About Georgia courier. (Augusta, Ga.) 1826-1837 | View Entire Issue (Feb. 24, 1834)
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SHERIFFS,CLERKS, and other public officers, wul have 29 per cent, deducted in their favor. - _ speechT OF THE HON. ALFRED HUGER, On a Bill to amend the 4th Article of the Constitution of the State. Delivered in the Senate of South Carolina, Dec. 14, 1833 F? Mr. Pres dent—The Bill upon your table, provides that all persons who shall hereafter be chosen or appointed to any office of profit or trust, before entering on the duties thereef, shall take the following Oath—.“l do solemnly swear or affirm, that, I will be faithful, and true allegi’ aoce bear to the State of South Carolina, so lung as I shall continue a citizen there of, and that I am duly qualified, accord ing to the Constitution of this State, to exercise the office to which I have been appointed and that I will, to the best of. my abilitis, discharge the duties thereof, and that I will preserve, protect, and de fend the Constitution of this Slate, and of the United States.” I propose, sir, to add the following clause—“ Provided that nothing herein contained, shall ever be so construed as to impair, or in any manner affect the Allegiance now due, according to the Constitution of this State, or of the United States.” Mr. President, at a moment like the present, among the most eventful of your poli'ical life or mine, amid the passion and strife which fid to overflowing the bo soms of our people; and in the raging of the storm which still bearsupon-our shores, I venture to come forward, with this a -jnendment in my hand, as a “peace offer ing,” if peace be yet admissible into the councils of our State. We ask for its adoption, neither as a concession on the part of ibe majority; nor as a boon to the minority. We are not candidates for your mercy, aud asK not for quartet; but we ask it as a duty which every man owes to the State, and which duty the mi“ nority are ready to perform. After three years of constant and painful conflict, years of birerness and sorrow, I would fain imagine that this paper cannot meet with opposition; but already 1 see’symp"-. loms to the contrary. It is offered by those whe, on this floor are deemed to be poweness—it is offered to those, who ev er and anon, wave the flag of pretended triumph over their heads and therefore, perhaps, it is destined to.be rejected. I had hoped for better things, but as hope is vain, wo are ready to meet, as we may be able, be difficulties which we cannot avoid. Before Igo farther, let me pe form the most.or rather the only agreea ble par of the task have undertaken. In the name then of those who think as I do, I recipocate fully the feelings of kindnes &good will which the gentlemen from Edp field has been pleased to express for the minority in this body. To me, pei serially it would be gratify ing if my own idea of propriety suffeteci me to stop here, but it is otherwise; and 1 find myself constrained, if the feebleness incidental to my extreme ill health, will permit, to claim your indulgence, while I endeavor to make some brief inquiry into the extraordinary and unnatural circum stances connected with this Bill. 1 was about, sir, ui treat it as a “party measure” (as f must ask leave still to consider it) and to demand of those who are its advo cates, how, in reference to the acknow ledged principles of justice, a party con struction of the Constitution can he forc ed upon a minority, that minority believ ing the Bill, in its origin and operation, to be a direct violation of their liberties and rights? I was about so to consider this matter, when, <o my surprise, and I fancy to the surprise of all who hear me, we are informed by a gentleman who seems to take the Mad, as the strongest friend of this Test Oath, that this in truth i>no “party measure.”- No party mea. sure! and yet 1 believe parties are divid ed on the very subject 1 Every man in the minority regards it as a tryatinical vio lation of the spirit of the Constitution— as the open adoption of one of those means which it has ever beec the habit of despotism to adopt; as the most dangerous encroachment yet made (even in the Smooth*- Carolina of the present day) upon the rights of conscience and the freedom ofthihgs'—as oppression, in a form the most hideous and hateful,and as proscrip tion for opinion’s sake. So we regard it now, and ever shall regard it. Ou the other hand, the majbrity, or those who act hens as their organ, deny all this. They inflict this suffering <ip.