mr. Adams. Adopt this
construction, and you throw wide open
the door to corruption, and the election
in the House will inevitably, to adopt the
language of the circular address of Mr.
Clay’s friends in Kentucky, he determin
ed, “-by influence and intrigue, bargain and
management,”/.
General Jackson is the last of the rev
olutionary heroes, who can be, in the
course of nature, a candidate for the Pres-
i lencv, and from the increase of popula
tion, and the multiplication of the . States,
we must expect, after the next election,
that so many candidates, will be set np,
that the primary election will rarely be
conclusive. It will become a matter of
course, for the election to devolve on the
House of Representatives. Their Hall,
instead of being a seat of independent le
gislation, will become a theatre for elec
tioneering and intrigue, from the period of
one selection to another. The ambitious
men who aspire to the Presidency, will
generally be members of Congress or of
the Cabinet, and will have the opportunity
of laying their plans deliberately and pur
suing them perseveringfy. All the arts of
personal address, of flattering attention
and entertainments will be resorted to.—
The sordid will hope for. office, of profit
to tbemselyes or relations, as a reward for
attaching themselves to the cause of some
one of these Presidential Candidates. The
ambitious will look for promotionaud dis
tinction. Those who desire no appoint
ment for themselves, will hope to obtain
au influence in the distribution of the pat
ronage of the government, and have it in
their power to gratify tbeir friends. Self
love will often disguise even from the par
ties themselves the true nature of the influ
ence under which they act, aud the whole
circle of interested motives, will have fuH
scope for action, under the appearance of
a desire to serve friends, or promote the
interest of their neighborhood,or, perhaps
even the*nterest of the country at large.
Nor ought we, from false delicacy, to
deny the fact, that high and respectable
as the station of member of Congress is,
that occasionally men of the most venal
and corrupt character obtain it: and when
we reflect that the whole number of voles
is only twenty-four—that the votes of one
or two individuals, in consequence of di
visions amongst the representatives of
large States, will often decide the vote of
those States—and that the votes of sever
al small States are actually held by individ
ual members—when we reflect further that
this the highest honour on earth will of
ten rest upon the decision of some half-do
zen or even a less number of persons, in a
body composed of more than two hundred
members, and place before us the fact,
that the successful candidate will have the
distribution of wealth and distinction, in
the nomination to ten thousand various
offices, we must tremble for the liberty of
our country, unless we wilfully shut our
eyes to all the records of history, all the
lessons of experience, and all the deduc
tions of reason. Let it not be said we dis
honour our country by representing Con
gress as liable to corruption.
We have just confidence in Congress ;
we believe the members are as virtuous
and patriotic as other men ; we will go fur
ther and admit, that their education and
characters, and stations in life, place them
as much, if not more, above the reach of
improper influence, as any equal number
of their fellow-citizens. It is not because
they are less virtuous than others, that we
look at them with distrust, when thev
come to exercise the functions of electors
of the Chief Magistrate, but it is be
cause they are men, and men exposed to
the strongest and most seductive tempta
tions, disguised in the most alluring and
delusive forms. We stiould be traitors -to
truth and show ourselves incapable of
instruction from the whole history of our
race, nay, insensible to the dictates of com
mon sense, if we should, from spurious pat
riotism or any other motive, give counte
nance to the idea, that Congress is so pure
and disinterested, and so elevated in char
acter, that the small number of members
necessary to change the fate of the election
may not be found, who are liable to be in
fluenced in the vote they are to give by
personal interest, not approafchiug in the
revolting shape of a direct bribe,but in the
enticing firm of distinction amongst their
fellow-citizens and reward for patriotic
services.
So long then as the forms of the consti
tution, in relation to the election of Pres
ident, remain as they are, the most disas
trous consequences will flow from the
construction contended for by the support
ers of Mr. Adams. The most glittering
prize that ambition can seek, with all its
accompanying allurements, is every four
years to be thrown into the midst of two
hundred fallible men, to distract and excite
them—men too, who are cut loose from
the wholesome restraints of a safe con
struction of the constitution, which fur
nishes a sure and certaih guide for their
conduct, in the will of their constituents.
