Georgia courier. (Augusta, Ga.) 1826-1837, June 28, 1827, Image 1

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i ORG-IA coimr VOL. 2. AUGUSTA, GEO. THURSDAY, JUNE 28, 1S27. NO. 16. PT PI ISHED EVERY MONDAY AND THURSDAY, at 2 O’CLOCK, p. . iM-.vnrd-.-i Brick BuiMimrs, opposite Mr. Cummin? « 1,Building.”. MTntosh Mrcet. DIRECTIONS. Sa l« of Land and Xtgroes, by Administrators, Excc'i , or \ or Guardians, aro required, by law. to be held on t.i, first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten in the Mrcnoon and three in the afternoon, at the l ourt-house of ,he county in which the property is Mtuii.e_-Not,ce of • lieso sales must be given in a public gazette SI.v 1 . <Ja>» nrevious to the day of sale. . . 1 Not ires ofth- -ale of personal property must be given in pur manner, I'iMTY days previous to the day ol sale. Notice to the debtors and creditors of an estate, must be •a "wished for FORTY days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of m dinary for leave to sell land, must be publisher tor MNL MONTHS Prom the «■ London Sun" of May 2d, received at this Office. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ir-jusc of Commons,—Tuesday may 1. Sir Francis Burdett (speaking from the Bench directly behind that on which Mr. Canning sat.) Under the present circum stances, I think it improper to remain al together silent, although I do not moan to trouble the House with more than a few words. The Right Honourable Gentleman who sat down a little time ago (Mr. Peel) has stated his views in the open, candid manner that might be expected from him and I heard him with admiration even when I did not concur him. And I heard him with the more respect and admiration when it appeared that he, in retiring from office, was actuated by no sinister motives, or objects of personal dislike or ambition, but that his course was directed by his opinions on a great public principle. For the same reason, however I, acting also •jpon a great public principle, wish to sup- part to tho utmost of my power the Ad ministration as it is now formed, because it is now formed in a manner which may unable the Government, merely by follow ing the general course of the information of the times, to confer infinite advantages up on this country, and on mankind in general, f support the Cabinet as at present form ed, because it affords the best opportunity that I have ever yet met with of promo ting that groat cause for which I have been eagcrlv struggling—the cause of civil and religious freedom—which has been,in tho progress of knowledge and civilization, spreading over almost all na tions having any pretensions to the name of civilized; tho British empire, strange to tell, rdone excepted. The period has at length arived when an Administration in promoting the best interests of mankind, has not even the trouble to direct public opinion—it has only to follow it (hear), 2nd trusting that here at length we have an Administration that will follow the march of the age, T have resolved to give it my humble support, for ihe same rea sons of public principle which have induc ed tho Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Peel) to abandon that Administration. Upon the same grounds of a groat public principle which have led the Right hon orable Gentleman to withdraw from of fice, do I give my support to the Cabinet as at present constituted; not etiJrely, per haps, «pon tho foundations of a complete Concurrence upon abstract principles, but as the best opportunity that 1 ever enjoy ed in my life ofdning something practical ly to promote the mo-t important—be yond all measure, the most tmportant— interests of the nation to which I have the honour to belong. I do not propose by any means at present to dehate the Catho lic Question, nor do T mean to allude to that question particularly, as connected with the formation of the present Cabinet hilt, I must observe, the opinion of the public will be, that there are no stronger hopes ofaconclusion to the differences that have created so much division in the na tion upon grounds which ought never to be suffered to exist in any civilized coun try. A dawn of hope at leasr now opens for those who have struggled to promote harmony, and peace, and knowledge, and, consequently, religious and moral im provement in the nation. This opinion will, in tho meantime, do much for the host interests of the country. I give the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel) credit for tho integrity of his motives, and I am sorry that he should have found himself compelled, bv his principles, to abandon his office. By his retaining that office, lla would, no doubt, have more influence in promoting those minor ameliorations to which his attention had been so zealously .and usefully directed. But, I hope, that although he has quitted office, he does not mean on that account to discontinue