<n one-third of tho people of South Carolina, and de ny that we have reason to complain. Thev tear open the wounds they have made be fore, in the violence of pariy spirit, and deny that this is a “party measure”!! I • believe it will be that with a single exception, the majority do this, andwhat exequiou. thanks be to Heaven, is fur’ DishednJJra soldier of the Revolution— the only maflkipon this floor who hase. ver faced the'%nemies of his country; and whoso mutilated form gives honorable evidence of the manner in which he did face them. Sir, when I turn to my venerable friend from St. James*, *(#ol. Warren) when I see him supported by those crutch- es, tohich have borne him for fifty years, and are the only reward he has received for shedding his blood; when T hear h>«* denouncing this work of tyranny, de fending those doctrines for which he fought half a century ’ l j s s,r *he light of gladness to our hearts in a mo ment of darkness and despair, feeling as he does, that « pi e i s the freeman, whom the truth makes free,” He tells you that though a Nullifier be. fore most of us were born and a Nullifier now, he has not forgotten that other men have a right to their opinions; that those who have none other than Whig blood in their veins should never be regarded as fit objects for persecution, in a State where he bones of their ancestors, for generation after generation, have mould, dered into dust. Gentlemen who urge this measure, are pleased to express a hope, that such of fensive language as has been used else where, would not find its way into this House. I hope the same. Sir, it is best perhaps for all of us that it should not. 1 shall touch very lightly, the manner in which the Sophomore orators of the day, endeavo.itig to improve themselves in the “art of public speaking,” have dared to villify the men who are now standing,” up for the preservation of the American Uuion.Pretending to an excitement which they do not feel, and true to their v>ct. tion, as a hound to the horn, or a spaniel to the whistle; they have filled the air with screams of calumny, and strained their throats in miserable denunciations; they have pafcied their puny muscles, in pointing with malignant fingers at men, whose devotedness t> Liber y and the Constitution, they are incapable of com prehending, and whose characters they are willing to defame, because they are equally incapable of possessing them. Sir, there are no cowards in South Carolina but those who knowing their own defi ciencies, are forever doubting the cour age of others : and there aie no traitors here, but those who are forever crying “Treason, Treason,” when is no treason, but that which exists in their own polluted souls. But I take my leave of these underlings forever, and I would ask pardon of the Senate even for alluding to them, if I did not fear they might be dull enough to suppose, I was asking for giveness of Mem,for the libenylhave taken. Mr. P I would indeed, thank any gentleman in the majority to say dis tinctly, why this Test Oath is to be im posed by two.thirds of this Legislature, upon one third of the people of South Carolina? If the Oath means nothing more than it appears to mean, are not its provisions already embodied in the Con stitution? If it doos mean more, are we not justifiable in regarding it as an in sidous attempt to subvert the Constitu tion? If you mean us to remain as wo are to ‘this State, and the Untied States,’ Why not accept the amendment? If you mean to separate us from the United States, why not exact of us an Omb of paramount Allegiance to the Sta e? or rather to yourseles, for you are not the State, but the dominant ‘party in the State,* The spirit of liberty; the princi ples i f the American Revolution, the mo tives winch animated the hearts of our f fathers, the virtues of the heroes whose blood purchased the freedom you are now violating, the success which crowned their effor s, ihe genius ofour free lustiiutions* hese are the essentials and the attributes of the Siatb. These, party may nbscure ■and deform, but these, party can never destroy. Fields and forests are nothing, but for the feelings associated with them. ■ MajTities of to-day or to-morrow, are • hangeablo and fl'Pting, but justice and right are immutable and everlasting, and these constitute the S’ate. But to y >ur Oa h, Mr. President. Is it admissible for me to ask if u be neces sary, expedient or wise? True, sir, a distinguished gentleman, ('(be Senator from Colleton,) tells ds, that not a vote can be changed. I believe it, sir. In the minority, i know that not one can be changed, thev are the objects of this out" rage; and do you expdct them not to res ist it? As to .he other side of the House, I am too c nsciuus of my own infirmities, bodily and mental, to imagine that by me at least, the slightest alteration can be effected. Bui, sir, those who are oppres sed, will speak, whether their oppressors, have ears to hear, or not. VVe will use the privilege which is'yet left us, of ap pealing to the ‘people’ of the State, from the verdict of the Jury here, whose fore man tells you himself, that their minds are made up. Is it necessary? ft may be s<», to bind your own party tigether, and of this, yon are the bbst judges. But is it expedient or wise as respects u«, at whom the poisoned"arrow is aimed? If you think it wise to continue the agita tion, ihe turbulence, the vindictive spirit, which have convulsed, and still convulse the country, go on—but if you mean to make us more faithful to the land of our nat.vity, than we are already, I tell you to your faces, you may cover the earth, with