Georgia courier. (Augusta, Ga.) 1826-1837, June 28, 1827, Image 1
i
ORG-IA coimr
VOL. 2.
AUGUSTA, GEO. THURSDAY, JUNE 28, 1S27.
NO. 16.
PT PI ISHED EVERY MONDAY AND THURSDAY,
at 2 O’CLOCK, p.
. iM-.vnrd-.-i Brick BuiMimrs, opposite Mr. Cummin? «
1,Building.”. MTntosh Mrcet.
DIRECTIONS.
Sa l« of Land and Xtgroes, by Administrators, Excc'i
, or \ or Guardians, aro required, by law. to be held on t.i,
first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten in the
Mrcnoon and three in the afternoon, at the l ourt-house of
,he county in which the property is Mtuii.e_-Not,ce of
• lieso sales must be given in a public gazette SI.v 1 . <Ja>»
nrevious to the day of sale. . .
1 Not ires ofth- -ale of personal property must be given in
pur manner, I'iMTY days previous to the day ol sale.
Notice to the debtors and creditors of an estate, must be
•a "wished for FORTY days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of m
dinary for leave to sell land, must be publisher tor MNL
MONTHS
Prom the «■ London Sun" of May 2d, received at this Office.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
ir-jusc of Commons,—Tuesday may 1.
Sir Francis Burdett (speaking from the
Bench directly behind that on which Mr.
Canning sat.) Under the present circum
stances, I think it improper to remain al
together silent, although I do not moan to
trouble the House with more than a few
words. The Right Honourable Gentleman
who sat down a little time ago (Mr. Peel)
has stated his views in the open, candid
manner that might be expected from him
and I heard him with admiration even
when I did not concur him. And I heard
him with the more respect and admiration
when it appeared that he, in retiring from
office, was actuated by no sinister motives,
or objects of personal dislike or ambition,
but that his course was directed by his
opinions on a great public principle. For
the same reason, however I, acting also
•jpon a great public principle, wish to sup-
part to tho utmost of my power the Ad
ministration as it is now formed, because
it is now formed in a manner which may
unable the Government, merely by follow
ing the general course of the information of
the times, to confer infinite advantages up
on this country, and on mankind in general,
f support the Cabinet as at present form
ed, because it affords the best opportunity
that I have ever yet met with of promo
ting that groat cause for which I have
been eagcrlv struggling—the cause of
civil and religious freedom—which has
been,in tho progress of knowledge and
civilization, spreading over almost all na
tions having any pretensions to the name
of civilized; tho British empire, strange to
tell, rdone excepted. The period has at
length arived when an Administration in
promoting the best interests of mankind,
has not even the trouble to direct public
opinion—it has only to follow it (hear),
2nd trusting that here at length we have
an Administration that will follow the
march of the age, T have resolved to give
it my humble support, for ihe same rea
sons of public principle which have induc
ed tho Right Honourable Gentleman
(Mr. Peel) to abandon that Administration.
Upon the same grounds of a groat public
principle which have led the Right hon
orable Gentleman to withdraw from of
fice, do I give my support to the Cabinet
as at present constituted; not etiJrely, per
haps, «pon tho foundations of a complete
Concurrence upon abstract principles, but
as the best opportunity that 1 ever enjoy
ed in my life ofdning something practical
ly to promote the mo-t important—be
yond all measure, the most tmportant—
interests of the nation to which I have the
honour to belong. I do not propose by
any means at present to dehate the Catho
lic Question, nor do T mean to allude to
that question particularly, as connected
with the formation of the present Cabinet
hilt, I must observe, the opinion of the
public will be, that there are no stronger
hopes ofaconclusion to the differences that
have created so much division in the na
tion upon grounds which ought never to
be suffered to exist in any civilized coun
try. A dawn of hope at leasr now opens
for those who have struggled to promote
harmony, and peace, and knowledge, and,
consequently, religious and moral im
provement in the nation. This opinion
will, in tho meantime, do much for the
host interests of the country. I give the
Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel) credit
for tho integrity of his motives, and I am
sorry that he should have found himself
compelled, bv his principles, to abandon
his office. By his retaining that office,
lla would, no doubt, have more influence
in promoting those minor ameliorations to
which his attention had been so zealously
.and usefully directed. But, I hope, that
although he has quitted office, he does not
mean on that account to discontinue his
exertions for carrving into effect the im
provements which he contemplated when
in office. That course of conduct the
Right Hon. Gentleman has still in his
power to pursue, and his labours in that
respect will still be most useful to the
country. But if the Right Hon. Gentle
man mpans to say that his late Colleagues
resigned, one and all, on the same princi
ples with himself, I have only to observe
that I never was much disposed to throw
ev en justifiable reproach upon any one.
