Georgia courier. (Augusta, Ga.) 1826-1837, September 17, 1827, Image 2

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roongst them a sensation, very different from the complacency with >;hich they now regard the duty upon the importation of raw cotton into this country ; which was imposed unnecessarily in the booin ning, where .there was no danger of for eign competition, and has never yielded either revenue or protection; from whic,. the cotton growing country has never de rived the least benefit ; which is but the uatne of consideration for the grievous ex actions taken in exchange, and which we jvraymiy be first included in the repeal of all Tariffs of protection, thaw wo no longer may be taunted with the pretence of favor to us. To the suggestion that in time all the sections of the union will be in a situation to engage in manufactures, each of the ar ticles most suitable to its situation, and that the benefits and bn dens of restriction will then be equal, we reply that justice forbids, that after others have enjoyed tri bute from us for 50 years, we should tlien only be admitted into equal rights with them, and be obliged upon equal terms to Contend with their superiority over us, greater than the superiority of foreign manufacturers over them, of which they now complain. When any section is ripe for manufactures, no encouragement is Qecessary : before then it is inexpedient, and giveiv through Congress is unjust and unconstitutional. We are aware that the monopolists en deavor to reconcile the consumer to their profits by attempting to prove that pro tection does not enhance the price; but can there be an absurdity greater than to suppose that the home manufacturer who now cannot persist in his trade, as he says, with an existing duty of about 50 per cent, on woollens, would be enabled to manu facture as cheap as the foreign manufac turer, provided all competition from abroad Were inhibited, which would be substan tially the fact if the Woollens Bill were passed ? It is enough to oppress us ; but to urge such arguments, is to add insult to injury. Nor can the instance of coarse cottons support the sophistry of the monopolists. It is known that our country has now an advantage in the raw material of cotton over all others ; notwithstanding which, We learn front good authority, that coarse cotton goods are now so much cheaper in Manchester than in this country, (hat were jt not fur the high duty on them, they "tfould still be imported. It is not enough to prove that coarse cotton goods are cheaper now, than when the Tariff o 1SL6 was laid. The price of the raw material and labor have greptly fallen since, while the machinery has gieatly im proved. If the article be cheaper still wbroad, as we believe, the difference of price is the bounty continued to be paid to the monopolist. It is a great mistake to conclude that there is no loss, if an article does not rise, on the imposition of a protecting Tariff. Suppose there be neither rise nor fall in price, the country at least loses the old duty, whichgoes Into the pocket of the monopolist as a bounty, instead of going into Hie public Treasury in the shapfe of duty.’’ To .indemnify the country, the price not only ought not to rise, but ought to fall the whole .duty raised by the Tariff; that is, if the Wbollerts Bill, which would almost entirely prohibit the foreign article should pass, the price of woollens ought to fall about .50 per cent., which is almost the -present duty’,' under which they are imported ; and surely he must be a tnad-man, who could expect Such a reduction in price, or who believ ed, that if the manufacturers thenjselvcs expected it, they would urge the bill.— Every measure which diminishes impor tation, also necessarily lessens the de mand and price of our staples of exporta tion in the foreign market, as well by the natural operations of trade, as by retalia tory duties likely to be incurred ; and alibougha new market is afforded at homr, yet it purchases only what else would have been bitter sold abroad, and not on ly are we burdened in it by the monopo ly price of the articles we take in exchange, but the quantity it purchases is necessarily limited to tiio supply of this country, wyh- i.i which only tlu? manufactures sustained by our bounty ^an avoid foreign competi tion ; so that a new loss to us, and a new gain to ’he manufacturer, accrues in the Superabundance and diminished price of our raw materials. .Veourprofits sufficient to enable us with economy to bear the bur dens imposed upon us ? They are derived 'from our honest industry, un aided by restrictions or Monopolies.