your parchment, and fill your Statute Book with penalties, without- increasing or diminishing our duty to our country— if we are traitors now, you cannot make us patriots. You may heap upon us those aggravated injuries—yon may fill our hearts with bitterness and our souls with indignation, but this is all that you can do, and when done, will you have con suited or disregarded the interests of the State? Belter far better would it be, in the language of my eloquent and vdued fnend from Clarendon, (Col. Manning,) to take from-ihe ranks of the minority,as mauy as may gratify your vengeance,and in expiration of the sins they have com mitted by adhering to the Union, offer them ufMts victims to your insatiable ha tred. Mr. Piesident, is it impossible fv>r you, amid the flames which ate consuming the happiness and tranquillity of society, is it, I say, impossible for you to leave the Constitution unscathed? Have you not already done enough? Can your purposes be such, as torequire you to sap very foundation of the Government? Or is this proceeding necessary Co carry out the doctrine of nullification? If nul’ hfication cannot stand alone, if it cannot live a single year without the bulwark of Test Oaths and nroscription, is it a doc trine to which we are to look for the sal vation of republican institutions—if it be ‘the rightful remedy,* can it not maintain its own pretentions without this afflicting strife; this new excitement? not only new, but artificial, for in truth, it has no natur al existence, none at any rate beyond the walls of this House. Sir, is it feared that if the people have a moment’s repose, their good sense and good feeling w li re turn and revolt? Or is it surmised that if they are allowed to reflect, unaided but by their own judgment, uninfluenced but by the feelings of their own hearts, they may perchaqce, turn upon those who are ihe teal authors of all that has been don G and is now doing? This Bill, sir, is j o be passed in their name, but I protest that they are innocent of so foul, so odi ous a deed. Their hands aso clean, as their hearts are pure, and although two thirds of this Legislature may perform this work of per secution, there is not a ibird, no, not a tenth of lhe people of South-Carolina,in favor of it—nay, more sir—ls this very body, which I am now addressing, could* for an instaut be set free from party feel ing, and party discipline, which are urg v ing them forward,! believe I should have a large majority in my favor or rather i i favor of the Constiiutionr, instead of (wo-ihirds against it, —Who is there that that can lay his Hand upon his heart, or even upon his head, and deny that this me’asure is ill.tinied and in expedient, to say ihe least of it? Sir, I avow it as my sincere belief that not only the peo ple of the State, but their Senators now assembled in this Hall,if their minds could be t eleased from the thraldon of party, would turn their backs upon that Bill with honor. Nothing upon earth pievents its total abandonment, but the fact, that the public voice of tho country is at the present hour directed jby troubled feel ings and exasperated passions. These have sprung from the absolute failure of a doctrine,the down fall of wfficli is now to be visited upon those, who always fore saw arid foretold its inefliciencytyou have failed t<> alaitn or intimidate the rest of the nation, so that whatever bitterness re mains, must be expended upon your op ponents at home. Well sir, for myself,! can say.fund I know I cau say so for others,)! would rather be lhe vic im ihau the author of this revenge. For myself you are welcome to ihe triumph that this day awaits you; the inglorious triumph of using, for party purposes,the Constitution ot your country. Truth, sir, does not vary in politics or morals. this mailer as you may, you cannot deprive us of the knowledge that Tyranny and ' Test Oaths gohand &handwith each other You may say thaJ oiherStates of the Con federacy have acknowledged similar obli gations,but you know that none ever have under similar circumstance-.: and you also know, that every State in the Union dis approves of these proceedings. It is re served lor, those, who are now ruling South-Car<>|iha with all absolute power, to prove to the world the wisdom of per sisting in a course which lias been dis claimed and rejected by thq whole Amer 1 ican people. But, sir, all this is to be ! done, because two-thirds of this Legisla i tore choose to teccive directions to do it ! and to proclaim that it is necessary to pre seiveiho Citadel of State Rights!! Why Mr President,as in religion, efery spe cies of iniquity has been practised under the pretended sanction of the gospel, so in politics, every vestige of liberty may be destroyed if her temples be insidiouly approached, by assailants cluihed in the garments of popular rights, and dealiog largely in (he cant of popular maxims. I declare before Heaven, it is my convic tion, that South Carolina has done more in the last eighteen months io ruin the cause of Slate Rights, than ad the acts of the government put