Here I take it for granted that re
proach would be unjustifiable; but allow
ing ail the credit that can be claimed
tor good intentions on their parts,—
I still cannot help saying, that, in
my opinion, their retiring was a most for
tunate event for the country, for by that
means a great obstacle, as I conceive, has
been removed to the adoption of measures
particularly with respect to Iceland, which
the circumstances of the country render
almost absolutely necessary things being
in a state in which it was imoossible that
they should long continue. The truth is,
that the march of civilization and enlight
ened principles cannot be entirely stoo
ped in a civilized country, and a decided
opposition to it may be attended with the
most direful consequences; but wisdom
and ability may turn every thing to the
best and most useful purposes. It is on
that ground that I am ready to take an
interest in the success of the. Administra
tion as at present formed; and as I did on
principle for some time support many
of the acts of the most liberal portion pf
the men who compose the present ■Tk dmin-
istration, it cannot be surprising that I
support them now. On principle, there
fore, I am interested in the success of the
present administration. I know thut ab
stract principles can seldom be acted upon
to their full extent; and I adopt this as,
for the present, the course, which, practi
cally considered, promises to be of the
greatest benefit to the country. The
state of the country is, at present such,
that it requires the concurrence of all the
ability and principle which can be brought
into the public service. Whoever looks
at the state of Ireland—at the foreign re
lation of the country—at its domestic situ
ation; and at the question as to the policy
by which the nation ought to he regulated
with a proper regard to all its circum
stances, both within and without, can
hardly fail to be fully sensible of the great
importance, at this moment, of having a
powerful, liberal and united Administra
tion, and, I cannot help thinking that for
the purpose of carrying into execution the
best measures for the benefit of the coun
try, it is at this moment, of the last conse
quence that the country shonld have an
Administration, not splitting upon the
greatest points of public poliev, but firm
and united on the most important princi
ples. As for myself, I have, all mv life—
except, perhaps, in some cases, from def
erence to the opinions of those for whose
judgment I had tjie highest respect—taken
on great occasions, very decided steps,
and have never failed to support the
Throne when his Majesty appeared to
be exercising his just and undoubted prero
gative in selecting for the Head of his
Administration that individual whom he
thought best calculated to confer * ho 7»*oa-
test benefits on the country. The Right
Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel) says that he
sees symptoms of a determination to have
only in office those who were prepared to
make the fullest concessions to the Catho
lics. \\ ithout saying that the carrying ofthe
Cathol ic Question ought to he a sine, qua
non of Administration, I think it right to
observe, that the country is now prepared
by the progress of civilization and ration
al principles, to put an end to improper
distinctions hetween the different classes
ot the community, and to promote the ope
ration of that general principle of concili
ation and concord which is so necessary for
the interests, perhaps for the salvation of
the country. When T recollect the intol
erant higotrv which was so common some
years ago in this country,, and look to the
progress which liheral views and sound
principles have since made, I cannot help
rejoicing that a liberal Cabinet, corre«-
ponding in some measure to the advanced
state of society, has been now formed.—
On that ground I heartily rejoice at the
secession of those persons who formed a
component part of the late Administration
because T think, that by this means a great
and almost insuperable obstaele has been
removed to the adoption of that line of
policy which is imperiously 7 required by
the actual circumstances of the country,
and the state of socie'v in this and other
civiiized nations of the world.
Sir Thomas Lethbridge observed, that
he was most anxious at the present mo
ment to declare his opinions respecting
the alteration which had recently taken
place in his Majesty’s Councils, especial
ly after he had heard the speech of the
Hon Baronet who had just sat down.—
Of all the changes which had recently ta
ken place, he thought the change indica
ted by the Hon. Baronet’s speech the
most extraordinary. The Hon. Baronet,
however, while he dwelt so much on his
candour and his loyalty to the Throne,
had adverted to a great leading point or
principle upon which the Cabinet had
been formed—a principle which had led
to the secession of the late ministers,- in
cluding the Right Hon. Gentleman. (Mr.