A decision under such circumstances
will rarely if ever inspire the nation with
confidence; which is so necessary to the
independent and salutary exercise of the
executive authority. ,
Under this dangerous and anti-republi
can construction of the constitution, a jus
tification is attempted of the most flagrant
violation of its' spirit, and exhibits in the
strongest point of view, the necessity for a
change of its forms, which shall place its
principles above all misconstruction. We
earnestly entreat you, therefore fellow-
citizens, not to believe,as those, who have
obtained power at the expense of your
rights, would persuade you to do, that the
ensuing Presidential Election is a simple
contest between two eminent citizens for
the Chief Magistracy,in which their per
sonal merits and past' services are alone
to be considered. Great as they may be
esteemed by the friends of Gen. Jackson
and Mr. Adams respectively, they are as
dust in the balance, and dwindle into utter
insignificance, when compared with the
importance of the great constitutional
principles, which are at stake. No con
flict ot parties since the commencement
of our government has involved such vital
interests as are now in agitation.
It is not a question whether a’few cents
more or less duty upon woollen or cotton
manufactures shall be imposed-:—it is not
a question, whether internal improvement
shall be prosecuted under the authority
of the General Government, or abandoned
as either inexpedient or unconstitutional;
It is not a question, whether commission
ers, or ministers plenipotentiary, or no
agents at all, shall be sent to Panama :—
it is not a question,whether the trade with
the British West Indies, (important as it
:s to our shipping and agricultural interest)
has been lost by neglect or mismanage
ment.
These questions, interesting as they are,
are nevertheless oflittle consequence com
pared with those, which ypuare now call
ed upon to decide, involving as they do the
maintenance or surrender of the. funda
mental principles of the constitution, and
the vital interest, of liberty.
The great questions in agitations are,
whether the chief magistracy shall be ob
tained by influence and intrigue, bargain
and management;’’or be awarded to mer
it and public services by the unbought suf
frages of the people -whether the influ
ence of governmental patronage shall susr-
tuin a minority in power against the will
of the majority;—whether the fortes pre
scribed by t« astitution, regulating the
election of tin* chief magistrate, originally
designed to give effect to the will of the
majority, but which have been found inad
equate to the-wgrpose, shall be abolished,
a d the election be given directly to the
people, and whether the people them
selves have spirit and intelligence enough
to eject from power, those who have ob
tained it under the forms of the constitu
tion,; in violation of its spirit, or whether
they are prepared to submit, without resis
tance, to usurpation.
Those who are interested in maintaining exist
ing abuses-&: opposed to thatchauge which would
put an end to them hereafter, seek to attract ex
clusive attention from the violation of gieat fun
damental principles in their elevation to power.
—While this violation is with us the principal
ground upon whicii we oppose the re-election of
Mr. Adams. We see, nevertheless, strong reason
of opposition in the manner in which he has ex
ercised by far the most important of all the func
tions of the executive authority—we mean the
power of appointing to office and distributing
the patronage of the government. The use that
has been made of this to buy up political oppo
nents and control the freedom of the press, de
serves and receives our unqualified reprobation.
The next most important branch of Executive
duties relates to the regulations of our inter
course with foreign nations. The friends of the
administration ascribe great diplomatic talents
to the President, and yet on the most inteiesting
subject of negotiation, which has occurred since
his election he has been guilty of a palpable neg
lect ot duty to which we do not think a parallel
can be found in the history of our exterior rela
tions, and to which we are indebted for the loss
ot one of the most important and profitable
branches of our commerce—we mean our trade
with the West Indies, so essential to the prosperi
ty of Maryland and the other grain-growing
States, as well as to the shipping interest.
