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ORCvIA COITRIGR. VOL. 2. NO. 38. ftipiu • , j *prick Buildings, opposite Mr. Camming* At M.-IIowiu^ Building*. M'Intorfi Street "" DIRF/TIONS. rJnvdani Ifteroti, by Administrators, E.vcu- Ss ' r, rtna r dian«, are inquired, b v law, to be held on the month, between the hours often in the lif t . u a .H^np in th^'ifternooo, at the Court-house of r&trki must be given in a public gazette SIXTY days ’ SoiicesofVhesal°of"personal,property must> n months. — We are authorized to announce Major ROBERT WATKINS, a candidate for the Repre* tentative Branch of the State Legislature, at the ensuing cleclion. Sept. IS 3 ‘ td We are authorized to announce Holland Me Tyre Candidate tor the Senatorial Branch of the Le- islnturc, at the ensuing election Richmond county, 10th Sept. 18l, • 36 t We tire authorised to ,-■*«*/ announce Robert Dillon, Esq. a nndidatc for the Representative Branch the Legislature at the next cleclion. August 2 24 tf Take this oppor tunity of informing our Friends in the City and Country, that owing to our being burnt out on the night of the 2d of July, that we have removed to the Brick Building, formerly occupied as the Post-Office, between Broad-street and the Man sion House, where we continue our business as drapers a tailgas, Iii all its various branches. We have on hand, Goods of nil descriptions, such as will suit the lovers of fashion with any article of genteel Press. Augusta, Aug. 27 32 tf a Xrfp? ^ Mrs. Adam Hltciii- son* begs leave, respectful- ly, to inform her friends aiu l the public, that her School for the instruction ofyoung Ladies and Children, will be open in Augusta, on the first Monday of October next. August 27 32 tO During my absence from the City, Mr.'Tim’s G. Casey, and my broth er, Frederick Harris, will attend onnv business in which 1 am interested. WILLIAM HARRIS. August 0 27 *0 . .VhBBi-jS./ NOTICE. All persons having business with the subscribers, will i please call on Messrs. K- B. &. G. liaviland, who are duly authorized to give ccipts, and act as our agents during our ab- n,ce from this State. WASSON fc NICHOLS. Augusta, Geo. June27,1827 16 3m AS VESLTXS^SBIEE & 1*. Persons having busi ness in the following Coun ties, (to wit:) Bibb, Mon roe, Pike, Upson, Butts. Henry, vton, Crawford, Houston, Fayette, Do Kalb, ,veia. Carroll, Troup, Muscogee, Lee, Twiggs l Jones, can have it promptly attended to by undersigned, !*v leaving the papers in the ids of Wm. Longstrcet, Esq. w ho is authorized eceiptfor the same. PRINCE &. POE, oj Macon. iiigusta. 23d Aug. 1827. 31 w3m NOTICE* Having leased a tract of Land tor a term of years, situate on each side of Mc- Bean, at the junction with Savannah river, con taining 250 acres, originally granted to Zachari- ah Tenn, in 1763—1 hereby forworn all persons that have been in the hi bit of trespassing upon said land, by using it for navigable purposes, overflow ing rafters, or cutting timber, to desist from like trespassing in future. W.A. BUGG. Sept. 6 33 wlm FINAL NOTICE, igggp Those indebted to the Estate of James S. Walker, de- ased. are again requested to make payment.— lose to whom the estate is indebted, • it is pre- tnedhave exhibited their claims. The affairs the estate will be closed as soon as the law will Imit. J. HUTCHINSON, Adm’r. August 27 32 w6t We have appointed Mr. IJSS? B. F. Verdery, our lawful Attorney, during our absence. J. L. ANDERSON, k Co. June U 11 tf Dr. George A. Buck ie — lin, offers his services to the abitants of Augusta and its vicinity, in the ifessions of Medicine and Surgery, lis office is in the adjoining building to Mr. itt’s boarding house, on Mackiutosh-Street. une 11 11 tf notice,, John P. Ring, Esq. will transact business for me in my ibsence. SILAS BRONSOS. * *June 25,1827 15 tf Notice is hereby given, ySSr that application will be made to the Bank of the State of Georgia, for the pay ment of the right hand half of a note for §100 Letter E. No. 369, dated Dumber 1825, and wade payable to S. H le, at the Branch Bank at Augusta—which hstlf note was endorsed L. Good win t Co. and has been lost or stolen from the mail between Marion, in Georgia, and Chatles- ton, South Carolina. L, GOODWIN k C Jqn 7 10 90do. TO RENT, The House and Lot, on Bridge- Street, at present occupied by Mr- James Murray ALSO, The House and Lot, on Bridge. Street, at present occupied by Messrs. J k R. Kirkpatrick. ALSO, tpi imsiE Four Houses a :d Lots, in the lower end of town, on Green and Ellis Streets.— Possession given on the first of October next. Apply to E. BUGG. August 27 32 tf TO RENT, A comfortable new Dwelling, on Ellis-street, situated immediately in the rear of Mrs. Sera’s Millinery store, on Broad-street. Enquire at the Branch Bank. Sept. G 35 tO TO RENT, A very commodious Counting Room or Cotton Office, situated on Jackson street, near the corner of Reynolds- street. Possession given on the first of October proximo. Apply to Mr. James Hap.