Peel) who had recently addressed the
House. For many reasons he regretted
the secession of the Right Hon. gentle
man : and yet, in some respects he was
glad of it, as it would lead the country to
a real and just view of the great and lead
ing public principle upon which the pres
ent Administration was made up. The
change had at least produced this good ef
fect, that it did show the plain public
principle on which the Administration
was resolved to act: and it would be for
the people of the country to decide whe
ther they would support such an Adminis
tration. There were now two clear dis
tinctions formed in point of principle, and
the nation must be decisively divided into
those who supported and those who oppo
sed the concessions claimed by the Ca-h-
olics. These were the views which must
be taken by those who supported and those
who opposed the new Administration; and
so far he rejoiced in the change which had
taken place. The Cabinet was now at
least united in principle, as he apprehend
ed all Cabinets ought to be; and it was
from that feeling that he had on a late oc
casion brought forward a motion for* an
Address to his Majesty, requestibg him to
form an Administration united in principle.
(A laugh.) He insisted that it was prop
er that a Cabinet should exist entertaining
a decided opinion either one way or the
other, and such an Administration had
now been formed, and was supported by
the Hon. Baronet, because he conceived
that the Ministers were prepared to act
upon the principle which he stated to be
the sine qua non point in the formation of
a Ministry—meaning a full concession of
all the claims made by the Catholics.—
The present First Lord of the Treasury
might, therefore, now be expected to
come down to the House, and broadly and
openly bring forward the proposition for
the concession of these claims as a gov
ernment measure (Hear, hear.) It was
well known what the opinions of those
were on this question, who, if they did
not actually come at once into office, had
at least been very near coming in, and
probably would soon form a part of the
Administration. Tnequestionmust,there
fore, now come before the House in a de
cided form, more particularly as the Hon.
Baronet had said, that the being prepared
to make the fullest concessions to the Ca
tholics was a sine qua non qualification for
a Member of the Cabinet.--(Cries of no,
no -)—He certainly understood the Hon.
Bart, to say so, and that he stated that to
be his reason for supporting the present
Cabinet, and the whole course of his ar
gument went to that point. He certainly
would oppose any further concessions to
the catholics ; but he .wished the question
to be brought forward in a plain and deci
ded shape, instead of seeing it hanging
on as matter of doubt, as it had done for
the last 20yearsfrom 1827. (A laugh.) He
meant from 1809 to the present time.—
Those who had shown a disposition to
support the present Cabinet, wore bound
in honor and conscience to see that the
Catholic Question should plainly and un
equivocally he bro’t forward as a Govern
ment measure ; and he now called on the
First Lord of the Treasury to speak out
plainly on the subject this very evening—
(Hear, hear !)—and he hoped that the
Light Hon. Gentleman, instead ofcontin-
uing to temporise and to pare down prin
ciple, would bring the system to a final is
sue. This was but fair, and he would con
tinually call upon the Right Hon. Gen-
tJeman to bring the matter to a final issue.
Sir Francis Bnrddtt, in explanation,
said he had not stated that the concession
of the Catholic Question was a sine qua
non, but had only expressed his hope that
the present Cabinet would do much to in
sure the tranquility of Ireland, and follow
a course corresponding to the progress of
ihe English mind, and it was in that hope
that he supported the present Administra
tion.
Mr. Dawson observed, that he was
quite convinced that in the whole of this
business the gentlemen who had former
ly sat on the Opposition Benches, and
had now joined the Ministry, had only
done so from a wish to occupy the Minis
terial station and authority—(a laugh.)—
He himself did not regret that he had quit
ted tho service of the Crown, since he
had done so lor the reasons which had
been so ably and eloquently stated by the
Right lion Gentleman, the late Secretary
of Mate for the Home Department, and
who had most honorably preferred the
support of his principles to the retaining of
tho high situation which he had held. The
Hon. Baron had expressed his hope that
the Catholic Question would be carried bv
means of the present Cabinet; and it was
his duty entertaining the opinions which
he professed, and erf those who along with
him held these opinions, to insist*that the
Cabinet should propose the granting of
the Catholic Claims as a Government
measure, otherwise the Hod. Baronet and
his Friends would be parties to the basest
coalition that ever was formed—(Hear,
hear! and a laugh.) He repeated that
they would be parties to one of the has
est coalitions that this countrv had ever
witnessed ; and would exhibit the grossest
abandonment of principle-(anotherlaugh.)