Notwithstanding a minister was dispatched to
England at great expense to the nation, ail the
necessary instructions were omitted to be given
in relation to this trade, and no recommendation
of legislative measures was sent to Congress to
meet those of the British Parliament, the terms
of which our Minister, now when it is too late, is
instructed to comply with, and an attempt is made
to cast the blame on Congress for not acting with
out Executive recommendation, although it was
distinctly intimated to the chairman (g) of the
committee on commerce in the Senate, and
through him to that body, that the administration
preferred to arrange that part of our foreign
trade by negotiation. °
Another expedient resorted to by the support
ers of Mr. Adams to divert attention from the
manner of his obtaining power and to misrepre
sent the grounds of our opposition to his re-elec
tion. requires onr notice.
The most strenuous efforts are mi de to excite
prejudice against the friends ofGeneial Jackson,
by representing them as opposed to internal im-
provementsanddomestic manufactures: although
it is well known that maiiy of his warmest advo
cates are amongst the most decided supporters of
t. ose great interests, and the constitutional doc
trines upon which their protection depends.
Ire utterly deny that these measures are the
lines of separation between the supporters of Mr.
Adams and General Jackson.
cial distinction, was his only motive for »-
ting or retaining office, civil or military. ff 0 m
however, has ever shown that he did not p erf
the duties of all the numerous offices he has 1
whether civil or military.
. , . fill
with efficiency
zeal; nor has any one da'red to call in q ne .. ,l; -
his eminent services, his devoted patriotism ^
unspotted integrity, or to deny to him great' ?
vation, decision, and firmness of characrer a
gorous and powerful intellect, a clear and s ,
judgement, and an extraordinary sagaeit*
discern and appreciate the character and taJ».
of others; a talent, which we esteem the most
sential.of all the qualifications of the chief,-,
'gistrate, whose most difficult and trying f
consists in the selection of men for office. •
The enemies of General Jackson ha’-e a d<-
le object in calling him a Military Chieftm- 1
The first is, to make the impression that he '
no. experience or reputation in civil affairsp
second that he is regardless of the Laws. T
charge of violence has arisen from the manv r
barrassingsituations in which he has beenphJT
where none but the most energetic measure i
seeming violence, but real necessity, and cooU ]
liberation could extricatehis country from disa- ^
and disgrace. But those who make this ch a *
omit to tell you of the magnanimous exaninlr”
submission to the laws which he set immedrii
after the battle of New Orleans, when arrai-
before a court of justice for resisting a writ ofh-
beas corpus, during the existence of martial C
As the account of his demeanour on the ocr-u;
displays one of the noblest characteristics of *
man we wdl state it in the words ofaneloq. "
‘ X indicator of his fame in the West
“ During the existence of Martial Law at \
Orleans and whilst the British Army, still i
ruple of ours, hovered within a few hours sa ,
the city, and whilst mutiny & dissatisfaction?"
making progress, General Jackson arrested,
man, who h.s legislative character had bet
attempted to surrender the eittv to the British t
who continued to excite the American arm?
mutiny by incendiary publications. '
‘ ™ arrested Jackson and refused,,
the order of Judge Hall, and the Judge hint
dispatched to a place of safety at some distu-.,
from thd city. '
it Gen ’ Jacks °n yielded to the mandate
in T m} ’ mUSt haVC been dissolved andiiiih-
m aday the streets of Orleans have been drench?,!
with American blood. But when the danger was
over, Gen. Jackson immediately evinced “ his
respect tor the law,” by yielding himself up to
the civil authority, to pay the penalty of hnviv,
saved his country. He was summoned before
Judge Hall, was refuse ! a trial by jury, and his
counsel prevented from reading his defence. He
had thrown oil his military garb, with the hone of
being undiscovered in the crowd, and repaired to
the court to submit to whatever penalty his ad
versary might inflict. He had reached the bar
unnoticed, when he was at length perceived, and
with admiration beaming iu every countenance
and gratitude speaking in ev-ry eye, the buildup
echoed with rapturous shouts of applause of Jack-
son and menaces of the Judge ; the hero rose
and addressed the assemblage. He told them of
the duty due to the Dublic authorities.” and “ur-
ged them, if they had a regard for him. thatthey
would on the present occasion, forbear those fee
lings and expressions of opinion.” The terrified
Judge was about to adjourn the court, when Jack-
son again rose and requested if might not be do e
declaring, “ there is no danger here—there shall
be noqe: the same arm that protected fiem dan-
ger this city, against the invaders of the country.