- risos. Sept. 6 35 tf Sept 13 TO RENT, A comfortable Two Story Dwel ling House, with a convenient Lot, on Green-street. Possession will be giv en 1st October. Applv to JACOB DILL. 37 3t TO RENT, From the first of October next, the Dwelling on Ellis-street, next below Mr. Alexander Martin. For terms,. = apply to JOSEPH P. MAHARREY. Sept 10 36 3t TO RENT, From 1st October next, a Dwelling on Reynold-street, in rear of the one on Broad-street, occupied by the sub scriber—a very comfortable house for a small family. WM. T. GOULD. July 26 23 tf TO RENT, From the first of October next, the Dwelling House on Reynold-street, opposite the Episcopal Church, occu pied by M. Roff, Esq. The Dwelling, on the ally, in the rear of the subscriber’s grocery store, and now occupied by James Oliver, Esq. The Store, on Broad-street, occupied by Mr A. S. Turpin, an excellent stand for business.— For terms enquire of • BENJAMIN HALL. July 19 21 tf TO RENT, From the first of October next, the Building, No. 161 Broad-street,owned and occupied by the subscribers — The stand for business is desirable. The store for pleasantness and convenience is not equalled by any in the city, and is ad mirably calculated for an extensive Wholesale and Retail Dry Goods business. The dwelling contains four spacious rooms, pleasant and con- venieht for a family. JEWETT, ABELL fcCo. June 28 16 tf TO RENT, Two convenient Stores, with Dwel lings, Nos. 9 and 10 Bridge-row. ele gant stands for business, eing conve nient to the market. Also, a Store House, in Hamburg. S. C. opposite the Ware house of Mr. Cobb, with ten unimproved Lots, which would be let for a term of years, for imp> ov- ing. and one house can be furnished on one of the lots at a little expense, by moving it on one of the ten. Apply for immediate possession to WALTON KNIGHT. August 20 30 tf TO RENT, The House and Lot, at present oc cupied by William A. Bugg, Esq. situ ated on Green-street, nearly opposite the Methodist Church. Possession will be given the 1st October. Apply to JOHN W. WILDE. August 30 33 wtO TO RENT, The upper Tenements of the Stare at present occupied by Mr. G. Lot, •(No. 312.) south side of Broad-street; also, the House at present occupied by Mr. Nelson, situated on the north side of Broad-street, below the market, a very conveni ent situation for a private family. For terms ap plv at ftie store of A. SIBLEY. August 27 32 wtf |*€Sf TO RENT, The two story Brick Building., oc cupied at present by Doctor Dacosta and Mr. W shburn. The stands are well calculated for a Grocery or Dry Goods business, being situated in a commercial part of the city. ALSO, The Dwelling occupied by Dr. Fickling. in a healthy and pleasant part of this place. Posses sion given on the first October next. For terms apply to WM. P. DEARMOND. August 20 30 wtO TO RENT. FROM the first day of October next, the Brick Storenearthe Market at present occupied by Messrs. Pick ling k Glenn. uu The Brick Stori/1 ext below Wm. Smith, Junr. at prelent occupied by Mr C. Smith, and The Dwelling House on Rey- nold-Street, near the Eagle Tavern, at present oc cupied by Mr. R. Malone. P JOHN PHINIZY. July 1 19 wtf To Rent, [ir A Store No. 136, Broad Street, next above E. Wood & Co.—Apply on the premises or t® J. N. Philpot. August 20 30 4lw JOB PRINTING, Ne <C(atexecuted at this Office* Communicated for the Georgia Courier. ANTI-TARIFF MEETING, Abbeville District, S. C. According to previous notice, indiscrimi nately given and extensively circulated, a large meeting of the citizens of Abbeville District, was held in the Courthouse, on Monday the 6th of August. Gen. Ed mund Ware was called to the Chair, anc Wyatt W. Starke appointed Secretary. Joseph Black, Esq. called the attention of the meeting to the Woollens Bill, and urged the necessity of memorializing Con gress in opposition to it. D. L. Ward- law, Esq. moved that a Committee of nine should be appointed to prepare a memorial and resolutions, on this subject, to be reporied the first Monday in next month. After addresses from Mr. Ward- latv, Mr. Biai k, Col. Bowie, Col. P. No ble, and Maj. W. A. Bull, the motion was adopted; and the Chairman nominated for the Committee, D. L. Wardlavv, Jo seph Black, P. Noble, A. Bowie, W. A. Bull, James Calhoun, W. S. Campbell, W. W. Starke, and Edmund Wate, the last upon special motion. The meeting was adjourned until the first Monday ot September. On Monday, 3d Sept. 1827, the as semblage of cit izens was one of the largest ever seen at this place. The Court room, which is very large, was crowded to op pression; and many who could not find room to stand within, flirntigpr! round the doors and windows. Mr. Wardlaw, from the Committee appointed at the last meet ing, after some prefatory remarks, intro duced the Memorial and Resolutions co pied below. These were sustained by Mr, Campbell, Col. Noble, Major Dull, Mr. Starke, Mr. Black, John S. Pressly, Esq. and Col. Bowie, and were unani mously adopted. Upon motion of Col. Noble, it was ordered nem. con. that they should he entered as the unanimous 6£t of the citizens assembled. EDM. WARE, Chairman. W. W. Starke, Scc'y. The Memorial of the Citizens of Abbe ville Dist/ict, S. C. To the Honorable the Senate and House of Re