Georgia courier. (Augusta, Ga.) 1826-1837, September 17, 1827, Image 2
roongst them a sensation, very different
from the complacency with >;hich they
now regard the duty upon the importation
of raw cotton into this country ; which
was imposed unnecessarily in the booin
ning, where .there was no danger of for
eign competition, and has never yielded
either revenue or protection; from whic,.
the cotton growing country has never de
rived the least benefit ; which is but the
uatne of consideration for the grievous ex
actions taken in exchange, and which we
jvraymiy be first included in the repeal
of all Tariffs of protection, thaw wo no
longer may be taunted with the pretence of
favor to us.
To the suggestion that in time all the
sections of the union will be in a situation
to engage in manufactures, each of the ar
ticles most suitable to its situation, and
that the benefits and bn dens of restriction
will then be equal, we reply that justice
forbids, that after others have enjoyed tri
bute from us for 50 years, we should tlien
only be admitted into equal rights with
them, and be obliged upon equal terms to
Contend with their superiority over us,
greater than the superiority of foreign
manufacturers over them, of which they
now complain. When any section is ripe
for manufactures, no encouragement is
Qecessary : before then it is inexpedient,
and giveiv through Congress is unjust and
unconstitutional.
We are aware that the monopolists en
deavor to reconcile the consumer to their
profits by attempting to prove that pro
tection does not enhance the price; but
can there be an absurdity greater than to
suppose that the home manufacturer who
now cannot persist in his trade, as he says,
with an existing duty of about 50 per cent,
on woollens, would be enabled to manu
facture as cheap as the foreign manufac
turer, provided all competition from abroad
Were inhibited, which would be substan
tially the fact if the Woollens Bill were
passed ? It is enough to oppress us ; but
to urge such arguments, is to add insult
to injury.
Nor can the instance of coarse cottons
support the sophistry of the monopolists.
It is known that our country has now an
advantage in the raw material of cotton
over all others ; notwithstanding which,
We learn front good authority, that coarse
cotton goods are now so much cheaper in
Manchester than in this country, (hat were
jt not fur the high duty on them, they
"tfould still be imported. It is not enough
to prove that coarse cotton goods are
cheaper now, than when the Tariff o
1SL6 was laid. The price of the raw
material and labor have greptly fallen
since, while the machinery has gieatly im
proved. If the article be cheaper still
wbroad, as we believe, the difference of
price is the bounty continued to be paid
to the monopolist.
It is a great mistake to conclude that
there is no loss, if an article does not rise,
on the imposition of a protecting Tariff.
Suppose there be neither rise nor fall in
price, the country at least loses the old
duty, whichgoes Into the pocket of the
monopolist as a bounty, instead of going
into Hie public Treasury in the shapfe of
duty.’’ To .indemnify the country, the
price not only ought not to rise, but ought
to fall the whole .duty raised by the
Tariff; that is, if the Wbollerts Bill,
which would almost entirely prohibit the
foreign article should pass, the price of
woollens ought to fall about .50 per cent.,
which is almost the -present duty’,' under
which they are imported ; and surely he
must be a tnad-man, who could expect
Such a reduction in price, or who believ
ed, that if the manufacturers thenjselvcs
expected it, they would urge the bill.—
Every measure which diminishes impor
tation, also necessarily lessens the de
mand and price of our staples of exporta
tion in the foreign market, as well by the
natural operations of trade, as by retalia
tory duties likely to be incurred ; and
alibougha new market is afforded at homr,
yet it purchases only what else would have
been bitter sold abroad, and not on
ly are we burdened in it by the monopo
ly price of the articles we take in exchange,
but the quantity it purchases is necessarily
limited to tiio supply of this country, wyh-
i.i which only tlu? manufactures sustained
by our bounty ^an avoid foreign competi
tion ; so that a new loss to us, and a new
gain to ’he manufacturer, accrues in the
Superabundance and diminished price of
our raw materials. .Veourprofits sufficient
to enable us with economy to bear the bur
dens imposed upon us ? They are
derived 'from our honest industry, un
aided by restrictions or Monopolies.—•
If Nature has given us advantages,
Government lias no right to t?k"
them away. We acknowledge not the
principle of ihe Agrarian Law« Cheer
fully as we have e\er afforded, and hope
ever to afford, pur assistance when requir
ed by our country, we maintain that no set
of men have a right without our consent,
to take a portion of our private propeity,
and without compensation to us, convert
it to their own use. The injustice of
such a proceeding becomes to us more
galling, when we reflect that the very
manufacturers who are now most clamor
ous for higher gains at our expense, re
ceive a profit from their capital as their
acts(iudependentof theirstatementsjshow,
greater than, oar most thriving farms af
ford. But prosperous or adverse, our
principles are the same. We iusist upon
a right to the profits of our own labor,
except what the exigencies of our country
require; and we claim liberty restrained
only for the public good, and equality of
public burdens, and public benefits. If
our manufacturing brethren will sell to us
as cheap as we can purchase abroad, we
will give them the preference—further we
would not ask them to do towards us.