The friends of Mr. Adams differ with each will shield and protect this court or perish"in tE
other on these questions; so also do the friends of effort.” The judge then proceeded and fined him
Gen. Jackson, but are heldfirnilv together by the
common interest which we all feel i n oreservin-
the great and fundamental principles of the con-
stitution, and while we are engaged in repairing
the shattered timbers of the vessel of state to prc7-
vent i* from sinking, we do not stop to dispute
about the course she shall take, when the danger
is over.
We say then, let the administration be judged
by the principles and the means, by which they
obtained their power. 3
. Was it, think yon, the heavy grievance of pay
ing a duty of two pence a pound on tea, that in
duced our ancestors to resist Great Britain, to
defy her power and brave all the hazard of the
revolutionary war —No, fellow-citixens, it was
the principles upon which that measure was jus
tified and adopted—it was the right claimed of
controling us by law, made without our consent
—in other words against the wfii of a majority—
it was the principle of tyranny—it was the usur
pation of power which our revolutionary fathers
resisted—Had they stopped to weigh the mea
sures of the British administration, and compare
the grievance of ihe tax, with the burthens and
perils of the war, without reference to aprinciple
the surrender of which tvas a virtual surrender*
of liberty, opposition would not have been; our
glorious revolution would not have been achieved
and an eqperimentof self government, which we
are now making, and upon the success of which
tbe hopes of freedom’s friends throughout the
world depepd, would never have been tried.
We wouid ask those who pass over without re
mark, the violation of the principles of the con
stitution, by which Auams ascended to power, and
ask us to regard his acts only after obtaining it,
what would they say, if taking possession of the
President s House at Washington, he had claim
ed the executive authority in right of birth, bis
father having been President before? Would they
then fold their arms and say, let us wait and see
what use he makes ofhis power, & estimate him by
the measures which he recommends? No 1 every
voice* and every hand would be raised to put
down the usurper, because the forms as well as
the spirit of t he.constitution would have been vio
lated. In the present case we admit as the forms
of the constitution have been complied, with, Mr.
Adams must for the time be regarded as consiitu-
tionally invested with the executive authority, and
it is the duty of every patriotic citizen in refere
nce to those forms, “to sustain the wholesome
operations of the government.” and “ support
allthe measures essential to the prosperity nfthe
country,” bntit is equally his duty to proclaim
from the house top, tbe violation of the principles
of the constitution in the last presidential election
and to exert every power under those forms to
punish the men who have been guilty of it, by re
fusing to continue to them beyond the constitu
tional term, the power thus improperly attained.
We believe it to be peculiarly proper, that atone
ment should be made to the violated constitution
by the elevation to the chief magistracy, of Gen.
Andrew Jackson, the patriot hero,through whom
the constitution has been wounded. His cause at
the lasl election rested upon great taletits, exempla
ry patriotism, unquestioned integrity, and splendid
services. It has now become identified with the
cause of the constitution, of tiberty, and the coun
try. V; rv .. *•
The'enemies of/Andrew Jackson call him a
“Military Chieftain.”—We reply ! So was Wash
ington, the Father of his eountry.
They say he has not been a foieign Minister—
neither had Wash ing ton nor Madison,
They say ; tliere aie no great speeches made by
him in Congress on record, to attest his political
talents; neither are there any of Washington,
nor Jefferson, nor of Mr. Adams himself.