presentatives of the United States, in Congress assembled. The Memorial of the Citizens of Abbe ville District, South Carolina, in gene ral meeting assembled. We the citizens of Abbeville District, respectfully approach your honorable bo dy as memorialists, to remonstrate against the passage of the Woollens Bill, or any other bill for imposing protecting duties, and to pray the repeal of nil laws now in force of this character, and an abandon ment of the principle. We will not occupy your time by re peating arguments to shew that 'lie whole protecting system is contrary tp the well- established doctrines of Political Econo my, every where applicable: and that, in this country, it is inexpedient, as it leads necessarily o entire prohibition, and even now subtracts from the whole sum of na tional wealth, diminishes the demand and value of our exportations, seriously affects our trade, is injurious to the only Reve nue system the country can well abide, and is well calculated to destroy our for eign commerce, shipping interest, com mercial marine, and navy, to arrest the settlement of our pnblic lands, to render the yeomanry of the country subservient to dangerous accumulations of capital, and to thwart all the correct policy of the country. Nor will we attempt to expose the peculiarly offensive provisions of'the Woollens Bili, and the inapplicability of the reasons urged in its support; but we will proceed to the representation of grie vances felt by us, immediately connected with the principle of this system. When the oppressive Tariff Bill of 1824 was before your honorable body, its passage was in a great degree effected, by its friends representing it as a final adjust ment of the subject: and although we th m believed and now believe, that it was an adjustment wholly at the sacrifice of the great interests engaged in cultivating the principal staples for exportation, and for carrying on the foreign commerce of the country: Yet such was our attach ment to the Union, peace and harmony of the country, that we felt disposed to acquiesce in the unequal terms of com promise. The consequence was such, as experience ought to have taught would follow. Avarice is never satiated. Two years had not not elapsed before the great monopolists of the Eastern Statps, to whose advantage the Tariff of 1824 almost exclusively operated, began to demand additional bounties by urging the passage of the Woollens Bill: and we now behold them resorting to new and dangerous measures to effect their schemes at the next session. To concentrate their force, a meeting has been held in the imposing form of a convention of 13 States. The pre judices, interests, and feeliDgs of various sections have been artfully invoked; and exchange of monopolies arranged. Iron, hemp, whiskey, cotton goods, wool aad copper offer the hopes of gain to those who have no share in the woollens: To others interested in none of these, the profits of internal improvements and bounties of public lands promise rich re wards. Combining the whole under the misapplied name of the “ American Sys tem,” bold speculators in politics and manufactures, hope through the Congress of the United Stales, to achieve their purposes of self-aggrandizement, at the expense of the great mass of the people, who have taken no share in their intrigues, or are deluded by party feelings and the vain expectation of advantage. No doubt nuw exists that a total prohibition of all foreign fabrics, which by most extrava gant- encouragement can be produced in this country, is contemplated. It may not be effected or proposed at once; but if not at once arrested by the intelligence and justice of Congress, the scheme will be persevered in, while ever the other sections of the Union will bear burdens sufficient to compensate the increased burdens, which the favors granted to ob tain friends, will impose upon the various classes of manufacturers in common with others. If once fairly established, the. system will grow without the adventitious aids now called to its assistance, and will create in its. progress interests and influ ences strong enough to support it, long after general consent shall have pronoun ced it ruinous and intolerable. These things have brought the sense of past in juries forcibly to our minds, and caused us to look with apprehension to the fu ture. We have borne too long—our on ly hope is to revert to first principles, to redress our past wrongs and resist all fu ture impositions. We see that our bur dens are to be increased while a cent is left which may be wrung from us by an odious monopoly; and we feel fully jus tified, whatever may have been our dis position to acquiesce in the Tariff of 1824, to remonstrate against the entire system, as we now solemnly do, under the most sincere conviction, that if not ar rested, it will lead to the poverty and misery of ourselves and our posterity, and finally to the extinction of the liberty of our country. To be subject to no restraint, which does not produce general good more than sufficient to counterbalance the individual hardship, is our notion of civil liberty; and we deem all interferences of Govern ment, which are not plainly useful to the community, as,perni.