—• If Nature has given us advantages, Government lias no right to t?k" them away. We acknowledge not the principle of ihe Agrarian Law« Cheer fully as we have e\er afforded, and hope ever to afford, pur assistance when requir ed by our country, we maintain that no set of men have a right without our consent, to take a portion of our private propeity, and without compensation to us, convert it to their own use. The injustice of such a proceeding becomes to us more galling, when we reflect that the very manufacturers who are now most clamor ous for higher gains at our expense, re ceive a profit from their capital as their acts(iudependentof theirstatementsjshow, greater than, oar most thriving farms af ford. But prosperous or adverse, our principles are the same. We iusist upon a right to the profits of our own labor, except what the exigencies of our country require; and we claim liberty restrained only for the public good, and equality of public burdens, and public benefits. If our manufacturing brethren will sell to us as cheap as we can purchase abroad, we will give them the preference—further we would not ask them to do towards us. B rt we would present to vour Honora ble Body a feeble picture of our grievan ces, if we were to limit our representation to the evils, great as they are, growing out of the measures adopted professedly to protect one branch of industry at the ex pense of another. It is with pain that a of duty compels to probe the ulcer to the bottom; but be the conse quences on those, who by tampering have aggravated the disease to its present a- larming state. A great change has taken place since the commencement of our government, which has rendered the whole of our fiscal system uuequal and oppressive to the great interest in behalf of which we have attempted to raise our voice. Under the existing slate of things the burdens & be nefits of the system are unequal as can be imagined. The great interest to which we have so often referred, while it almost exclusively bears the burden of supporting the government participates but slightly in its advantages. Our revenue, with the exception in re ality of not more than about half a million, (principally from the sales of public lands,) is derived from a tax on imports, amount ing to about $20,000,000 annually. Of this immense sum, the greater pari is de rived from duties on articles, of which the manufacturing section is perpetually de manding an increase of the impost to pre vent competition in the home market: of course it must be clear that they do not consider the duties as a tax on them. We do not wish to be understood to say, that none of the imported articles to which we refer are consumed in the manufacturing section, and consequently none of the du ties levied on its inhabitants ; but wc do boldly assert that they are more than in demnified for whatever may thus be paid by them into the Treasury, by the mono poly in the home market of the consum ing States, which these very duties secure; and surely higher proof cannot be given of the truth of this assertion, than the zfcalous support which they give to every proposition to ificrease the duties. Such being the fact, it cannot be doubted that the whole burden of the government, al most to the full extent of the revenue, falls substantially on the very States, which also bear the burden of the Tariff for the protection of manufacturing monopolisms. Very different was the fa^ct when our Revenue system was first adopted,”anti for a long time afterwards. No part of the country was then manufacturing; and, with the exception of food, almost every article consumed in the country was im ported, In that state of things the sys tem fell with nearly equal pressure on all the parts: but the great change which has since taken place in the industry of many of the States from the introduction of manufactures, has substantially relieved the wealthy and flourishing part of the country from the burden of contributing to the Public Treasury, and thrown all its weight upon the poorest and most ex hausted section. We presem these facts, not with the hope of alleviating the great and unequal burden, by a change in the system of Re venue. We know full well the almost insuperable objections to a change, and we must make up our minds to bear the load :—but ceriainly these considerations offer a most powerful reason whv burdens already so unequal, should not he made more so, by the odious addition of Tariffs to take from the light and put to the heavy. But unequal as the burden of taxation may full, no loss unequal are the disbursements from the Treasury. It is well known that equality of disbursements is not much less important than equality of taxation, which the framers of the Con stitution were so solicitous to secure. A portion of a country may be rendered rich by an overflowing disbursement, or be impoveiishcd by an incessant payment of taxes, without a correspondent return through disbursements. The inequality of disbursements of itself so oppressive, exists to a remarkable degree; and to render its operation infinitely more dis tressing, the grievance falls continually on the same section, and that on the very section from which in reality the contri butions to the Treasury are mainly drawn; thus producing an inequality heretofore unknown in any free country: which can not be increased,nor even continued,with out exposing the country to the most dan gerous consequences. For it is not pos sible that