B rt we would present to vour Honora
ble Body a feeble picture of our grievan
ces, if we were to limit our representation
to the evils, great as they are, growing out
of the measures adopted professedly to
protect one branch of industry at the ex
pense of another. It is with pain that a
of duty compels to probe the
ulcer to the bottom; but be the conse
quences on those, who by tampering have
aggravated the disease to its present a-
larming state.
A great change has taken place since
the commencement of our government,
which has rendered the whole of our fiscal
system uuequal and oppressive to the
great interest in behalf of which we have
attempted to raise our voice. Under the
existing slate of things the burdens & be
nefits of the system are unequal as can be
imagined. The great interest to which
we have so often referred, while it almost
exclusively bears the burden of supporting
the government participates but slightly
in its advantages.
Our revenue, with the exception in re
ality of not more than about half a million,
(principally from the sales of public lands,)
is derived from a tax on imports, amount
ing to about $20,000,000 annually. Of
this immense sum, the greater pari is de
rived from duties on articles, of which the
manufacturing section is perpetually de
manding an increase of the impost to pre
vent competition in the home market:
of course it must be clear that they do not
consider the duties as a tax on them. We
do not wish to be understood to say, that
none of the imported articles to which we
refer are consumed in the manufacturing
section, and consequently none of the du
ties levied on its inhabitants ; but wc do
boldly assert that they are more than in
demnified for whatever may thus be paid
by them into the Treasury, by the mono
poly in the home market of the consum
ing States, which these very duties secure;
and surely higher proof cannot be given
of the truth of this assertion, than the
zfcalous support which they give to every
proposition to ificrease the duties. Such
being the fact, it cannot be doubted that
the whole burden of the government, al
most to the full extent of the revenue, falls
substantially on the very States, which
also bear the burden of the Tariff for the
protection of manufacturing monopolisms.
Very different was the fa^ct when our
Revenue system was first adopted,”anti
for a long time afterwards. No part of
the country was then manufacturing; and,
with the exception of food, almost every
article consumed in the country was im
ported, In that state of things the sys
tem fell with nearly equal pressure on all
the parts: but the great change which has
since taken place in the industry of many
of the States from the introduction of
manufactures, has substantially relieved
the wealthy and flourishing part of the
country from the burden of contributing
to the Public Treasury, and thrown all
its weight upon the poorest and most ex
hausted section.