-ious ; if wilfully per severed in, tyrannical. Our Constitu tion may be abused no less in its exer cise, than in its violation. The powers essential to the public good may all, with out transgressing the limit assigned, be perverted to inexpedient,dangerous, unjust and tyrannical use. Under the color of the terms in which several of them are granted, may be performed acts wholly beyond the intention with which they were conferred. Much was necessarily left to the sound discretion of the a- gents, conscientiously to be exercised.— Each branch of Government is bound to presume the purity of its co-ordinate members, and to attribute every act to such motive as is essential to its validity. The sovereign power of the people en forcing the responsibility of the rulers, is necessarily the only check to most inex pedient exercises and dangerous perver sions of the powers granted in the Consti tution. From these premises we infer, that many acts wh ch the Supreme Court would rightfully pronounce constitutional, the people, free from all the trammels of presumptions which the court must make, may well pronounce to be unconstitution al : that many acts which are constitu tional, the people may well resist as ty- tannicil and unjust: and that against a determined majority, the oppressed are often without remedy in the constitutional checks of power. We are not bound to presume a measure totally uncalled for by the state of our foreign relations, which is avowedly intended and plainly tends to the distraction of commerce, to be a re gulation of commerce: tve are not bound to presume a measure which will diminish, if not destroy, the revenue from imports, and which throughout its discussion and every where but on its face, appears to be a measure for the protection of onp branch of industry to the prostration of others, to be a measure for increasing the revenue from imports. As part of the people who made the constitution, and whose consent maintains it, who know its objects and can inquire into the motives of those that act under it, we refer ourselves and others to a higher standard of construction than the technical and necessarily constrained decisions of a judicial tribunal. We claim the benefit of the constitution in its spirit and good sense, and not according to its terms extended to tl^^arthest limit, which the unconscientious SRrcise of one branch of government might go, without coming within the reach of a co-ordinate branch. We have searched in vain for the powers given to Congress to lay duties, for the protection of domestic manufactures.— But on this subject we disdain to cavil about terms. As Americans we know that equ. lity of rights is the pervading principle of our Constitution, and wo feel that no law by which one class of citizens is oppressed for the benefit of another, can be reconciled with the rights of man, as they have been established by reason, as they were maintained in our Revolu tion, or as they are secured in the great charter of our liberties. Without entering further into the con sideration of the great political questions connected with this subject, we propose to consider it simply as it really is, and as it is stated by the manufacturers them selves. The Tariff of protection is in tended to relieve them from existing diffi culties, so as to enable them to carry on profitably, what they represent without it, a losing business. Every Tariff for protecting any branch of industry, is neither more nor less thau a tax on the imported article, laid with the view of raising its price in order to give the home manufacturer a better mar ket. Its very essence is a bounty found ed on monopoly, in favor of the producer and against those who simply consume. The measure of the bounty to the former is the increased price of the article and the quantity consumed ; and the measure of the tax on the latter is the same—so that the gain and loss to the parties are strictly reciprocal. In representing the Tariff as a tax in tended to increase the price of the article for the benefit of the manufacturer, we do not intend to assert that the advantage of the increased price accrues solely to him. Others, such as the laborers in the facto ries, the artizans employed in making the machinery, and the farmers employed in raising supplies, more or less participate. If, however, the operations of the mono poly secured by the Tariff, could be limit ed to the manufacturer himself, and those paiticipating in its profits with him, it is manifest they would stand in the double character of producers and consumers, and would lose in the one character what they gained in the other—which result could not fail by proving thp monopoly useless or pernicious, to render it odious. Very different is the case when the mono poly extends to others who are mere con sumers of the articles, without participat ing directly or indirectly in the advantages of the increased price. To then it is a pure loss, and that loss being added to the profit side of the manufacturer and those participating with him, constitutes their real gains; and it is clear, that as their profit will increase with the increase in number of the consumers, on whom the monopoly may operate, if .this number be large, the gains may be s.t great as to cre ate a powerful interest in favor of pre serving and increasing the monopoly.