together, from the time of the adoption ol the Federal Con .stitution to this day. It is here ihat ihe arm'has been lifted, which has driven in. to the great wheel of consolidation, its strongest spoke. What Alexander Ham ilton, Fisher Ames,Jay and PiCKenng, with your own Rutledges and Pinckneys, oi firmer days, weie charged with the promulgation of high Fedeial principles, and of opinions that savoured more ol monarchy than democracyj'.he consequen ces of their views were harmless,sir,they were nothing compared to necessary re sults of your doctrine. Those men were abandoned by the people because their political creeds were thought to be in compatible with liberty and equality; ye they never went so far as to interfere with the privilege ®f thinking. Some of them joined wifii Mir. Madison in righting the celebrated Numbers of the “Federalist,” yet they never assumed to themselves the power of trampling upon others. They proposed to give energy to the govern ment,yet they were next accused of usur , piiigall in their own hands. They were de nounced for believing that the constitu lion of’B7 might have been even strong er, without endangering public or private liberty; but, they never were so ultra, so extravagant or deluded, as to conceive of •he adoption of such a paper as your “Ordinance.” Sir, the majority, ate now giving unnatural strength to the General Government, by attempting io subvert it.lt is you,who are the real auth ms of all the lamentable consequences 'hat ave accrued; and it is you,who will be responsible tor al! that may herafter accrue. Ido not express this opinion now for ihe first time—l entertained it before the Convention assmb’ed. and sta ted in a letter to the people of St. Thom as and S'. Dennis in September ’32; r.nd although that letter has drawn down upon me the gratuitous denunciations of men whom I once thought my fiends, vet be it for good or for evil, the sentiments it contains ngio mine when it was written. and they are so now-—they were address ed to the in habitants of a Parish, where all that I own upon earth is located: to a community for whom I ever have been willing to make any sacrifice —but Iq stale what I do not beleive to be truefSr to suppress that,which my duty command* mo to tell them; and however painful it may be to have incurred their displeasure ■ till more painful would it be to be con scious of having deserved it. (Concluded in our next) From the New York Evening Star. Forensic Eloquence.—We make the following extract from the Speech of Og don Huffman, Esq. on the second trial of the cause of Nancy Van Horn, against Silas E. Burrows, as contained in a re port of it, just published in a pamphlet form. “Gentlemen of the.Jury:— “Why has Mr. Burrows resisted this trial? Was it for the sake of money?— One tenth of the sum expended in his defence would have hushed the matter up for ever; but he said, I will not be fright ened into submission; before my God I am innocent; I will throw myself on my defence; I will stand the hazard of the die; I will not purchase peace by entail ing disgrace upon rriy family; it is lime this evil should be slayed; I will risk all before the jury of my country He has xlone so, and well has lie memed praise for his persevering firmness—few would have dared done as he has. Bui ktyour verdict pronounce him guilty; let it tell this community that he ought to have paid for silence, and io have settled the false and iniquitous suit which wasc<>m inenced against Him, and who is safe?— Who shall dare to encounter ihe burning lips, and the wicked heart of any aban doned female who marks you out for tier prey ? “You will indeed havefl>ods of these speculative suits sweeping over our land; the merchant, the lawyer, the physician, will be alike assailed, and the sacred office itself will not be free from die sacrilegious machinations of the perjurer aud ihe prostitute. “There is oue recent instance in our criminal court, where even the sacred desk itself has been assailled, which will yet be fresh in the recoilecuun of many of you. Was there not here a tale of wrongstold by the witness in her own cause;and were there not sisteis standing near, by their tears and theii sobs, to co roborateher stor>? And wua< saved him from falling in the snare wh ch his acuse had laid for his dostru- tier, but an ap peal to his God, in the pieseace of die assembled auditory? Lei his lins be clos ed, and Jet his case be deprived ot his own oath, aud wh' 1 e would have been the character of the man? D you be., heve that such stenge ciiaiges can be made and supported b. die tes imony of crying woman, and yei that they may be untrue? Gracious God! where is this is end? Let some degraded female single out one of you fur her design, and how will you defend youiself? You will tell your counsel that you can contradict her st >ry; your counsel will sav ii is of no use, she wi 1 swear to it,and the jury will believe het. You will say you believe her Ch irac er to be bad;the counsel,point iug to his case, will led you that a jury have already found a verdict where the