We presem these facts, not with the
hope of alleviating the great and unequal
burden, by a change in the system of Re
venue. We know full well the almost
insuperable objections to a change, and
we must make up our minds to bear the
load :—but ceriainly these considerations
offer a most powerful reason whv burdens
already so unequal, should not he made
more so, by the odious addition of Tariffs
to take from the light and put to the
heavy. But unequal as the burden of
taxation may full, no loss unequal are the
disbursements from the Treasury. It is
well known that equality of disbursements
is not much less important than equality
of taxation, which the framers of the Con
stitution were so solicitous to secure. A
portion of a country may be rendered
rich by an overflowing disbursement, or
be impoveiishcd by an incessant payment
of taxes, without a correspondent return
through disbursements. The inequality
of disbursements of itself so oppressive,
exists to a remarkable degree; and to
render its operation infinitely more dis
tressing, the grievance falls continually on
the same section, and that on the very
section from which in reality the contri
butions to the Treasury are mainly drawn;
thus producing an inequality heretofore
unknown in any free country: which can
not be increased,nor even continued,with
out exposing the country to the most dan
gerous consequences. For it is not pos
sible that men knowing their rights, and
feeling conscious that they are entitled to
participate equally in the ’ :nefits of the
government, can long sustain so unequal a
load, imposed against the united remon
strance of themselves and their represen
tatives, without a fearful diminution in
their attachment tu the institutions under
which they live. But admitting that the
oppressed have not sufficient intelligence
to see their wrongs, or to trace them to
their true cause; or, seeing them, have
no f sufficient spirit or union to resist with
effect: still to every patriotic and intelli
gent mind the danger must appear great
and alarming. To the wily and corrupt
politician, it is the most favorable state
that can be conceived. If it be permitted
by the magic of legislation to enrich one
section at the expense of another, who
can doubt that the influential and corrupt,
in order to gain or retain power, will seize
on so potent an engine of bribery ? And
if it be permitted to be used as the means
of bribery, who in the least conversant
with history, but must see that it will end
in the destruction of free institutions,
however skilfully constructed, by concen
trating the whole influence and power in
the hands of a crafty despot, or of an
odious oligarchy! But supposing it to
be our good fortune to escape so great a
calamity, how clear it is that the system
must engender the most thoughtless pro
digality! For what possible inducement
can the majority have for economy in the
public disbursements! To them, the
greater the impost, the greater the mono
poly : and the greater the revenue, the
greater the disbursements, and the greater
the gams. The revenue is to them like a
tribute from a conquered Province, and
we might as rationally expect that an Im
perial Government would cease to devise
ways and means to augment the tribute
from its Provinces, as that the majority,
under existing circumstances, .will regard
economy with a favorable eve. Even a
public debt will Jie regarded as a
public blessing, as one of the most effect
ual means of keeping up a system of Ta
riffs and Imposts: and we may according
ly expect to find new devices to increase
it, just as the Sinking Fund may diminish
its amount. Already we witness alarm
ing indications of a disposition this way*
and among others we behold an artfully
got up scheme to assume an old claim of
25 years standing, on account of french
Spoliations; which will, in all probability,
add an amount nearly equal to one half
of the existing debt, and which must not
only, under the present Revenue system,
be paid almost wholly by funds drawn
from the section of country already so
grievously oppressed, but go almost ex
clusively to add to the capital of the al
ready highly favored section; thereby
producing, in a single operation, the dou
ble effect of greatly increasing the debt,
as the means to perpetuate the present
system, and of transfering not less, in all
probability, than $25,000,000 from one
section to another.
In the exercise of our constitutional
right, we have thus decorously, but fref-
1 y, stated some of the grievances under
which we, in common with nearly one
half of the Union, labor : firmly believing
that nothing short of the united and strong
voice of remonstrance from the oppressed,
can arrest the great and growing evil,
and thereby preserve our Union and Li
berty. To both we are deeply and strongly
attached, and we are prepared, in order
to preserve them, to make whatever sa
crifice freemen ought to make. Against
the growth of our manufactures we have
not the slightest prejudice, on the con
trary, we have always rejoiced to see
their prospeiity, when effected by the
ingenuity and indus ry of our fellow-citi
zens :—but our objection is iusuperable
to the employment of the unconstitutional
and unjust means of protecting them at
the expense of the consuming States.