his exertions for carrving into effect the im provements which he contemplated when in office. That course of conduct the Right Hon. Gentleman has still in his power to pursue, and his labours in that respect will still be most useful to the country. But if the Right Hon. Gentle man mpans to say that his late Colleagues resigned, one and all, on the same princi ples with himself, I have only to observe that I never was much disposed to throw ev en justifiable reproach upon any one. Here I take it for granted that re proach would be unjustifiable; but allow ing ail the credit that can be claimed tor good intentions on their parts,— I still cannot help saying, that, in my opinion, their retiring was a most for tunate event for the country, for by that means a great obstacle, as I conceive, has been removed to the adoption of measures particularly with respect to Iceland, which the circumstances of the country render almost absolutely necessary things being in a state in which it was imoossible that they should long continue. The truth is, that the march of civilization and enlight ened principles cannot be entirely stoo ped in a civilized country, and a decided opposition to it may be attended with the most direful consequences; but wisdom and ability may turn every thing to the best and most useful purposes. It is on that ground that I am ready to take an interest in the success of the. Administra tion as at present formed; and as I did on principle for some time support many of the acts of the most liberal portion pf the men who compose the present ■Tk dmin- istration, it cannot be surprising that I support them now. On principle, there fore, I am interested in the success of the present administration. I know thut ab stract principles can seldom be acted upon to their full extent; and I adopt this as, for the present, the course, which, practi cally considered, promises to be of the greatest benefit to the country. The state of the country is, at present such, that it requires the concurrence of all the ability and principle which can be brought into the public service. Whoever looks at the state of Ireland—at the foreign re lation of the country—at its domestic situ ation; and at the question as to the policy by which the nation ought to he regulated with a proper regard to all its circum stances, both within and without, can hardly fail to be fully sensible of the great importance, at this moment, of having a powerful, liberal and united Administra tion, and, I cannot help thinking that for the purpose of carrying into execution the best measures for the benefit of the coun try, it is at this moment, of the last conse quence that the country shonld have an Administration, not splitting upon the greatest points of public poliev, but firm and united on the most important princi ples. As for myself, I have, all mv life— except, perhaps, in some cases, from def erence to the opinions of those for whose judgment I had tjie highest respect—taken on great occasions, very decided steps, and have never failed to support the Throne when his Majesty appeared to be exercising his just and undoubted prero gative in selecting for the Head of his Administration that individual whom he thought best calculated to confer * ho 7»*oa- test benefits on the country. The Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel) says that he sees symptoms of a determination to have only in office those who were prepared to make the fullest concessions to the Catho lics. \\ ithout saying that the carrying ofthe Cathol ic Question ought to he a sine, qua non of Administration, I think it right to observe, that the country is now prepared by the progress of civilization and ration al principles, to put an end to improper distinctions hetween the different classes ot the community, and to promote the ope ration of that general principle of concili ation and concord which is so necessary for the interests, perhaps for the salvation of the country. When T recollect the intol erant higotrv which was so common some years ago in this country,, and look to the progress which liheral views and sound principles have since made, I cannot help rejoicing that a liberal Cabinet, corre«- ponding in some measure to the advanced state of society, has been now formed.— On that ground I heartily rejoice at the secession of those persons who formed a component part of the late Administration because T think, that by this means a great and almost insuperable obstaele has been removed to the adoption of that line of policy which is imperiously 7 required by the actual circumstances of the country, and the state of socie'v in this and other civiiized nations of the world. Sir Thomas Lethbridge observed, that he was most anxious at the present mo ment to declare his opinions respecting the alteration which had recently taken place in his Majesty’s Councils, especial ly after he had heard the speech of the Hon Baronet who had just sat down.