— The result in this case must be that op posite interests will be created in the community: the one demanding inces santly additional monopoly by additional Tariffs, and the other resisting the injus tice and oppression ; and if it should hap pen that the country be extensive, and the manufacturers occupy one portion and the consumers the other, these opposing interests will assume a geographical char acter. Such your memorialists conceive to be the case in our country. T he United States consist of more than 12,000,000 of people, spread over nearly 2,500,000 square miles, with great diversity of situ ation and pursuit: some portions of this immense country being fully ripe, for manufacturing, while others cannot be for generations to come. Over this greatly extended and diversified country, the Ta riff acts uniformly in raising the price of the articles on which it may be imposed ; while its benefits is limited to that portion of the country ripe for manufacturing es tablishments, which alone can take advan tage of the monopoly thus secured; and on the rest of the community it acts sim ply as a tax on consumption. These two portions of the community are for the most part separated by well marked geo graphical lines, which, however, we will not undertake the invidious task of draw ing. Sufficient it is to sav, that there are upwards of five millions of people grouped together, on whom every Tariff must act as a tax on consumption, and consequent ly from the nature of things, it must give to those residing in another section, a monopoly to the extent of the tax. When to the number of the former, are added the fertility of their soil, the favorable nature of their climate to produce the great staples of the country, and above all the extent of the existing Tariff, it will be seen that a more profitable monopoly ne ver existed, than the latter now enjoy : nor — is it in the least surprising that its mighty profits diffused directly or indirect ly over nearly the whole of their section of the country, should create there, as we now behold, an almost universal interest to maintain and increase it. In theirzeal for the Tariff', it is clear that the manu facturers and those participating with them, do not aim merely at securing themselves against foreign consumption, or at the benefit of what may be truly called the home market, that of their own States ; but their aim is the great and pro fitable market of the consuming States, where the gains are pure gains to them, unaccompanied by burden or loss. For it is as much in the power of the Legisla tures ofthe manufacturing Statesto secure their own home markets to their manu facturers, and thereby effectually protect them against foreign competition within their limits, as it is in the power of Con gress to secure to them the~market of the Union ; and by the same means under a different name. The difference between a Tariff which may be laid by your Hon orable Body in favor of the manufacturer, and a bounty paid to him out of the Trea sury, is merely nominal. Both must be paid by a tax on the community; with this simple difference, that in the one case it is paid directly to the manufacturer by the consumer in the shape of increased price, and in the other, it is first paid into the Treasnry before it passes to him. A tax in his favor in the latter shape is in the power of State legislation, and to the extent of the State, may be made effectual to exclude all competition. How happens it then, that the manufacturers do not ap ply to their State legislatures for protec tion, and that none of the manufacturing Slates have adoped the protecting policy by granting bounties. The answer is clear. A bounty thus granted, would be a monopoly on the monopolists themselves; the profit and loss would fall together and would neutralize each other. It is not then simple protection against foreign competition, which can be effectually granted by the States through bounties, that the manufacturer desires, as he pre tends ; but a monopoly against the five millions of consumers inhabiting the sec tion of country engaged in raising the great agricultural staples of the country. Such monopoly can be created only thro* your Honorable Body, by a Tariff pro posed for the purpose, which your memo rialists do solemnly believe, canuot be done without extending your power be yond the assigned limits of the constitu tion, without interfering with the rights sacredly reserved to the States, and with out the grossest injustice and oppression. The reason why application for protec tion is made to vour Hoaorai le Body instead of the State legislatures, fully ex plains why the system of protection bv Congress is so popular in the