In the hands of your honorable body,
the destiny of the country, under Provi
dence, is in a great measure placed. To
■eradicate a disease so deeply seated, we
know will require time and patience; but
in the mean time, we reasonably expect
that it will not be aggravated by adding to
the burdens of the oppressed: that means
will be adopted to enforce the most rigid
economy, the greatest practicable equality
in the disbursements, and the speedy pay
ment of the public debt, by which means
the public expenditure may be reduced,
and the burden that cannot at once be
equalized, at least be lightened. ;
By adopting this course, your honora
ble body will preserve the peace and li
berty of the country, and be entitled to
the lasting gratitude of posterity. 'But
should (which Heaven avert) the : contra
ry course be pursued, should monopoly
be added to monopoly, and oppression be
heaped upon oppression, on them be. the
responsibility, whose insatiate avarice, or
whose profligate ambition may impel the
country to so fearful an extremity. Firm
in the justice of our cause, we will have,
eveu in the worst event, at least one con
solation, though a poor one:—that when
the catastrophe comes, if come it must,
those who are now pampered by the op
pression of others, will not have the least
to lose.
EDM. WARE, Chairman.
W. W. Starke, Secretary.
RESOLUTIONS.
Resolved, That we desire the repeal of the
whole system of protecting duties, and th'e aban
donment of the principle /
Resolved further, That this system, which we
believe inexpedient,upon sound principles of
economy applicable to any country, is, consider
ed as a mere question of policy, particularly
inexpedient in this country : as it necessarily
leads to prohibition, and is even now injurious to
the only Revenue system which the country can
abide, injurious to the great Agricultural and
Commercial interests of the country, and’calcu
lated to lessen the wholesum ofNational Wealth,
to destroy our Commerce, Shipping Interest,’
Commercial Marine and Navy, to arrest the set
tlement of our public Lands, to render the yeo-
roanty of the country subservient to dangerous
accumulations of capital, and thwart all the cor-
rect policy of the country.
Resolved further, That, consideringhowexten-
sive and diversified our country is, the system
appears doubly pernicious, as being necessarily
sectional and unjust—arraying against each oth
er hostile interests, geographically divided, of
which the protection of one, is the oppression of
the other.
Resolved further, That this system is unconsti
tutional, for that the power thus to protect do
mestic manufactures, is not given to Congress by
the Constitution—which appears not only from
the silence of that instrument as to such power,
but from such power’s being a virtual exerc’se of
powers either expressly forbidden to Congress,
or in general terms reserved to the States ; and
from its necessarily impugning the principle of
political equality in tInstates, and among the
citizens, upon which oWgovemment is founded.
Resolved further, That the exercise of this
power by Congress, is, at best, a sacrifice of th«
spirit of the Constitution to extended construc
tion of its terms—a perversion of rightful power,
beyond the intention of the framers of the Con
stitution to dangerous and tyrannical use ; and a
gross acto oppression upon a large minority by
“ * majority united by common interest.”
Resolved further, That to us, in common with
the great consuming and exporting section of the
United States, the present Tariff of protection is
a tax upon consumption ; which, whilst it oper
ates upon the manufacturing section like a bounty
from a Foreign Treasury, burdens us grievously,
as well by the increased price of our consumpl
tion, as by the reduced price and lessened de
mand of our staples of exportation.
Resolved, That by the operation of the present
Tariff, Revenue system, and system of disburse
ments pursued by the government, the immense
bounty which we pay to the manufacturer, and
the disproportion ably great contributions which
we make to tlie Revenue, are pure unrequited loss
to our section of the country, and pure gain to the
manufacturing section, to which both are regularly
transferred—while that section is indemnified a-
gainst any loss of this great gain, either from the
Tariff or Revenue—its tax under the former be
ing requited by the diffused benefits of the manu
factures supported by our bounty," and its con
tributions to the latter being returned, alon"-
with our contibutions, in the disbursements of
the government.