— Of all the changes which had recently ta ken place, he thought the change indica ted by the Hon. Baronet’s speech the most extraordinary. The Hon. Baronet, however, while he dwelt so much on his candour and his loyalty to the Throne, had adverted to a great leading point or principle upon which the Cabinet had been formed—a principle which had led to the secession of the late ministers,- in cluding the Right Hon. Gentleman. (Mr. Peel) who had recently addressed the House. For many reasons he regretted the secession of the Right Hon. gentle man : and yet, in some respects he was glad of it, as it would lead the country to a real and just view of the great and lead ing public principle upon which the pres ent Administration was made up. The change had at least produced this good ef fect, that it did show the plain public principle on which the Administration was resolved to act: and it would be for the people of the country to decide whe ther they would support such an Adminis tration. There were now two clear dis tinctions formed in point of principle, and the nation must be decisively divided into those who supported and those who oppo sed the concessions claimed by the Ca-h- olics. These were the views which must be taken by those who supported and those who opposed the new Administration; and so far he rejoiced in the change which had taken place. The Cabinet was now at least united in principle, as he apprehend ed all Cabinets ought to be; and it was from that feeling that he had on a late oc casion brought forward a motion for* an Address to his Majesty, requestibg him to form an Administration united in principle. (A laugh.) He insisted that it was prop er that a Cabinet should exist entertaining a decided opinion either one way or the other, and such an Administration had now been formed, and was supported by the Hon. Baronet, because he conceived that the Ministers were prepared to act upon the principle which he stated to be the sine qua non point in the formation of a Ministry—meaning a full concession of all the claims made by the Catholics.— The present First Lord of the Treasury might, therefore, now be expected to come down to the House, and broadly and openly bring forward the proposition for the concession of these claims as a gov ernment measure (Hear, hear.) It was well known what the opinions of those were on this question, who, if they did not actually come at once into office, had at least been very near coming in, and probably would soon form a part of the Administration. Tnequestionmust,there fore, now come before the House in a de cided form, more particularly as the Hon. Baronet had said, that the being prepared to make the fullest concessions to the Ca tholics was a sine qua non qualification for a Member of the Cabinet.--(Cries of no, no -)—He certainly understood the Hon. Bart, to say so, and that he stated that to be his reason for supporting the present Cabinet, and the whole course of his ar gument went to that point. He certainly would oppose any further concessions to the catholics ; but he .wished the question to be brought forward in a plain and deci ded shape, instead of seeing it hanging on as matter of doubt, as it had done for the last 20yearsfrom 1827. (A laugh.) He meant from 1809 to the present time.— Those who had shown a disposition to support the present Cabinet, wore bound in honor and conscience to see that the Catholic Question should plainly and un equivocally he bro’t forward as a Govern ment measure ; and he now called on the First Lord of the Treasury to speak out plainly on the subject this very evening— (Hear, hear !)—and he hoped that the Light Hon. Gentleman, instead ofcontin- uing to temporise and to pare down prin ciple, would bring the system to a final is sue. This was but fair, and he would con tinually call upon the Right Hon. Gen- tJeman to bring the matter to a final issue. Sir Francis Bnrddtt, in explanation, said he had not stated that the concession of the Catholic Question was a sine qua non, but had only expressed his hope that the present Cabinet would do much to in sure the tranquility of Ireland, and follow a course corresponding to the progress of ihe English mind, and it was in that hope that he supported the present Administra tion. Mr. Dawson observed, that he was quite convinced that in the whole of this business the gentlemen who had former ly sat on the Opposition Benches, and had now joined the Ministry, had only done so from a wish to occupy the Minis terial station and authority—(a laugh.)