chara'.er was bad. You will say that you are ready to take your oath that you are guiltless;your counsel will tell you ibis of no use. Your mouth is closed; you tm.st be “dumb before your shearers.” G acinus God! who is safe? I feel an imeiest iu this suit beyond my feelings for Mr Bur rows; I believe this has been the most painful trial he has ever undergone; I bo lieve that he has already found far more bitter than death the ways of a perjured woman. I believe that, he wili yet reap from your verdict some small compensa tion tor (he anxious days and the sleep, less nights he has long endured; I believe ihaTyour Verdict will restore him to the bosom of ms friends pure suspectedjthai it will come as a meseogHr of peace io his family aud light up wnh joy the fireside of ms b ><ije, that n will come as a healing balm to the feelings ol his aged mother, who oow mom ns over her peisecu ed son: that it will c me t« the girl whom he has saved from the fl od as ao etidence that she may sail look tv him, and that he is still worthy to be a prolector to the orphan, Bu lam mbit anxious still for ’heprecedem whicti yoti judgment may establish in this comma oily. I believe a verdict for the plaintiff wd be the signal at which <en thousand sup now without “standing like grey hounds in the slips, straining on the startwilt be.lei louse, and rush into our courts o> justice! that it will open an avenue winch is to lead to ihe courts ot justice equally from the brothel and ihe violated num of .innocence; that it will tell the polluted positute that she is to stand ou ihe same level as the virtuous female; that it wili be a beacon to guide other abandoned women to the work of destruction aud compensation; and I know not where the ruin is to end, nor where the pestilence is to be stayed. Mr. Burrows isrthe vic* lim to day, but to.morrow you will be ar raigned, and the tears aud miseries of your wives and daughters will be mingled with yours. “I speak with a feeling which outsoars every other feeling, even that of interest for my client, I speak for the morals ol this great community, and I cad upon ■he court which, from its sitiuatiun, is placed far above the passions aud preju dices, and to stamp with their reproba tion, a proceeding sscfi as this. I call upon the court, when thq, voices of tho counsel aie silent, and when ibe accents of their eloquence, are still ringing in your ears, to do justice io the defendant, to weigh the testimony calmly and deiib erately before the jury, and like the pro phet of old, to stand between the living ■and the dead.” AW© W a g MONDAY, FEB. 24, 1834. (U* We have received no papers by the Nor thern Mail, since Friday last. We owe our Washington Correspondent an apology for publishing, what we know was not written with such an expectation. “ A Judge” solves the enigma, lately in the Courier, proposed by Pan. But we do not agree with our correspondent altogether in his solution. It is true, there are a few persons, who think the Devil is in a fiddle, yet they have a very small proportion to the liberal minded community, in which we live. We think there is a taste for Music in Augusta, and not urtcul -1 vated ears. This has been evidenced on va nous occasions; and we believe a competent, and, as our Correspondent Pan said, an atten tive Teacher, of Instrumental Music particular ly, would meet with ample encourgement. We are not certain, that there is a single Professor of Music engaged at present in teaching in this city. We have usually had about half a dozen. On Friday last, George W. Summers, was elected Assistant Clerk in the Branch of the State Bank, located here, in place of Henry Gorton, deceased. , Mr. McDuffie, expresses to his friends his fixed determination to retire from Congress af ter the present Session. Extract of t. letter to the Editor, dated, WASHINGTON CITY, Feb; 14th, 1834. Dear Doctor.:— In the way ot politics in fact I presume I can afford you not king new that you do not regu larly get through the agency of that veracious craft to which you baloag. It is the privilege, to be sure, of politicians to prophesy, and.profe ss to see as plainly into the future as the past But unless I possessed, like some of the pagan pt ophets, the power of assisting in the fulfilment of my own predictions, I shall not venture, in these days of uucettainty, to move ahead of the history of the times and foretell:Coming events. It is better '“to be wise after the fact'* than to be doubted now, and refuted hereafter. What then w ill be the precise result of our deliberations on the subject of the deposits, I profess not to know and will not venture to conjecture. There is one fact, however, about which few doubt —that is, that some hundreds of thousands will i>e “de posited” in the pockets of the members, whilst they are quarrelling about a place of safe-keep ing for the rest. A man possessed of a moderate share of the hu.abler virtues will not hav,e his ideas of the in tegrity of politicians much improved by a visit to Washington. I have almost come to the con clusion of the good Helvetius, that there are but two kinds of government;—the good and the bad. The good, that which has never been known,nnd the bad,(hat by which the people are plundered and sacrificed to the selfish projects and combinations of those in whom they confide. What a mistake a writer made when he said “politics constitute the morality of nations, and signify the knowledge of the means best adapted to frame laws beneficial to the community. Had he lived ai«t wrote in our time, he would lik.