He was not to be put down bv lattghin»
ancLsfieering, and called upon the Speak
er to enforc& order in the House. Ho in
sisted that unless the Hon. Baronet and
his friends would cause the Catholic Ques
tion to be brought forward as a Govern
ment measure, there never was such a base
coalition formed for party purposes. He
asked, whether the concession of the Ca
tholic Claims was to be brought forward 1
siuce, it'it was not, there never was such a
compromise of principle. Almost the
whole of the Press had by a kind of fatal
ity, supported the First Lord of the Treas
ury—(a laugh)—in the whole of this busi
ness. The press was corrupted to the ve
ry heart’s core, and hardly a portion of it
had given expression to the real opinions
of the public. He would here state some
particulars which he had heard in differ
ent places, He had been informed that
it was designed in the highest quarter that
the Administration should be essentially
Protestant. This was said to be the basis
of the Administration which was to be
formed ; but tho present Administration
was not formed on any such basis. The
Catholics of Ireland would expect’ that,
with such Cabinet, their claims must be
granted; and if such hopes should be exci
ted among the Irish Catholics, what nust
be the effect on the Irish Protestants! The
Cabinet was almost entirely Catholi;;—
and what would the Protestant of Iraand
say, when they heard that the whole of
their interests were intruded to LordsBex-
ley and Lyndhurst? The Irish Protes
tants would have no great confidence in
either, although Lord Lyndhurst had made
a speech in their favour in that House, em
ploying the arguments which had been fur
nished to him by Dr. Philpot. He re
quested leave to state to the House a cir
cumstance, of which he was assured on
good authority : and that was that tho Ar-
chibishop of Canterbury and the Bishop
of London had represented to the Pre
lates assembled at Lambeth—(Cries of
“ order ?”)—that his present Majesty was
as much opposed to tho Catholic .Claims
as his father had been, & had in 1806 desi
red Mr. Fox not to trouble his father on
that point. He wished to be informed
whether the Archibishop of Canterbury
had not stated that his Majesty consider
ed the Coronation Oath asstandingin the
way of any further concessions to the
Catholics.—(Criesof“ Order!”
The Speaker here rose to order, observ
ing, that when he thought it his duty to
interfere, he was always anxious that such
interference should bo founded on the
clearest grounds. But it was one of the
most fundamental rules of that House,that
the name of his Majesty should never be
introduced, eitherdirectly or circuitously,
to influence an} 7 point in debate.
Mr. Brougham then spoke to the fol
lowing effect : I rise under tho pressure
of no inconsiderable, no ordinary anxiety,
to address myself to you, Sir, and to the
House ; and, permit mo to add, in the
present extraordinary state of tho Govern
ment, to the country also, on the subject
of this conversation. I should, perhaps,
nave done so after my Hon. Friend (Sir
F. Burdett,) the Member for Westmin
ster, had spoken, in order to prevent some
sentiments he uttered from being misun
derstood—(Hear, hear!)—but having wait-
ed to hear, as I did with some surprise,
the speech of the Hon. Baronet (Sir T.
Lethbridge,) the Member for Somerset
shire, and still more that of the late Un
der Secretary of State for the Home De-
partmnt (Mr. G. Dawson,) which I heard
with increased astontshment, I can no
longer defer for an instant the perfor
mance not only of the duty I owe to mv*
self as an humble individual in this House,
but of the duty which I owe to those
friends with whom it has been, and still
continnes to be, my pride and pleasure to
act since my first entrance into Parlia
ment. (Hear.)—The Hon. Gentleman
who last addressed the House made an
appeal personal to myself iu an especial
degree. He was considering the state of
the new Administration, as he is pleased
to term it, and tho principles that have
presided in the reconstruction of the Min
istry, and he discovered, it seems, espe
cially after the speech of my Honourable
F iend, the Member for Westminster,
that there can have been no earthly mo
tive for the change of position which we
have assumed, except the desire we may
have to participate—I do not know whe
ther ho said in the emoluments of office ;
but if he did not say, it, more sordid na
tures would understand him to mean it—
at all events in the patronage and power
of the Right Honourable Gentleman be
low me (Mr. Canning.) To whomsoever
that observation may be intended to ap
ply, he it a sober theory of the Honoura
ble Gentleman’s, founded on a reason,
according to his mode of reasoning—(a
laugh)—or a sarcasm, the first birth of wit
in an ex-officer of the Crown, less accus
tomed heretofore to indulge in sneers than
in silent votes—(order, order,)—here are,
it appears, some Gentlemen whose ideas
of justice would be well satisfied to hear
the charge, but who refuse to listen to the
defence.—(Cheers.)—-Whatever may be
my difference or agreement with the go
vernment of the Right Honourable Gen
tleman (Mr. Canning,) of which I am dis
posed to augur favourably, I trust at any
rate that his government will not be con
ducted ill this House on principles that
would sanction so grievious a departure
from the justice due to every individual—
(Cheers,)—I say, then, that to whatever
Member or part of the House the observa
tion of the Honourable Gentleman (Mr.