— He himself did not regret that he had quit ted tho service of the Crown, since he had done so lor the reasons which had been so ably and eloquently stated by the Right lion Gentleman, the late Secretary of Mate for the Home Department, and who had most honorably preferred the support of his principles to the retaining of tho high situation which he had held. The Hon. Baron had expressed his hope that the Catholic Question would be carried bv means of the present Cabinet; and it was his duty entertaining the opinions which he professed, and erf those who along with him held these opinions, to insist*that the Cabinet should propose the granting of the Catholic Claims as a Government measure, otherwise the Hod. Baronet and his Friends would be parties to the basest coalition that ever was formed—(Hear, hear! and a laugh.) He repeated that they would be parties to one of the has est coalitions that this countrv had ever witnessed ; and would exhibit the grossest abandonment of principle-(anotherlaugh.) He was not to be put down bv lattghin» ancLsfieering, and called upon the Speak er to enforc& order in the House. Ho in sisted that unless the Hon. Baronet and his friends would cause the Catholic Ques tion to be brought forward as a Govern ment measure, there never was such a base coalition formed for party purposes. He asked, whether the concession of the Ca tholic Claims was to be brought forward 1 siuce, it'it was not, there never was such a compromise of principle. Almost the whole of the Press had by a kind of fatal ity, supported the First Lord of the Treas ury—(a laugh)—in the whole of this busi ness. The press was corrupted to the ve ry heart’s core, and hardly a portion of it had given expression to the real opinions of the public. He would here state some particulars which he had heard in differ ent places, He had been informed that it was designed in the highest quarter that the Administration should be essentially Protestant. This was said to be the basis of the Administration which was to be formed ; but tho present Administration was not formed on any such basis. The Catholics of Ireland would expect’ that, with such Cabinet, their claims must be granted; and if such hopes should be exci ted among the Irish Catholics, what nust be the effect on the Irish Protestants! The Cabinet was almost entirely Catholi;;— and what would the Protestant of Iraand say, when they heard that the whole of their interests were intruded to LordsBex- ley and Lyndhurst? The Irish Protes tants would have no great confidence in either, although Lord Lyndhurst had made a speech in their favour in that House, em ploying the arguments which had been fur nished to him by Dr. Philpot. He re quested leave to state to the House a cir cumstance, of which he was assured on good authority : and that was that tho Ar- chibishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London had represented to the Pre lates assembled at Lambeth—(Cries of “ order ?”)—that his present Majesty was as much opposed to tho Catholic .Claims as his father had been, & had in 1806 desi red Mr. Fox not to trouble his father on that point. He wished to be informed whether the Archibishop of Canterbury had not stated that his Majesty consider ed the Coronation Oath asstandingin the way of any further concessions to the Catholics.—(Criesof“ Order!” The Speaker here rose to order, observ ing, that when he thought it his duty to interfere, he was always anxious that such interference should bo founded on the clearest grounds. But it was one of the most fundamental rules of that House,that the name of his Majesty should never be introduced, eitherdirectly or circuitously, to influence an} 7 point in debate. Mr. Brougham then spoke to the fol lowing effect : I rise under tho pressure of no inconsiderable, no ordinary anxiety, to address myself to you, Sir, and to the House ; and, permit mo to add, in the present extraordinary state of tho Govern ment, to the country also, on the subject of this conversation. I should, perhaps, nave done so after my Hon. Friend (Sir F. Burdett,) the Member for Westmin ster, had spoken, in order to prevent some sentiments he uttered from being misun derstood—(Hear, hear!)—but having wait- ed to hear, as I did with some surprise, the speech of the Hon. Baronet (Sir T. Lethbridge,) the Member for Somerset shire, and still more that of the late Un der Secretary of State for the Home De- partmnt (Mr. G. Dawson,) which I heard with increased astontshment, I can no longer defer for an instant the perfor mance not only of the duty I owe to mv* self as an humble individual in this House, but of the duty which I owe to those friends with whom it has been, and still continnes to be, my pride and pleasure to act since my first entrance into Parlia ment. (Hear.)