-Iy heve defined politics to be “ the art of securing political ascendency at the expense of the general weal.’’ Look at the Senate; instead of sustaining its high character as a deliberative body, temperate and dignified, it is a mere faction, made up of the wrecks of defeated parties an ! broken down politicians, who, after having exhausted their strength in mutual warfare, or sioglehanded against the ptesent Executive, have now, as the only hope of gaining honor, co alesced to seize upon the Government, and divide the spoil among them. These men are of every shade of politics f urn ultra consolidation to ultra nullifi cation, and thus repulsive in their principles, /will never agree long enough to make any ami cable division of the fruits of their victory, if they should obtain one. They have all equal cause of quarrel against the present Executive. He has broken the charm of the American Sys t"in, disturbed the exercise of the “ peaceable r.-medy,” and put his ‘'.veto” on the unequal and corrupting system of internal improvement, by which Mr. C. has been interr.ipte‘l in the re ceipt of the last instalment for which he sold the Valley of the Mississippi To the allies before named, may be added the auxiliaries, or mer cenaries,” as they are ca’led here, who go for the bank on its own account and would dissolve the Union rather than give up this favorite mo ney manufacturing corporation. The use these parties make of the “removal” begins to disgust even some of their own friends. They attribute to this measure any thing and every thing, and oubfl -ss themselves produce much of the dis ■cess which afflicts some portions of the commu nity You are perhaps apprised that I have always bought the removal, at the time it was made, an impolitic measure, and calculated to do some ■s. hies and no good; but it is equally clear iat. left alone, the removal, in ill own operations, vould scarcely have been felt by the community. But every influence is exerted to make the dis tress as afflicting as possible, that the actual ne cessity of the bank may be felt by the people. The bank itself has curtailed more than neces sary, and has assumed a sort of menacing attl titude towards local institutions, which makes them cautious of extending their accommoda tions. Debtors too will not pay, finding always a ready excuse in the “ pressure; creditors wdl not wait being compelled by the “ pressure” to make collections; and so you see that, by a va riety of compound and reciprocal combinations, the mischief is extended further than call ed for by the inherent errors of the measure it self. But still it was an error, no less mischiev ous in its effects on the northern section of the country. We stould never mestle with a tiger, or beard the lyon, when we can starve them to death. The monetary liu.b is the tenderest member cf the body politic, and should never be so roughly handled as to create unnecessary convulsions. If, then, the President thought the bank an evil, he should have been content with his negative power, to let the institution perish for the want of legislative action, by the renew al of its charter ; in which event the countr w'uuld have gradually, and without the influence of alarm and panic, prepared for the change, and all undue pressure and irregular action in winding up its affairs, would Have been attribut ed to the bank itself and not to the Government. As to the expediency of a National Bank, I am still unchanged in the opinion which I have long entertained, that we will find it very diffi cult to dispense with some national institution, so organized as to operate on exchange and curren cy, so long as the present paper issuing banking system exists unmodified. I am opposed, you know, to the whole paper system as now prac tised in the United States; and 1 have no doubt but the time is not far distant when the great mass of the people will open their eyes, and force ;1 modification that will give greater secu curity to their rights, and secure them in a more certain and progressive prosperity. The fact is, the system must be modified ere long, or we must prepare fo# the loss of our republican insti tutions. The inevitable tendency of it, is to create those two extremes of society which can not be ruled upon democratic principles. These are the views, I think, of many oft the warmest friends of the Administration, but they ask “what can we do?” The opposition have very fdroitly made this a question of existence or destruction with the Administration, and they say, with some appearance of reason, “we arc now reduced to the necessity of