Dawson) may apply, to me, in my situa
tion, application it can have none.—I ne
ver dreamed of taking office under the
present arrangement. I am much more
certainly and inevitably out of office, and
out of office am mqre likelv to continue,
than the Honourable Gentleman himself.
—(A laugh.)—But because I support this
Government, though I go no further, I
am to be charged with having acceded to
an unnatural alliance formed between the
Right Honorable Gentleman below me, &.
those friends with whom I have had, and
still have, the happiness and honour of
acting. The House has heard that we
joined ‘he Government, though we are
composed of men holding various princi
ples and opposite doctrines, having differ
ent feelings as to individuals, and hostile
sentiments as to tho sum of affairs. No
doubt, Sir, this charge is true, because we
for years have condemned every measure
of tl -eign policy of the Right Honour
able entleman—(hear,)—because since
the uoath of the late Marquis of London
derry, we have been disposed against his
will to rivet fast to the wheels of the IIolv
Allies the triumphant chariot of the British
fortunes.—(Cheers.)—An unnatural coa
lition to be sure, with the Board of
Trade, because we have always been
enemies to a liberal commercial policy—
(hear, hear,) because I never gave utter
ance to those principles long beforo they
, were found acceptable to those who, by
their talents, and official weight and im
portance, were infinitely better qualified
to promote them.—(Cheers.)—An unna
tural coalition, undoubtedly, because we
have constantly differed from the Right
Hem. Gentleman as to the internal policy
of the Empire ; because we, forsooth,
have ever disputed with him as to that
great corner stone, the mode fitting to be
adopted for the Government of our sister
kingdom <of Ireland—[Cheers.]—Look
over all the great political questions that
divide some men, and appv>ximate others
at the present day. Travel with your
eyes over tlie affairs of Europe* or across
the Atlantic, and see the dawn of liberty
in South America, where millions are
blessingthe grateful light, whilst the hearts
of millions in tnis country are beating in
unison with theirs, yet rejoicing in their
new born freedom.—[Cheers.]—Wheth
er we look, I say, to America, or to the
East of Europe, or the policy of our East
India possessions, on ourdomestic policy,
or the queslion of trade, or the agricultu
ral interests of the country, the last sub
ject on which I gave the feeble aid of my
voice and support to Government, though
the late Under Secretary, was then si
lently votingon the same side—[A laugh)
—surveying all those great questions which
divide men in their opinions, and animate
conflicting parties and rival statesmen, I
can conscientiously deciare, that passing
them all in review, I cannot discern one
single tenet or sentiment, nay, one
solitary feeling, which practically speak
ing, has influenced the Councils of his
majesty’s Government during the last
three or four years gone by. and which
did not find in my opinions a firm support
and in my feelings a faithful echo—
[Cheers.] There was, indeed, one point
in those days in which I differed from the
Right Hon. Gentleman. As to one ques
tion, one practical view of the state of af
fairs, I pould not coincide with him.—
When I saw a Cabinet formed of States
men appearing outwardly to act together,
but whose opinions on the greatest ques
tion of all not merely discorded, but dif
fered widely as the poles asunder; wheD
I saw the opinions of one Secretary of
State, as evidenced by his votes and
speeches, opposed by another Secretary
of State ; when I saw<he Government in
such a state as the late Secretary (Mr.