manufactur ing portions of the country. Not that we would be understood as insinuating that our fellow-citizens in these States urge the system with a view of profiting at our ex pense. If such was ihe fact, it would prove that all political ties and sympathies had terminated, and would not constitute a case for remonstrance. On the contra ry we believe that the great body of the people in these States, always excepting the designing politician and the aristocra tic monopolist, are sincerely in favor of the system, on what they esteem honest grounds. They see and feel the benefits as to themselves and their portion of country. Tliev see vil!agc?s, towns and cities, springing upas by magic, improve ment extending and capital growing with unexampled rapidity; and they truly trace these wonderful effects to the Tariff, but without susppeting that all their great profit and boundless prosperity are wrun^ - through its agency from a largo class of their fellow-citizens, with whom it is ac companied by poverty and misery equal ling their own gains and prosperity. It is not unnatural to judge by what is seen and felt; and if it is expected that we should give implicit faith to the testimony of those in favor of the system who profit by it, stuelv it is not asking too much that we, who on the contrary are ground to dust by it, should claim equal faith in our adverse testimony. We see and feel em barrassment, distress and decay, which we no less truly trace to the Tariff. Great as may be the unanimity in favor of this system of monopoly throughout the manu facturing section, no less great against it, is the unanimity among the millions who inhabit the other section. There can then be no rational doubts that the effects of the system are directly opposite in tlm two portions of the country; so much so that the prosperity of the one, may be measured by the adversity of the other, so far as its operation is concerned. If such be the fact, as cannot be questioned, it is manifest that the only point which can be presented for the consideration of your Honorable Body on the passage of u Ta* riff Bill of protection, is whether, repre senting as you do these United States, confederated for mutual protection and benefit, you can justly and constitutionally promote the happiness of one part, bv sa crificing that of another, not much less numerous, and equally intelligent and pa triotic. That the interesls of a country of great extent may on a particular point beceme thus opposed, and that the major interest through perversion of the powers confer red on Congress, may exercise a despotic controul over the minor, we have the au* thority of one of the ablest men the coun try has produced. “ It is,” he says, “ of “ great importance in a Republic, not on- ly to guard society against the oppress- “ ion of the rulers, but to guard one part “ of society against the oppression of the “ the o.therpart. Ifa majority be united^ “ by a common interest, the rights of the “ minority will be insecure.” Again, “ In a society, under which the stronger “ factions can readily unite, and oppress “ the weaker, anarchy may as truly be “ said to reign, as in a state of nature, “ where the weaker individual is not so- “ cured against the violence of the stron* “ ger.” Such is the opjnion of Alexander Hamilton; and those who respect his memory, ought seriously to reflect whe ther there be any case where adverse in* terests are more likely to spring up than the one under consideration, and wha: are the consequences.which may follow, from their urging on the dangerous state which he so forcibly depicts. It is sacrificing ' substance, to form, to say that laws are equal because their terms are general, when circumstances beyond the reach of the laws controul their operation. Every proposition to protect any branch of manufactures in this country, from the nature of things, we have shown must be sectional: in this character it is discussed, and from this, those who pray its passage, promise to themselves their gain. Would {be Wool len manufacturers desire ihe passage of the Woollens Bill, if the whole Union was equally prepared to seize its advantages, and domestic manufactures sufficient to supply the demand, were likely to arise in every county, or even in every State ? No, it would then be a common benefit, or common burden. At present the bene fit is to be enjoyed by others ; the burden alone is extended to us. What would our northern brethren think of an act of Coti gress, granting a bounty to every grower irrtbe United States of Cotton, Rice or other product peculiar to the climate of the South ? Such a mersure would be general in its terms ; the mode of encour agement would be no less legitimate than by duties on imports; and the natural ob stacles to their profiting by it, would be no more insurmountable than the obstacles which preclude us from taking benefit of the monopoly created for the protection of manufacturers. Yet if it were sulfi-. ciently strong to compensate by one half f<r the taxes we pay to their manufactur ers, such a measure would produce a-