Resolved further, That this state of things if
continued, will lead to our poverty and misery—
and not less certainly to the extinction of liberty
in the country, by the barters of legislative fa
vors. ihe bnbery, corruption, profligacy, and ut
ter destruction of fraternal sympathies which it
will produce.
Resolved further, That the Senators and Re
presentatives in Congress from this State, be
all earnestly requested, and that our immediate
Representative be solemnly enjoined, to oppose
all further imposition of Tariffs for protection, as
utterly intolerable: and to urge, in the most
speedy mode practicable, a repeal of the whole
system of protection and an abandonment of the
principle: in the meantime taking care to pro
vide for the enforcement of the most rigid econo
my, the equal disbursement of the Revenue, as
far as pra ticable, and the speedy payment of
the public debt.
Resolved further, That the Legislature of our
State be requested to take this subject into most
serious consideration, and guard the rights of the
State and of its citizens.
Resolved further, That the Memorial to Con
gress, reported by our Committ-e, be adopted,
and copies furnished to our Representative and
Senators, to be laid before Congress: that co
pies of it and of these resolutions be also furnish
ed to the Senators and Representatives in Con
gress from this State and to the Members of our
State Legislature: and that the Committee ap
pointed at the last meeting be continued as a
Committee of Correspondence and Vigilance ®n
this subject.
EDMUND WARE, Chairman.
W. W. Starke, Secretary.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The combination of the conductors of
the press for the support of General Jack-
son, is a combination essentially bad. It
is a combination to put down the present
Administration of the Government, right
or wrong, to establish on its ruins one
which they know will be dangerous (at
least) hazardous to their country. They
know it, we repeat; and we shall endea
vour to prove it upon them, because in
proving it, we establish the hypocrisy and
baseness of their crimination of us, be
cause of our refusal to be led, humble and
hoodwinked, by Mr. Van Buren, or who
ever else may be installed High Priest of
the new political church. We will hold
up a mirror to them, from whose wither
ing reflection they would flee if they
could, but shall not if they would. Some
of them have had the audacity recently to
revile us because we have, respectfully
and inoffensively we hope, expressed the
objections which we have to the elevation
of successful soldiers, an'd men of arbitra
ry and ungovernable temper, to the high
est civil offices of the Government. Let
them look into their own hearts—let them
look at the recorded evidences of their
real opinions, which we present them.
Wo will no longer detain the reader
from the feast spread before him, than to
say that the Journals from whose files the
following extracts are made, are the most
clamorous of those which belong to the
Combination.
[Here follow many extracts from the
Richmond Enquirer—some of which have
already appeared in this paper.]
2. The National Advocate, in the year
1824, was edited by the same gentleman
[Noah] who now fathers the New York
Enquirer, and honours us with occasional
lectures on the beauty of consistency.—
Hear him, hear him !
From Noah’s Advoeate, of April 5, 1824.
“ Mr. Stephen Simpson says, that “ the
People have ordained he [Geu. Jackson]
shall rule you and us ;” and therefore, he
adds, “ God help you, Major* I sincerely
hope you may not run mad in this extre
mity.” Thank you for this additional fa
vor ; better pronounce sentence at once:
“Jackson is to be President, and you
will be hanged.” Stephen, cannot 1 es
cape with the loss of my ears ? Several
Senators are to lose theirs if Jackson is
elected; why not let me go in their good
company !”
From the National Advocate, of April 7, 1824.