—The Hon. Gentleman who last addressed the House made an appeal personal to myself iu an especial degree. He was considering the state of the new Administration, as he is pleased to term it, and tho principles that have presided in the reconstruction of the Min istry, and he discovered, it seems, espe cially after the speech of my Honourable F iend, the Member for Westminster, that there can have been no earthly mo tive for the change of position which we have assumed, except the desire we may have to participate—I do not know whe ther ho said in the emoluments of office ; but if he did not say, it, more sordid na tures would understand him to mean it— at all events in the patronage and power of the Right Honourable Gentleman be low me (Mr. Canning.) To whomsoever that observation may be intended to ap ply, he it a sober theory of the Honoura ble Gentleman’s, founded on a reason, according to his mode of reasoning—(a laugh)—or a sarcasm, the first birth of wit in an ex-officer of the Crown, less accus tomed heretofore to indulge in sneers than in silent votes—(order, order,)—here are, it appears, some Gentlemen whose ideas of justice would be well satisfied to hear the charge, but who refuse to listen to the defence.—(Cheers.)—-Whatever may be my difference or agreement with the go vernment of the Right Honourable Gen tleman (Mr. Canning,) of which I am dis posed to augur favourably, I trust at any rate that his government will not be con ducted ill this House on principles that would sanction so grievious a departure from the justice due to every individual— (Cheers,)—I say, then, that to whatever Member or part of the House the observa tion of the Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Dawson) may apply, to me, in my situa tion, application it can have none.—I ne ver dreamed of taking office under the present arrangement. I am much more certainly and inevitably out of office, and out of office am mqre likelv to continue, than the Honourable Gentleman himself. —(A laugh.)—But because I support this Government, though I go no further, I am to be charged with having acceded to an unnatural alliance formed between the Right Honorable Gentleman below me, &. those friends with whom I have had, and still have, the happiness and honour of acting. The House has heard that we joined ‘he Government, though we are composed of men holding various princi ples and opposite doctrines, having differ ent feelings as to individuals, and hostile sentiments as to tho sum of affairs. No doubt, Sir, this charge is true, because we for years have condemned every measure of tl -eign policy of the Right Honour able entleman—(hear,)—because since the uoath of the late Marquis of London derry, we have been disposed against his will to rivet fast to the wheels of the IIolv Allies the triumphant chariot of the British fortunes.—(Cheers.)—An unnatural coa lition to be sure, with the Board of Trade, because we have always been enemies to a liberal commercial policy— (hear, hear,) because I never gave utter ance to those principles long beforo they , were found acceptable to those who, by their talents, and official weight and im portance, were infinitely better qualified to promote them.—(Cheers.)—An unna tural coalition, undoubtedly, because we have constantly differed from the Right Hem. Gentleman as to the internal policy of the Empire ; because we, forsooth, have ever disputed with him as to that great corner stone, the mode fitting to be adopted for the Government of our sister kingdom <of Ireland—[Cheers.]—Look over all the great political questions that divide some men, and appv>ximate others at the present day. Travel with your eyes over tlie affairs of Europe* or across the Atlantic, and see the dawn of liberty in South America, where millions are blessingthe grateful light, whilst the hearts of millions in tnis country are beating in unison with theirs, yet rejoicing in their new born freedom.—[Cheers.]—Wheth er we look, I say, to America, or to the East of Europe, or the policy of our East India possessions, on ourdomestic policy, or the queslion of trade, or the agricultu ral interests of the country, the last sub ject on which I gave the feeble aid of my voice and support to Government, though the late Under Secretary, was then si lently votingon the same side—[A laugh) —surveying all those great questions which divide men in their opinions, and animate conflicting parties and rival statesmen, I can conscientiously deciare, that passing them all in review, I cannot discern one single tenet or sentiment, nay, one solitary feeling, which practically speak ing, has influenced the Councils of his majesty’s Government during the last three or four years gone by. and which did not find in my opinions a firm support and in my feelings a faithful echo— [Cheers.] There was, indeed, one point in those days in which I differed from the Right Hon. Gentleman. As to one ques tion, one practical view of the state of af fairs, I pould not coincide with him.