men knowing their rights, and feeling conscious that they are entitled to participate equally in the ’ :nefits of the government, can long sustain so unequal a load, imposed against the united remon strance of themselves and their represen tatives, without a fearful diminution in their attachment tu the institutions under which they live. But admitting that the oppressed have not sufficient intelligence to see their wrongs, or to trace them to their true cause; or, seeing them, have no f sufficient spirit or union to resist with effect: still to every patriotic and intelli gent mind the danger must appear great and alarming. To the wily and corrupt politician, it is the most favorable state that can be conceived. If it be permitted by the magic of legislation to enrich one section at the expense of another, who can doubt that the influential and corrupt, in order to gain or retain power, will seize on so potent an engine of bribery ? And if it be permitted to be used as the means of bribery, who in the least conversant with history, but must see that it will end in the destruction of free institutions, however skilfully constructed, by concen trating the whole influence and power in the hands of a crafty despot, or of an odious oligarchy! But supposing it to be our good fortune to escape so great a calamity, how clear it is that the system must engender the most thoughtless pro digality! For what possible inducement can the majority have for economy in the public disbursements! To them, the greater the impost, the greater the mono poly : and the greater the revenue, the greater the disbursements, and the greater the gams. The revenue is to them like a tribute from a conquered Province, and we might as rationally expect that an Im perial Government would cease to devise ways and means to augment the tribute from its Provinces, as that the majority, under existing circumstances, .will regard economy with a favorable eve. Even a public debt will Jie regarded as a public blessing, as one of the most effect ual means of keeping up a system of Ta riffs and Imposts: and we may according ly expect to find new devices to increase it, just as the Sinking Fund may diminish its amount. Already we witness alarm ing indications of a disposition this way* and among others we behold an artfully got up scheme to assume an old claim of 25 years standing, on account of french Spoliations; which will, in all probability, add an amount nearly equal to one half of the existing debt, and which must not only, under the present Revenue system, be paid almost wholly by funds drawn from the section of country already so grievously oppressed, but go almost ex clusively to add to the capital of the al ready highly favored section; thereby producing, in a single operation, the dou ble effect of greatly increasing the debt, as the means to perpetuate the present system, and of transfering not less, in all probability, than $25,000,000 from one section to another. In the exercise of our constitutional right, we have thus decorously, but fref- 1 y, stated some of the grievances under which we, in common with nearly one half of the Union, labor : firmly believing that nothing short of the united and strong voice of remonstrance from the oppressed, can arrest the great and growing evil, and thereby preserve our Union and Li berty. To both we are deeply and strongly attached, and we are prepared, in order to preserve them, to make whatever sa crifice freemen ought to make. Against the growth of our manufactures we have not the slightest prejudice, on the con trary, we have always rejoiced to see their prospeiity, when effected by the ingenuity and indus ry of our fellow-citi zens :—but our objection is iusuperable to the employment of the unconstitutional and unjust means of protecting them at the expense of the consuming States. In the hands of your honorable body, the destiny of the country, under Provi dence, is in a great measure placed. To ■eradicate a disease so deeply seated, we know will require time and patience; but in the mean time, we reasonably expect that it will not be aggravated by adding to the burdens of the oppressed: that means will be adopted to enforce the most rigid economy, the greatest practicable equality in the disbursements, and the speedy pay ment of the public debt, by which means the public expenditure may be reduced, and the burden that cannot at once be equalized, at least be lightened. ; By adopting this course, your honora ble body will preserve the peace and li berty of the country, and be entitled to the lasting gratitude of posterity. 