“ It is proper that we continue to offer
evidence of his [Gen. Jackson’s] tojal in
capacity for the high station contemplat
ed, and the danger which must Uccessari ■
ly attend his elevation to the Cliief Magis
tracy. Divided as the People may be re
specting the several candidates—objec
tionable as some are, desirable as others
maybe—there is still prudence and dis
cretion sufficient to promote a unity of
sentiment, a concert in action, a surrender
of private attachments, and personal con
siderations, to prevent the election of a
man, whose head is
“ Like the snow crown’d -Etna,
“ Cram’d with fires
IVhose will is law, whose march is desola
tion and whos® practice is to command and
overbear such as are within the scope of
his power and sovereignty. Almosi eve
ry republic known to history, almost eve
ry country distinguished for peace and
happiness, have been^subverted or des
troyed by military usurpation. In the
United States, the history of past times is
well known. We never can plead igno
rance. It is expected that we, of all na
tions on earth, should profit by the fate of
other republics. We know the influence
of the sword, the effects of military glory,
the dazzling, destructive power of armies:
we have the record before us in Alexan
der, Julius Caesar, GeDghis Khan, and
Bonaparte ; and if we swallow the golden
pill with our eyes open, we shall have less
claim to pity than nations better prepared
to do right.”
Again—“ Here were interposing the
positive orders of the Government—-here
were suspended the military operations of
the Commanding General; but what did
Gen. Jackson do! He violated those
orders ; assumed the sovereign right with
an armed force at his elbow, of deciding
upon peace and spar; he treats with con
tempt the pover.ihe interest,the character
of his country; he declares war against
Spain ; storms Fort St. Marks; sheds the
blood of his own soldiers and of Spanish
troops ; tears down their standard ; makes
the garrison prisoners, and hangs the In
dian chiefs. Not satisfied with one act of
disobedience of his orders, he commits
another. He goes to Pensacola, and or
ders the fort at the Barancas to surrender
also; he takes possession and garrisons if.
It would have been supposed that this
disobedience of orders would have been
sufficient; that Gen. Jackson had gone
far enough, in prosecuting war against a
friendly nation. Not so, If he could
have marched to Madrid, he would have
gone thither in his spirit of illegal warfare
and conquest. He orders St. Augustine
to be attacked ; all this without any dec
laration of war against Spain. He issues
the following order to General Gaines :
(7th Aug. 1823.
“Should you deem your force sufficient,
you will proceed to take and garrison Fort
St. Augustine with American troops, and
hold the garrison prisoners until you hear
from the President of the United States,
or transport them to Cuba, as in your
judgment, under existing circumstances,
you may think best.”
“Fortunately, before this order could
be carried into execution, intelligence
reached Washington. The President, ve
ry justly alarmed at these acts othigh hand
ed usurpation, th is bold and presumptuous
disobedience of orders ; commanded the
troops to be withdrawn ; ordered the Span
ish forts to be surrendered : the acts of the
General were disavowed ; and our Gov
ernment were compelled to explain to the
Spanish nation, and solicit reconciliation
and forgiveness. This is the man irho is
attempted to be forced upon the peo
ple as their Chief Magistrate, when, had
justice been done him, he would have been
DISMISSED INSTANTANEOUSLY”
From tke National Advocate, of May 15, 1824.
The General preferring Monroe to
Madison, because the former could stand
blood and carnage better; his recommen
dation of Military men generally to office ;
his avowal that he would have bent the
law to suit his purposes, and hanged Ca
bot, Otis, and Lytnan, of the Hartford
Convention, probably including the re
spectable Secretary ; all exhibit a fero-
, cious disposition, trammelled by no con
stitutional or legal barriers, checked ly
no humane or just considerations. It is
out of tlte question,out of all reason, to
think of him eyenfora moment for Pre
sident !"
From the Advocate, of May 18, 1824.
“Whatever public opinion may pro
nounce upon the motives and objects of
the Hartford Convention, the ferocious, il
legal, and violent measures, contemplated
by General Jackson, teouldbc a fair sam
ple of his mild administ ation, if advan
ced to the presidency. Oliver Crom
well and his armed host—the disbanding
the Council of Five Hundred by a milita
ry chieftain—would be the examples we
should have in that melancholy event.”