— When I saw a Cabinet formed of States men appearing outwardly to act together, but whose opinions on the greatest ques tion of all not merely discorded, but dif fered widely as the poles asunder; wheD I saw the opinions of one Secretary of State, as evidenced by his votes and speeches, opposed by another Secretary of State ; when I saw<he Government in such a state as the late Secretary (Mr. Peel has manfully and honourably to him self and satisfactorily to this House and the Country, and I will add feelingly de scribed—a state in which he found himself chiefly, as he was, if not singly opposed to bis Right Hon. Friend [Mr. Canning] so painfully situated that he had almost re solved to retire a year or two agoffiom his Majesty’s service 1 ) when the Government was in this state I could not give it a more regular, constant, and therefore valuable support. I was prevented from doing so, barred out from the very attempt because I could not lend my asssistanco to a Go vernment so constituted as to command respect from no thinking man, and in which from its very construction, it was utterly impossible tho interests of the public ser vice could be consulted.—[Cheers.]— This impediment has been removed by tho retirement from office of those who were the principal elements of this opposition in the King’s Counsels. I wish to speak with unfeigned respect of the Noble Lords and Right Hon. Gentlemen who have lately retired from the public service.— With regard to the Right Hon. Gentleman [Mr. Peel] who has addressed the House this evening, I am particularly anxious to express myself in those terms of high personal respect which I feel towards him. I shall not now be accused of paying mv court to that individual, if I speak my full opinion of his merits. It may nof be for gotten by the House—not because anv thing done by so inconsiderable a person, as myself is likely to dwell in their memory hut as connected with passages in the Rt. Hon. Gentleman’s life worthy to be recol lected—that if there be one individ ual in this House, to whom on this side, [I was at that time sitting on the other side] it was my misfortune— certainly not hi? fault, to be opposed in a more personal manner than another, it was that Right Honorable Gentleman. But candour, and truth, and justice com pel me to say, that the mode in which he conducted himself was not only at all times above all censure, but such as places him above the possibility of suspicion, even by the|most ingenious malice of his worst enemy, if he had one—(cheers.)— Feeling the good accomplished by the moderate, rational, and wholesome steps taken by the Right Hon. Gentleman, for the amendment of the Criminal Law— those"great reforms, projected by that ex cellent man (Sir S. Romilly,) who was not spared to witness the triumph of his principles, and more recently supported by surpassing elequence and ability by an Hod. Friend (Sir J. Mackintosh,) whom indisposition now keeps from his place in Parliament; I regard it os none of the least evils resulting front the unsettled state of tl.e Catholic Question, that that circumstance alone deprived the Govern ment anil the Country of that Right Ho norable Gentleman’s services (Hear, hear !)—I would add -word respecting this groat question. .te conduct has been imputed to his Majesty’s Govern ment, and those who have joined it, in plain, undisguised, and therefore to me, I confess, more palatable, because more in telligible language, by the Right Honora ble Gentleman who spoke last, (Some friend whispered to Mr. Brougham.)— Well, the Hon. Gentleman, then be it.— Nobody will mistake me. My friends are afraid that I should seem to confound the late Secretary of State w 7 ith the Un der Secretary. There is no danger of confusion in this case—(A laugh.)—-The Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Pee!) used no such terms as those of “ base conduct” and “ unnatural coalitionand if I read his character aright, he is incapable of feeling the sentiments which would give rise to that plain and honest language.— But, Sir, I say there is no baseness in this coalition, if there be no fraud practised on the parties to this alliance.—[Cheers.]— I, for one, did not look to see the Catho lic Question made a Cabinet measure. I have no such expectation.—I look to its being advanced by the modern which the Cabinet has been remodelled. [Cheers.} I look to tho ultimate good to b obtained for Ireland, if it be pursued prudently, discreetly, practically, with a just esti mate ot all the prodigious difficulties which yet stand in the way which seem even to accumulate round our steps as we approach them—[Cheers.J— The very statements von have beard this evening from the Hon. Gentleman, (Mr- Dawson)—lor I understood enough of his allegory to comprehend what he alluded to—(a laugh)—and which mav, I fear, be all perfectly correct, shew that these diffi culties are increasing rather than dimin ishing. Heartily and zealously desiring the welfare of Ireland, and the accom plishment of the wishes of all Catholic Irishmen, and of a great part of the Pro testants too—for, permit me tosav, all th& Irish