'But should (which Heaven avert) the : contra ry course be pursued, should monopoly be added to monopoly, and oppression be heaped upon oppression, on them be. the responsibility, whose insatiate avarice, or whose profligate ambition may impel the country to so fearful an extremity. Firm in the justice of our cause, we will have, eveu in the worst event, at least one con solation, though a poor one:—that when the catastrophe comes, if come it must, those who are now pampered by the op pression of others, will not have the least to lose. EDM. WARE, Chairman. W. W. Starke, Secretary. RESOLUTIONS. Resolved, That we desire the repeal of the whole system of protecting duties, and th'e aban donment of the principle / Resolved further, That this system, which we believe inexpedient,upon sound principles of economy applicable to any country, is, consider ed as a mere question of policy, particularly inexpedient in this country : as it necessarily leads to prohibition, and is even now injurious to the only Revenue system which the country can abide, injurious to the great Agricultural and Commercial interests of the country, and’calcu lated to lessen the wholesum ofNational Wealth, to destroy our Commerce, Shipping Interest,’ Commercial Marine and Navy, to arrest the set tlement of our public Lands, to render the yeo- roanty of the country subservient to dangerous accumulations of capital, and thwart all the cor- rect policy of the country. Resolved further, That, consideringhowexten- sive and diversified our country is, the system appears doubly pernicious, as being necessarily sectional and unjust—arraying against each oth er hostile interests, geographically divided, of which the protection of one, is the oppression of the other. Resolved further, That this system is unconsti tutional, for that the power thus to protect do mestic manufactures, is not given to Congress by the Constitution—which appears not only from the silence of that instrument as to such power, but from such power’s being a virtual exerc’se of powers either expressly forbidden to Congress, or in general terms reserved to the States ; and from its necessarily impugning the principle of political equality in tInstates, and among the citizens, upon which oWgovemment is founded. Resolved further, That the exercise of this power by Congress, is, at best, a sacrifice of th« spirit of the Constitution to extended construc tion of its terms—a perversion of rightful power, beyond the intention of the framers of the Con stitution to dangerous and tyrannical use ; and a gross acto oppression upon a large minority by “ * majority united by common interest.” Resolved further, That to us, in common with the great consuming and exporting section of the United States, the present Tariff of protection is a tax upon consumption ; which, whilst it oper ates upon the manufacturing section like a bounty from a Foreign Treasury, burdens us grievously, as well by the increased price of our consumpl tion, as by the reduced price and lessened de mand of our staples of exportation. Resolved, That by the operation of the present Tariff, Revenue system, and system of disburse ments pursued by the government, the immense bounty which we pay to the manufacturer, and the disproportion ably great contributions which we make to tlie Revenue, are pure unrequited loss to our section of the country, and pure gain to the manufacturing section, to which both are regularly transferred—while that section is indemnified a- gainst any loss of this great gain, either from the Tariff or Revenue—its tax under the former be ing requited by the diffused benefits of the manu factures supported by our bounty," and its con tributions to the latter being returned, alon"- with our contibutions, in the disbursements of the government. Resolved further, That this state of things if continued, will lead to our poverty and misery— and not less certainly to the extinction of liberty in the country, by the barters of legislative fa vors. ihe bnbery, corruption, profligacy, and ut ter destruction of fraternal sympathies which it will produce. Resolved further, That the Senators and Re presentatives in Congress from this State, be all earnestly requested, and that our immediate Representative be solemnly enjoined, to oppose all further imposition of Tariffs for protection, as utterly intolerable: and to urge, in the most speedy mode practicable, a repeal of the whole system of protection and an abandonment of the principle: in the meantime taking care to pro vide for the enforcement of the most rigid econo my, the equal disbursement of the Revenue, as far as pra ticable, and the speedy payment of the public debt. Resolved further, That the Legislature of our State be requested to take this subject into most serious consideration, and guard the rights of the State and of its citizens. Resolved further, That the Memorial to Con gress, reported by our Committ-e, be adopted, and copies furnished to our Representative and Senators, to be laid before Congress: that co pies of it and of these resolutions be also furnish ed to the Senators and Representatives in Con gress from this State and to the Members of our State Legislature: and that the Committee ap pointed at the last meeting be continued as a Committee of Correspondence and Vigilance ®n this subject. EDMUND WARE, Chairman. W. W. Starke, Secretary. FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. The combination of the conductors of the press for the support