3. The Albany Argus has heretofore,
been rather a shy and reserved print, in
reference to the concerns of the National
Government. It was so in 1824, and in
truth, its position was then one of no lit
tle delicacy. Accordingly, we find little
there on the merits of the Candidates for
tho Presidency. But we find enough to
shew that the Argus really entertained the
same opinions respecting the qualifications
and claims of Gen. Jack. 5 -on, as did the
Richmond Enquirer and Major Noaii,
now of the New York Enquirer :
From the Albany Argus of May 18 1824.
“ The fact is clear, that Mr. Jackson
has not a single feeling in common with
the Republican Party. The reverse of
that: he desires aud makes a merit of de
siring, tho total extinction of it [allu
ding to his Letter to Mr. Monroe.]
“ It’s an idle thing in this State, how
ever it must be in others, to strive even for
a moderate support of Mr. Jackson. He
is wholly out of the question, so far as the
votes of New York are in it. Indepen
dently of the disclosures of his political
opinion ; he could not bo the Republican
candidate. He is respected as a gallant
soldier, but he stands in the minds of the
People of this State, at an immeasura
ble distance from the Executive Chair.
ilis habits, aside from his politics, arc
quite too summary for that.'
4. The New York Evening Post is a
new ally of the Argus and the Richmond
Enquirer, whose zeal, like that of most o-
ther sudden converts, keep full pace with
discretion. What was its opinion of Gen.
Jackson, before any body ever dreampt
ofhim as a formidable candidate for the
Presidency? Look and behold :
From the N York Evening Post of Dec. 30. 1818.
“ Gen. Jackson, from the moment he
was entrusted with command, has avowed
and systematically made his own will and
pleasure the sole rule and guide of all his
actions ; he has suspended the Executive,
Legislative,^ and Judicial functions of the
States with arbitrary sway ; he has insult
ed the executive of the United States,'at
whose pleasure ho holds his commission,
spurned its authority, disregarded and
transcended its orders: he has usurped
the high prerogative of peace and war,
entrusted by all nations to the sovereign'
authority of the State, and by onr Consti
tution to Congress alone : he has abroga
ted the known laws of nations, and pro
mulgated a new code of his own, conceiv
ed in madness or folly and written in blood
—he has, in fine, violated ai.» laws,
human and divine, and violated them
with impunity!"
No. 5. The Delaware Gazette is ano
ther ally of the Albany Argus and Rich
mond Enquirer. We should desire no
worse visitation on our worst enemy (if he
were our enemy) than to be confronted as
the editor of the Delaware Gazette has
aeen, with the following deliberate expres
sions of his opinion of one whom he is
now supporting for the Presidency.
From the Delaware Gaz. of Nov 1,1821.
“Of all the gentlemen named, Gen.
Jackson appears us to be the most
objectionable. That he is a man of en
ergy, no one will doubt; but we think
that, in a Chief Magistrate of the United
States, too much energy is extremely dan
gerous ; and we have seen in the general
such a DISREGARD for (Ac institu
tions of the country, such a disposition to
place himself ait§>e its laws, and, such AN
INCLINATIO^TO TRAMPLE ON
THE RIGHTS OF OTHERS, when
they stood in competition with his own
interest or feelings, as should render the
citizens of the United States very cautious
about placing him in the first office within
their gift.”
From the same paper of Fcl. 1, 1825.
“ In consequence of a concurrence of
fortuitous circumstances the employment
of means to operate upon the passions of
men, in violation of their reason and judg
ment, and the basest political contrivan
ces it has chanced that Gun. Jackson is the
highest in votev
“ They [the framers of the Const? tlx
tion] never intended that the Members r ,j
Congress should be thus confined in
choice ; and all that has been said hv
advocates of General Jackson upo' n
subject, is only an evidence of their 0tt ^
weakness and wickedness; and notwitfi
standing the Members of Congress l )a ,.’
been threatened with the use of Ja . flr |
and muskets against them, if they vtnij
ed to do otherwise than elect Gencr 'i
Jackson, we do not doubt th;\t they f-
do what they believe to be right-
that they will draw their conclusion#
specting their duty from premises Ve -
different from those which have been 1
down for them by THE LOVERS fli
BLOOD AND SLAUGHTER!”