Peel has manfully and honourably to him
self and satisfactorily to this House and
the Country, and I will add feelingly de
scribed—a state in which he found himself
chiefly, as he was, if not singly opposed to
bis Right Hon. Friend [Mr. Canning] so
painfully situated that he had almost re
solved to retire a year or two agoffiom his
Majesty’s service 1 ) when the Government
was in this state I could not give it a more
regular, constant, and therefore valuable
support. I was prevented from doing so,
barred out from the very attempt because
I could not lend my asssistanco to a Go
vernment so constituted as to command
respect from no thinking man, and in which
from its very construction, it was utterly
impossible tho interests of the public ser
vice could be consulted.—[Cheers.]—
This impediment has been removed by tho
retirement from office of those who were
the principal elements of this opposition
in the King’s Counsels. I wish to speak
with unfeigned respect of the Noble Lords
and Right Hon. Gentlemen who have
lately retired from the public service.—
With regard to the Right Hon. Gentleman
[Mr. Peel] who has addressed the House
this evening, I am particularly anxious to
express myself in those terms of high
personal respect which I feel towards him.
I shall not now be accused of paying mv
court to that individual, if I speak my full
opinion of his merits. It may nof be for
gotten by the House—not because anv
thing done by so inconsiderable a person,
as myself is likely to dwell in their memory
hut as connected with passages in the Rt.
Hon. Gentleman’s life worthy to be recol
lected—that if there be one individ
ual in this House, to whom on this
side, [I was at that time sitting on the
other side] it was my misfortune—
certainly not hi? fault, to be opposed in
a more personal manner than another,
it was that Right Honorable Gentleman.
But candour, and truth, and justice com
pel me to say, that the mode in which he
conducted himself was not only at all
times above all censure, but such as places
him above the possibility of suspicion,
even by the|most ingenious malice of his
worst enemy, if he had one—(cheers.)—
Feeling the good accomplished by the
moderate, rational, and wholesome steps
taken by the Right Hon. Gentleman, for
the amendment of the Criminal Law—
those"great reforms, projected by that ex
cellent man (Sir S. Romilly,) who was
not spared to witness the triumph of his
principles, and more recently supported
by surpassing elequence and ability by an
Hod. Friend (Sir J. Mackintosh,) whom
indisposition now keeps from his place in
Parliament; I regard it os none of the
least evils resulting front the unsettled
state of tl.e Catholic Question, that that
circumstance alone deprived the Govern
ment anil the Country of that Right Ho
norable Gentleman’s services (Hear,
hear !)—I would add -word respecting
this groat question. .te conduct has
been imputed to his Majesty’s Govern
ment, and those who have joined it, in
plain, undisguised, and therefore to me, I
confess, more palatable, because more in
telligible language, by the Right Honora
ble Gentleman who spoke last, (Some
friend whispered to Mr. Brougham.)—
Well, the Hon. Gentleman, then be it.—
Nobody will mistake me. My friends
are afraid that I should seem to confound
the late Secretary of State w 7 ith the Un
der Secretary. There is no danger of
confusion in this case—(A laugh.)—-The
Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Pee!) used
no such terms as those of “ base conduct”
and “ unnatural coalitionand if I read
his character aright, he is incapable of
feeling the sentiments which would give
rise to that plain and honest language.—
But, Sir, I say there is no baseness in this
coalition, if there be no fraud practised on
the parties to this alliance.—[Cheers.]—
I, for one, did not look to see the Catho
lic Question made a Cabinet measure. I
have no such expectation.—I look to its
being advanced by the modern which the
Cabinet has been remodelled. [Cheers.}
I look to tho ultimate good to b obtained
for Ireland, if it be pursued prudently,
discreetly, practically, with a just esti
mate ot all the prodigious difficulties
which yet stand in the way which
seem even to accumulate round our
steps as we approach them—[Cheers.J—
The very statements von have beard this
evening from the Hon. Gentleman, (Mr-
Dawson)—lor I understood enough of his
allegory to comprehend what he alluded
to—(a laugh)—and which mav, I fear, be
all perfectly correct, shew that these diffi
culties are increasing rather than dimin
ishing. Heartily and zealously desiring
the welfare of Ireland, and the accom
plishment of the wishes of all Catholic
Irishmen, and of a great part of the Pro
testants too—for, permit me tosav, all th&
Irish Protestants are not on one side, and
all the Irish Catholics on the other—I am