of General Jack- son, is a combination essentially bad. It is a combination to put down the present Administration of the Government, right or wrong, to establish on its ruins one which they know will be dangerous (at least) hazardous to their country. They know it, we repeat; and we shall endea vour to prove it upon them, because in proving it, we establish the hypocrisy and baseness of their crimination of us, be cause of our refusal to be led, humble and hoodwinked, by Mr. Van Buren, or who ever else may be installed High Priest of the new political church. We will hold up a mirror to them, from whose wither ing reflection they would flee if they could, but shall not if they would. Some of them have had the audacity recently to revile us because we have, respectfully and inoffensively we hope, expressed the objections which we have to the elevation of successful soldiers, an'd men of arbitra ry and ungovernable temper, to the high est civil offices of the Government. Let them look into their own hearts—let them look at the recorded evidences of their real opinions, which we present them. Wo will no longer detain the reader from the feast spread before him, than to say that the Journals from whose files the following extracts are made, are the most clamorous of those which belong to the Combination. [Here follow many extracts from the Richmond Enquirer—some of which have already appeared in this paper.] 2. The National Advocate, in the year 1824, was edited by the same gentleman [Noah] who now fathers the New York Enquirer, and honours us with occasional lectures on the beauty of consistency.— Hear him, hear him ! From Noah’s Advoeate, of April 5, 1824. “ Mr. Stephen Simpson says, that “ the People have ordained he [Geu. Jackson] shall rule you and us ;” and therefore, he adds, “ God help you, Major* I sincerely hope you may not run mad in this extre mity.” Thank you for this additional fa vor ; better pronounce sentence at once: “Jackson is to be President, and you will be hanged.” Stephen, cannot 1 es cape with the loss of my ears ? Several Senators are to lose theirs if Jackson is elected; why not let me go in their good company !” From the National Advocate, of April 7, 1824. “ It is proper that we continue to offer evidence of his [Gen. Jackson’s] tojal in capacity for the high station contemplat ed, and the danger which must Uccessari ■ ly attend his elevation to the Cliief Magis tracy. Divided as the People may be re specting the several candidates—objec tionable as some are, desirable as others maybe—there is still prudence and dis cretion sufficient to promote a unity of sentiment, a concert in action, a surrender of private attachments, and personal con siderations, to prevent the election of a man, whose head is “ Like the snow crown’d -Etna, “ Cram’d with fires IVhose will is law, whose march is desola tion and whos® practice is to command and overbear such as are within the scope of his power and sovereignty. Almosi eve ry republic known to history, almost eve ry country distinguished for peace and happiness, have been^subverted or des troyed by military usurpation. In the United States, the history of past times is well known. We never can plead igno rance. It is expected that we, of all na tions on earth, should profit by the fate of other republics. We know the influence of the sword, the effects of military glory, the dazzling, destructive power of armies: we have the record before us in Alexan der, Julius Caesar, GeDghis Khan, and Bonaparte ; and if we swallow the golden pill with our eyes open, we shall have less claim to pity than nations better prepared to do right.” Again—“ Here were interposing the positive orders of the Government—-here were suspended the military operations of the Commanding General; but what did Gen. Jackson do! He violated those orders ; assumed the sovereign right with an armed force at his elbow, of deciding upon peace and spar; he treats with con tempt the pover.ihe interest,the character of his country; he declares war against Spain ; storms Fort St. Marks; sheds the blood of his own soldiers and of Spanish troops ; tears down their standard ; makes the garrison prisoners, and hangs the In dian chiefs. Not satisfied with one act of disobedience of his orders, he commits another. He goes to Pensacola, and or ders the fort at the Barancas to surrender also; he takes possession and garrisons if. It would have been supposed that this disobedience of orders would have been sufficient; that Gen. Jackson had gone far enough, in prosecuting war against a friendly nation. Not so, If he could have marched to Madrid, he would have gone thither in his spirit of illegal warfare and conquest. He orders St. Augustine to be attacked ; all this without any dec laration of war against Spain. He issues the following order to General Gaines : (7th Aug. 1823. “Should you deem your force sufficient, you will proceed to take and garrison Fort St. Augustine with American troops, and hold the garrison prisoners until you hear from the President of the