AUGUSTA.
MONDAY, SEPT. 17, 1827.
So great a portion of our paper fc^,
taken up to-day with the Abbeville S e
Memorial, we have thrown into a sun:'!
ry form those -lighter articles, which - ,
most commonly used to garnish the pojj."
ical dish ; and if we have not cooked::',
the liking of our readers, thereisan e*cc’.
lent ketchup recipt given, they can se^;,
it to suit their own palates. We ho-
however, the length of the memorial
not deter our friends from its perusal, as
nearly did us from its publication, J t
from a hand, as able to arrest the prog rex
of Error in its mad career as it is to strey
over lighter fields the flowers of Fancy
SVTamAHLY.
Thomas U.P. Charlton isaunoantei
as a candidate for.Congress, to fill theva
cancy occasioned by the resignation ofM r
Tattnall.
The first New Cotton received i-.
Charleston this season, was from the plan*
tation of Mr. Nash Road., of Barnwell
District, and sold on the 11th instant at
11 cents for the French market.
Havre Cotton market on 27th July, had
advanced two sous in the finer qualities
Uplands 16$ to 19 and 20.
Tlte Packet Ship Colombia, arrived a!
New York, biings dates to lhe6’h Angus'
France and Algiers will h ive to setik
their differences by an appeal to the“ las:
resort of nations.”
Little doubt is entertained of ihe fact oT
the Pacha of Egypt having declared hi?
independence of the Porte. Wc hop-
soon to hear he has evacuated the Nlorea,
One report says, he will offer Greece ;La
aid of that hand which has shed so much,of
her best blood. The interference o! r ie
Great Powers, if it should restore peace
between Greece and Turkey, will also,
wo think, give rise to some misundcr-
standing between the umpires. England
and Russia are both pushing for certain
objects in that quarter which inflame the]:
mutual Jealousy to the highest pitch.—
They are both strengthening the fleets,
which are destined ostensibly to restore
peace between the Greeks and Turks,
but we are afraid, much much more titers
sive, if not more honorable ohjeersin view,
Lord Cochrane lias had an action withtke
Egyptian squadron of 120 vessels off Can-
dia, and aftor a cannonade of 43 hours di*
persed those he did not sink. The Greek
squadron consisted ofSO sail.
An offiensive and defensive alliance is
spoken of between Persia and Turkey.
The Thames Tunnel, London, is a'
gain cleared of tho water and visited as
usual.
Singular effect of the Tariff.—It has
got up more stump Orators, than England
with all her manufactures could produce
to save the nation.
Mr. Buchanan’s letter has pioduced is
Kentucky as every where else a deep inr-
pression. It did not reach that state till
the elections were over. It was consider
ed at first, as a forgery, so diflerent were
its contents from what was expected 1 .
BOSTON POETRY.
John Quincy Adams, who can write,
Andrew Jackson, who can fight.
Boston FatnV-
John Quincy Adams, who has slang.
Andrew Jackson, who can hang.
B. Statesman (nowa Jackson paper.)
Strange Connection.—A paper is t&
be established at Buffalo, in favor otJ-for -
gan and Jackson. We have no desire to
separate the Gen. from his real friends:
but we should like to see him abduetd
frora some of his political company. They
will contaminate his principles and tar
nish his fame.
Extract from the letter of our corres-|
pondent, the “ Man in the Moon.”—“ -
flourishing town in the interior of Georgia>
and which bids fair to rival some of ber
proudest cities, had at the period of the
last Presidential election, but two Adam*
men. It now has 40.” '
A veteran soldier, who stood in his
country’s ranks at the battle of Bunker’s
Hill, had his leg amputated lately, in con
sequence of an injury received in that
battle. He was between 70 and 80 years
old.
Mr. John Randolph, of Roanoke,
that a man who spells Congress with a
K is better qualified to manage the affairs