Protestants are not on one side, and all the Irish Catholics on the other—I am anxious in the first place for the removal of all causes of internal disagreement and jealousy. It is notorious, that in the last division, which postponed the hopes of tho Irish Catholics for another year, a vast majority of the Irish members, who are not all bv law necessarily Protestants, vo ted for Emancipation. But, let me at that same time give forth a warning to the Ca tholics themselves, and admonition to their advocates in this House, and this salutary advice to their friends generally :—Let them not at this critical momonf—(cheen* fiom the Opposition Bench re-echoed still louder from the Ministerial side)—let them not, I repeat, at this critical moment, to please their bitter enemies—(loud cheers)—play the game of the party of th» quadrant of this House, who, already, in expectation of success of their shallow de vice, suffer it too plainly to appear by those signs and gestures, and articulate sounds, by which they make themselves understood, though they seldom deal in articulate language.—Cheers. Let them not, I conjure them, gratify, the Members far Somersetshire, (Sir Thomas Leth bridge,) whose position is at this moment, T should say, but for mv personal respect for him, absolutely grotesque.—(Laugh ter.) Long may he occupy it! As, the member of Yorkshire (Mr. Dunrombe) wished the late Secretary of Stats, I wish (he Hon. Bart. (Sir Thomas Lethbridge) constant health and an uninterrupted en joyment of that bench which he now so peculiarly adorns.—(Laughter.) But I counsel him to beware of speaking; it is a dangerous employment of the property of mind. Let him use what he has wari ly and well.—(Laughter.) Let him vote as much as he pleases, but let him be- cau tious how he commils himself to the most arduous duty of talking. His position this evening struck me as pre-eminentlv ludi crous, and almost induced me to call it by the appellation that properly belonged to it. He was placed. It evidently appeared, between too equal and opposite sets of motives, each of similar power, attracted as it-were, like a certain animal, by ttvo bundles of nay ; (laughter and cheering,) so the Hon. Baronet hardly knew whether to support the Sovereign who .vas com pelled, by the retirement of his Ministers, to exercise his prerogative, and call others to their places, or those who had endea vored to embarrass the Government by their sudden Iiaste. I trust he will take the Constitutional eonrso on the present occasion ; and he may be assured, when I tell him, that there is not in any question, in or out of the Cabinet, the shadow of a thought all at once to alter the policy that has been pursued for many years with re gard to the Catholie Claims, and now to make it a Cabinet question. But will no thing but the endre destruction of the new Administration satisfy the Hon. Bar one* 1 I speak as.a bystander.—(A laugh.) If he is not satisfied with my relative, Lord Bexley, is the new Lord Chancellor no thing? Is he no security? Did he net hear the speech of that noble and learned lord on the last debats in this House, when I was sitting a humblo member of that body of which the Hon. Baronet is now the distinguished leader’—(Cheers and laughter.) There are at least those two opposed to the Catholics, to say no thing of a third. But with respect to that great question, I will say, that whoever advises any man to promote it by any means out of this House, or to bring it here forward ag?.:7i this session, in which the sense of the House has, unfortunately, already been declared against it 3 that man, I say, will not further the interests of Ire land or the Catholics. Nor will he do his duty with regard to the tranquility of Eng land, or the peace of her Government : but he will show himself the worst enomy of tho momentous intereats he will pre tend to uphold, and make himself a blind tool in the hands of the member for Som ersetshire.—( Cheers aad laughter.) That the progress of that question may be ac celerated, is my most anxious desire; and to it I have long directed my attention and devoted my talents. As - it is the custom to talk of sacrifices, I may mention mice. .1 have quitted a situation in this House, which, considering the influence of opin ion and feeling, was in the highest degree grateful to me; and in which I was sur rounded and (if it may be permitted raetn say so) supported by one of the largest^ the most important, the most honorable* and now I may say it, for I was privy tr» all their Councils, ar.d my motives cannot be suspected, the most disinterested oppo sition that ever sat within the walls of this House—(Cheers)—who supported what they deemed righi, though it kept hr» out of power, and confirmed their adv er saries in office ; and who persevered in that course year after year, without » possible hope of benefit ever accruing to fj?