United States, or transport them to Cuba, as in your judgment, under existing circumstances, you may think best.” “Fortunately, before this order could be carried into execution, intelligence reached Washington. The President, ve ry justly alarmed at these acts othigh hand ed usurpation, th is bold and presumptuous disobedience of orders ; commanded the troops to be withdrawn ; ordered the Span ish forts to be surrendered : the acts of the General were disavowed ; and our Gov ernment were compelled to explain to the Spanish nation, and solicit reconciliation and forgiveness. This is the man irho is attempted to be forced upon the peo ple as their Chief Magistrate, when, had justice been done him, he would have been DISMISSED INSTANTANEOUSLY” From tke National Advocate, of May 15, 1824. The General preferring Monroe to Madison, because the former could stand blood and carnage better; his recommen dation of Military men generally to office ; his avowal that he would have bent the law to suit his purposes, and hanged Ca bot, Otis, and Lytnan, of the Hartford Convention, probably including the re spectable Secretary ; all exhibit a fero- , cious disposition, trammelled by no con stitutional or legal barriers, checked ly no humane or just considerations. It is out of tlte question,out of all reason, to think of him eyenfora moment for Pre sident !" From the Advocate, of May 18, 1824. “Whatever public opinion may pro nounce upon the motives and objects of the Hartford Convention, the ferocious, il legal, and violent measures, contemplated by General Jackson, teouldbc a fair sam ple of his mild administ ation, if advan ced to the presidency. Oliver Crom well and his armed host—the disbanding the Council of Five Hundred by a milita ry chieftain—would be the examples we should have in that melancholy event.” 3. The Albany Argus has heretofore, been rather a shy and reserved print, in reference to the concerns of the National Government. It was so in 1824, and in truth, its position was then one of no lit tle delicacy. Accordingly, we find little there on the merits of the Candidates for tho Presidency. But we find enough to shew that the Argus really entertained the same opinions respecting the qualifications and claims of Gen. Jack. 5 -on, as did the Richmond Enquirer and Major Noaii, now of the New York Enquirer : From the Albany Argus of May 18 1824. “ The fact is clear, that Mr. Jackson has not a single feeling in common with the Republican Party. The reverse of that: he desires aud makes a merit of de siring, tho total extinction of it [allu ding to his Letter to Mr. Monroe.] “ It’s an idle thing in this State, how ever it must be in others, to strive even for a moderate support of Mr. Jackson. He is wholly out of the question, so far as the votes of New York are in it. Indepen dently of the disclosures of his political opinion ; he could not bo the Republican candidate. He is respected as a gallant soldier, but he stands in the minds of the People of this State, at an immeasura ble distance from the Executive Chair. ilis habits, aside from his politics, arc quite too summary for that.' 4. The New York Evening Post is a new ally of the Argus and the Richmond Enquirer, whose zeal, like that of most o- ther sudden converts, keep full pace with discretion. What was its opinion of Gen. Jackson, before any body ever dreampt ofhim as a formidable candidate for the Presidency? Look and behold : From the N York Evening Post of Dec. 30. 1818. “ Gen. Jackson, from the moment he was entrusted with command, has avowed and systematically made his own will and pleasure the sole rule and guide of all his actions ; he has suspended the Executive, Legislative,^ and Judicial functions of the States with arbitrary sway ; he has insult ed the executive of the United States,'at whose pleasure ho holds his commission, spurned its authority, disregarded and transcended its orders: he has usurped the high prerogative of peace and war, entrusted by all nations to the sovereign' authority of the State, and by onr Consti tution to Congress alone : he has abroga ted the known laws of nations, and pro mulgated a new code of his own, conceiv ed in madness or folly and written in blood —he has, in fine, violated ai.» laws, human and divine, and violated them with impunity!" No. 5. The Delaware Gazette is ano ther ally of the Albany Argus and Rich mond Enquirer. We should desire no worse visitation on our worst enemy (if he were our enemy) than to be confronted as the editor of the Delaware Gazette has aeen, with the following deliberate expres sions of his opinion of one whom he is now supporting for the Presidency. From the Delaware Gaz. of Nov 1,1821. “Of all the gentlemen named, Gen. Jackson appears us to be the most objectionable. That he is a man of en ergy, no one will doubt; but we think that, in a Chief Magistrate of the United States, too much energy is extremely dan gerous ; and we have seen in the general such a DISREGARD for (Ac institu tions of the country, such a disposition to place himself ait§>e its