anxious in the first place for the removal
of all causes of internal disagreement and
jealousy. It is notorious, that in the last
division, which postponed the hopes of tho
Irish Catholics for another year, a vast
majority of the Irish members, who are
not all bv law necessarily Protestants, vo
ted for Emancipation. But, let me at that
same time give forth a warning to the Ca
tholics themselves, and admonition to their
advocates in this House, and this salutary
advice to their friends generally :—Let
them not at this critical momonf—(cheen*
fiom the Opposition Bench re-echoed still
louder from the Ministerial side)—let
them not, I repeat, at this critical moment,
to please their bitter enemies—(loud
cheers)—play the game of the party of th»
quadrant of this House, who, already, in
expectation of success of their shallow
de vice, suffer it too plainly to appear by
those signs and gestures, and articulate
sounds, by which they make themselves
understood, though they seldom deal in
articulate language.—Cheers. Let them
not, I conjure them, gratify, the Members
far Somersetshire, (Sir Thomas Leth
bridge,) whose position is at this moment,
T should say, but for mv personal respect
for him, absolutely grotesque.—(Laugh
ter.) Long may he occupy it! As, the
member of Yorkshire (Mr. Dunrombe)
wished the late Secretary of Stats, I wish
(he Hon. Bart. (Sir Thomas Lethbridge)
constant health and an uninterrupted en
joyment of that bench which he now so
peculiarly adorns.—(Laughter.) But I
counsel him to beware of speaking; it is
a dangerous employment of the property
of mind. Let him use what he has wari
ly and well.—(Laughter.) Let him vote
as much as he pleases, but let him be- cau
tious how he commils himself to the most
arduous duty of talking. His position this
evening struck me as pre-eminentlv ludi
crous, and almost induced me to call it by
the appellation that properly belonged to
it. He was placed. It evidently appeared,
between too equal and opposite sets of
motives, each of similar power, attracted
as it-were, like a certain animal, by ttvo
bundles of nay ; (laughter and cheering,)
so the Hon. Baronet hardly knew whether
to support the Sovereign who .vas com
pelled, by the retirement of his Ministers,
to exercise his prerogative, and call others
to their places, or those who had endea
vored to embarrass the Government by
their sudden Iiaste. I trust he will take
the Constitutional eonrso on the present
occasion ; and he may be assured, when I
tell him, that there is not in any question,
in or out of the Cabinet, the shadow of a
thought all at once to alter the policy that
has been pursued for many years with re
gard to the Catholie Claims, and now to
make it a Cabinet question. But will no
thing but the endre destruction of the
new Administration satisfy the Hon. Bar
one* 1 I speak as.a bystander.—(A laugh.)
If he is not satisfied with my relative, Lord
Bexley, is the new Lord Chancellor no
thing? Is he no security? Did he net
hear the speech of that noble and learned
lord on the last debats in this House,
when I was sitting a humblo member of
that body of which the Hon. Baronet is
now the distinguished leader’—(Cheers
and laughter.) There are at least those
two opposed to the Catholics, to say no
thing of a third. But with respect to that
great question, I will say, that whoever
advises any man to promote it by any
means out of this House, or to bring it
here forward ag?.:7i this session, in which
the sense of the House has, unfortunately,
already been declared against it 3 that man,
I say, will not further the interests of Ire
land or the Catholics. Nor will he do his
duty with regard to the tranquility of Eng
land, or the peace of her Government :
but he will show himself the worst enomy
of tho momentous intereats he will pre
tend to uphold, and make himself a blind
tool in the hands of the member for Som
ersetshire.—( Cheers aad laughter.) That
the progress of that question may be ac
celerated, is my most anxious desire; and
to it I have long directed my attention and
devoted my talents. As - it is the custom
to talk of sacrifices, I may mention mice.
.1 have quitted a situation in this House,
which, considering the influence of opin
ion and feeling, was in the highest degree
grateful to me; and in which I was sur
rounded and (if it may be permitted raetn
say so) supported by one of the largest^
the most important, the most honorable*
and now I may say it, for I was privy tr»
all their Councils, ar.d my motives cannot
be suspected, the most disinterested oppo
sition that ever sat within the walls of this
House—(Cheers)—who supported what
they deemed righi, though it kept hr»
out of power, and confirmed their adv er
saries in office ; and who persevered in
that course year after year, without »
possible hope of benefit ever accruing to
fj?