They would persuade you that Jackson has had
no experience in civil affairs, because his most
brilliant services have’beenof a military chaiac-
ter-vet he rose to distinction as a lawyer at the bar
ofTennessea. beeame her Attorney-General—*
was a leading and most efficient member of the
Convention that framed the constitution-—served
as her first representative in Congress—as a
Judge of her Supreme Court; as Governor of
Florida; as a member of *he Senate of the Uni
ted States at twa.-different periods, and had the
offer of a foreign embassy : thus actually occu-
pyihg six different civil offices during a period of
twenty years,\dnd only one military office, that
of General, first hi the militia of Tennessee, and
afterwards in the United States Army.
liis ene^ugs say, however, that he resigned all
his civil appointments; but they forget to tell you
it was usually,afthe call of his country to higher
stations; and that he also resigned his military
command,'when the circumstances ^ of the coun-
try did notrender his services any longer indis
pensable, thereby showing that a desire to render
real service, and not a love of emolument or »ffi>
. .. . _ proceeded and fined liim
one thousand dollars. Tbe enthusiasm of the peo
ple coud be restrained no longer; hurrving him
forcibly against bis repeated entreaties into a
carnage, they bore him in triumph to a public
room, stiil menacing the Judge. Order bring at
leug'h restored. General Jaekson rose and ad-
t ressed them with great feeling, saving, l< that if
they had the least gratitude for his services they
wouid evince it in no way so satisf aet rily
a's by submitting as he most cheerfully did. to
the decree, which had just been pronounced a
gainst him ;—l fcat the civil was paramount and
supreme authority—that submission to the civil
auihoi ifv is the first duty .of tbe citizen Had tin*
penalty reached my utmost ability to meet it, I
should not have mourned-or complained.”
“He immediately paid the fine. The citizens of
New Orleans collected, however and pbeed tbe
amount to his credit in bank and notified him of
it. He retused it in a manner the most deticate.
In Ins reply lie declared lie could not accept of if,,
yet as it was the result of thc^nost .generousfeel
ings. he solicited, that the srnbunt might be ap-
pl ed to the assistance and relief of those, whose
relations, during the siege, had fallen in battle;
the proposition was acceded to and the am-unt
subscribed which had been designed expressly for
his- relief, was disposed of for ihe benefit of the
WIDOW and FATHERLESS.”
In the above relation, behold the genuine cha
racter of the Military Chieftain, who k represen
ted as despising- the authority of the Laws and
Constitution of his Country. Let ns then rally
round this Heroic Citizen. Let ns reward his
valor, his patriotism, his magnanimity and (oil-
some services, l)y the highest honor a grateful pec-
/ple can bestow; assured that bis'success is asso
ciated with the triumph of the Constitution, of
Liberty and - the cause of onr beloved Country.
t [Balt. Republican..
Tbe address issued by the Delegate*
assembled at Baltimore to show good and
sufficient reason why the present Chief
Magistrate should be ejected from office
at the next election, and why General
Jackson should fill the Executive chair
in his stead, has been promulgated to the
world through the channels of the party.
It makes up amply. in its length what it
wants ini substance. We do not find, af
ter a candid and liberal persual of its
countless periods, and endless succession
of paragraphs, (and the labor and time wo
expended in the perusal entitles us to the
gratitude of tbe friends of General Jack-
son/ that it gives us any new points to be
answered. It tells us the often told and
often refuted story, that General Jackson
was the choice of a majority of the peo
ple, and that the house 1 of Representatives
was bound to elect him, instead of selecting
any other. It also repeats to us, that for
this offence of the House of Representa
tives against General Jackson, Mr Ad
ams ought to be discarded from office; and
asserts that this wrong is of so erving a
nature,.that in comparrison with it, tbe *f
subject of the Tariff and Internal Im
provement, and all other questions what
soever, sink into nothing. Verily, we
cannot but think this clamorous upstiring
of the people, this convulsion of all tlieso-
cial'elements to avenge the insult offered
to .General Jackson by the House of Re-
pjesentatives,
** Resembles ocean into tempest wrought,
/“ To waft a feather.”
Although the means by which Mr. Ad
ams was elected appears to be the main
objection of the author of this manifesto,
yet he rings the usual changes on the mea
sures of the present Administration; as
serts that General Jackson has shown him
self to be friendly to our great national
policy, and, when he comes to his peror
ation, carries us as usual, to New Orleans;
but does not say a word about the militia
men. The address altogether bears ev
idence of a good deal of labor in its pre-
paiation. The midnight oil seems to havo
been wasted in its composition, though bu-