laws, and, such AN INCLINATIO^TO TRAMPLE ON THE RIGHTS OF OTHERS, when they stood in competition with his own interest or feelings, as should render the citizens of the United States very cautious about placing him in the first office within their gift.” From the same paper of Fcl. 1, 1825. “ In consequence of a concurrence of fortuitous circumstances the employment of means to operate upon the passions of men, in violation of their reason and judg ment, and the basest political contrivan ces it has chanced that Gun. Jackson is the highest in votev “ They [the framers of the Const? tlx tion] never intended that the Members r ,j Congress should be thus confined in choice ; and all that has been said hv advocates of General Jackson upo' n subject, is only an evidence of their 0tt ^ weakness and wickedness; and notwitfi standing the Members of Congress l )a ,.’ been threatened with the use of Ja . flr | and muskets against them, if they vtnij ed to do otherwise than elect Gencr 'i Jackson, we do not doubt th;\t they f- do what they believe to be right- that they will draw their conclusion# specting their duty from premises Ve - different from those which have been 1 down for them by THE LOVERS fli BLOOD AND SLAUGHTER!” AUGUSTA. MONDAY, SEPT. 17, 1827. So great a portion of our paper fc^, taken up to-day with the Abbeville S e Memorial, we have thrown into a sun:'! ry form those -lighter articles, which - , most commonly used to garnish the pojj." ical dish ; and if we have not cooked::', the liking of our readers, thereisan e*cc’. lent ketchup recipt given, they can se^;, it to suit their own palates. We ho- however, the length of the memorial not deter our friends from its perusal, as nearly did us from its publication, J t from a hand, as able to arrest the prog rex of Error in its mad career as it is to strey over lighter fields the flowers of Fancy SVTamAHLY. Thomas U.P. Charlton isaunoantei as a candidate for.Congress, to fill theva cancy occasioned by the resignation ofM r Tattnall. The first New Cotton received i-. Charleston this season, was from the plan* tation of Mr. Nash Road., of Barnwell District, and sold on the 11th instant at 11 cents for the French market. Havre Cotton market on 27th July, had advanced two sous in the finer qualities Uplands 16$ to 19 and 20. Tlte Packet Ship Colombia, arrived a! New York, biings dates to lhe6’h Angus' France and Algiers will h ive to setik their differences by an appeal to the“ las: resort of nations.” Little doubt is entertained of ihe fact oT the Pacha of Egypt having declared hi? independence of the Porte. Wc hop- soon to hear he has evacuated the Nlorea, One report says, he will offer Greece ;La aid of that hand which has shed so much,of her best blood. The interference o! r ie Great Powers, if it should restore peace between Greece and Turkey, will also, wo think, give rise to some misundcr- standing between the umpires. England and Russia are both pushing for certain objects in that quarter which inflame the]: mutual Jealousy to the highest pitch.— They are both strengthening the fleets, which are destined ostensibly to restore peace between the Greeks and Turks, but we are afraid, much much more titers sive, if not more honorable ohjeersin view, Lord Cochrane lias had an action withtke Egyptian squadron of 120 vessels off Can- dia, and aftor a cannonade of 43 hours di* persed those he did not sink. The Greek squadron consisted ofSO sail. An offiensive and defensive alliance is spoken of between Persia and Turkey. The Thames Tunnel, London, is a' gain cleared of tho water and visited as usual. Singular effect of the Tariff.—It has got up more stump Orators, than England with all her manufactures could produce to save the nation. Mr. Buchanan’s letter has pioduced is Kentucky as every where else a deep inr- pression. It did not reach that state till the elections were over. It was consider ed at first, as a forgery, so diflerent were its contents from what was expected 1 . BOSTON POETRY. John Quincy Adams, who can write, Andrew Jackson, who can fight. Boston FatnV- John Quincy Adams, who has slang. Andrew Jackson, who can hang. B. Statesman (nowa Jackson paper.) Strange Connection.—A paper is t& be established at Buffalo, in favor otJ-for - gan and Jackson. We have no desire to separate the Gen. from his real friends: but we should like to see him abduetd frora some of his political company. They will contaminate his principles and tar nish his fame. Extract from the letter of our corres-| pondent, the “ Man in the Moon.”—“ - flourishing town in the interior of Georgia> and which bids fair to rival some of ber proudest cities, had at the period of the last Presidential election, but two Adam* men. It now has 40.” ' A veteran soldier, who stood in his country’s ranks at the battle of Bunker’s Hill, had his leg amputated lately, in con sequence of an injury received in that battle. He was between 70 and 80 years old. Mr. John Randolph, of Roanoke, that a man who spells Congress with a K is better qualified to manage the affairs