choosing bev tween the Administration and the bank.” Ido not concur in this view of the subject, this should never have beenmade an administia tion question. “Money is neither whig nor to rj, and the true friends of the President should oot hesitate to correct the diverging errors, whilst they firmly pursue the great and leading principles o r the Administration. If, however, they be right who suppose this question involves the safety of the Administra. tion, they are certainly right to adhere stiictly to its measures, notwithstanding they believe in the expediency of the bank, and the inexpedien cy of ihe laic measures having for their object its destruction. The bank we cau certainly dis pense with, though, as I think, with much in* convenience and some sacrifice. But with the present Executive, and the principles of his ad ministration, the last hope ol democracy is gone, and .the south must again be sacrificed to that unequal and prodigal system under which it has so often suffered. President Jackson is the only President-who lias had firmness or popularity enough, i-ince the days of Washington, to ad minister the government upon, national principles, and, making himself the President of all the people in the Union, to confine the action of Congiess to national objects.—lt would then ba a- loss to be deplored by the friends of economy and reform, if the present Executive should sink under the unpopularity of his late measures, which have been so adroitly seized upon by the powerful combinations against him. 1 should not ba greatly surprized, however, if this should be the result: for whilst the present state of uncertainty bangs over the country and the process of winding up the affairs of the bank continues, the distress must continue to operate with great severity on the nortli,ern and western States. The softtb will not feel it, I apprehenrl, at least not much. We depend on a foreign mar ket for our exports, and they cannot be material ly affected by the money market of this countryq We will doubtless hear much of •* hard times,’’ &c. but that is always a cry with us at a certain season, and particularly in a falling market. If our cotton be affected any thing by tlie measure of removal, it can only be a trifle, perhaps, by the depreciation of foreign exchange. It is pos sible that a small portion of the unusual reduc- tian of foreign exchange, at present, may be ate tribuied to (be anxiety of exporting merchants to realize, on their shipments, to answer press ing demands on them here, which demands they would perhaps find readier facilities in supplying by loan, but for present went of confidence in our home trade and the panic with tue banking institutions. But the greater portion of the fall in foreign exchange, if not the whole, may be attributed to the hasty rush of our exports to the European markets during the last quarter of 1833, which has swelled the supply of foreign ex - change, on the one hand; and the . ash duties, and short credits, which (it is stated by the ac counts of the nortnern merchants) have diminisbe ed greatly the usual imports at the same season, add which have therefore cut short the demand, oa the other. I will only add, that if this increase of supply and decrease of demand, does not account for the whole depression io foreign exchange, any other cause being contrary to the laws of trade, must, in its very nature, be temporary*' For it is admitted on all hands that ttnrt'ii. na scarcity of money- It was never more abun dant in the country, and the ballance of trade being in our favor, it is constantly flowing iq. [for THE GEORGIA COURIER.} WASHINGTON’S BIRTHDAY. Thete being no celebration of this day in the city, the Richmond Hussars, after the morning’s parade, marched out to the Turknett Springs to pattake of a Dinner there, prepaied for the oc casion. Notwithstanding the short time of pre paration, a rich and sumptuous entertainment was furnished, and a number of invited guests were present.—Lieut. Bones, Commanding Offi cer of the day, presided, assisted by Lieut. Stuart, as Vice President—and after the cloth was removed, the following regular and volun teer Toasts were drank with great warmth of feeling and applause,—the former having been prepared but just before, by a Committee ap pointed for the purpose. REGULAR TOASTS, 1. The Day we celebrate.— When farewell to Liberty, for its days are 2. The Patriots of'lQ. — May their names and worthy deeds be ever cherished in the hearts of freemen. 3. Washington.—First in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of bis country men. (Three cheers.) 4. Thomas Jefferson —Americans delight to do him honor. 5. The President of the United Stales. 6 O«lethrope—Georgians rtveie him. 7. The Richmond Hussars—May their bond of union ever be love of liberty aid social friendr ship. (Six cheers.) 8. The Union of the States— “ Millions for del-, fence but not a cent for tribute.” „ (Six cheers.) 9. The Army and Navy of the United States. 10. Lafayette—The Friend and comrade of Washington. (Three cheers? and Auld Lang Sf ae.£
