About Georgia courier. (Augusta, Ga.) 1826-1837 | View Entire Issue (March 21, 1834)
THE COURIER. BY J. G. M’WHORTEK. i TERMS- This Paper is published every MONDAY WEDNESDAY and FRIDAY Afternoon, at $6 per an COUNTR^PAPER—PubIished every FRIDAY afternoon at S 3 per annum,i n advance, or >4 at the expiration of Uj" k Subscriptions received for less lime than six months. “ EF ADVERTISEMENTS, not exceeding a square will t>e inierted the first time at 75 cis. per square and 37 1-3 far each continuance. _ Advertisements of one square, published Weekly, at 73 eents for the first insertion, and 50 eon,ts, or each con- Persons 1 advertising by tho year will be charged 30 dollars including subscription and will be entitled to one square in each paper. When persons have standing advertisements of several squares, special contracts may be made. tty Nj deductions will be made in future from these charges . All advertisements must have the number of insertions marked on them; otherwise they will be inserted till for. bid, and charged accordingly. SHERIFFS,CLERKS, and other public officers, wul have 2.5 per cent.deducted in their favor. The resolutions nf the Legislature of Massachusetts, in relation to the Public Deposiies, having been presented by Mr. Silsbee, and debate having arisen, as re ported in o»r last, and Mr. Webster having last addressed the Senate — Mr? KING, of Georgia, said, that, from the nature of the motion before the Senate, no member could feel himself called on to give at ieugth his views on the subject of the memorial from Massa chusetts, But, he said, he might be jus tified in following ihe example of others, so far as to express his opinions upon the without going at lengih into the reasons which might be expected to sus tain them. He said, then, he would state, that hejhad theretofore,and still believed, in the utility of a Bank of the U. S. for several reasons, but principally loafford a general, as distinguished from a local, currency; to afford and facilitate lic exchanges; to afford a safe place of deposite for the public treasure; and as sist the Government in the administra tion of the finances, and for the more im portant purpose of correcting the evils of the local institutions, which it is impossi. ble al that ti.no to cure. It is true, sir, said Mr. K., I never would have voted, as on an original ques tion, for the present or any similar Bank of the U. S. I believe the constitutional power of Congress, to chart'er such an institution, as extremely, at least as rea sonably, doubtful; and the only safe rule upon which we can act, in legislating up on constitutional questions, is always to give the constitution the advantage of our doubts. But,said Mr. K., I have thought myself, and all politicians ofiho present day, as relieved, in a great measure, from responsibility upon this point. Theqnes. lion has been decided and acted on by all the political parties who have governed the country, since the adoption of the con stitution. And what is more important wi.h me, it has been decided by the high est judicial tribunal known to ihe Go 'vernment, and having final jurisdiction of all questions arising under the constitu tion. Believing myself relieved, then, said Mr. K. from responsibility upon the constitutional points, 1 should deem my self free to act according to my views of expediency. I should, however, here remark, said Mr. K., that alihongh i believe the Peo ple and Government of the United States could do something better with a Bank, yel at the same time, I believe that, if we were entirely rid of the institution,we could do very well without it. And, said Mr. K. ,it is with wounded national pride, [ and with the deepest and most humiliating feelings of regret, that I have heard it so frequently announced on this floor, and readily echoed by so large a portion of the American People, that “the Bank of the U. S. is indispensable to the well being and prosperity of the People of the U. Slates.” If, indeed it be true, said Mr. K., that the spirit and energies of the People of the U. S. are reduced so low, that they can only crawl aud move by the breath and -strength affuidod them at the pleasure of a banking corporation; that they can stand only by leaning for support upon a monied monopoly; if it be true that the destruction of this bank pla ces the People, as stated by die Senator from Kentucky, in the unhappy condi tion of the animal subjected to philosophi cal experiment in an exhausted receiver, and without it thf y arc gasp and die : why, then, said Mr. K.. they are prepar edfor slavery—they will be, and they de serve to be, slaves. But no, said Mr. K., the prosperity of the people of this country, thank God, does not depend on the mere accident of a bank. Their aggregate prosperity de pends upon their economy and produc tive industry, and though a bank might be a useful agent to direct their resources, the aggregate wealth and productive in dustry would be not greatly changed by the operation of such an institution. Sir, said Mr. K , I deem it due to my self to be explicit on another point. This is, that the favor I now bear, and have ever bore, to a Bank of the United States is principally drawn from my hostility to the whole paper banking system, from beginning to end. Yes, sir, from its first modest conception, up to its present gross maturity and demoralizing corruption. I have over considered it, said Mr. K., as one of the most pernicious and wicked systems that ever was invented by the -moneyed and speculatings intererts,to tax the laboring and productive classes of the community. Mr K. said that he hoped to shew at some time, when the question might bo more directly before the Sen ate, that tine People were taxed by the operation of this system, without any eqaivoieat -advantage, to the amount of between five aud eight millions of dol lars per annum. Sir, said Mr. K., a few years since I was in conversation witu that great and good man, Sir James Mc- Intosh, of England, who asked mo to what cause I attributed the acknowledged , fact, that there were ten bankruptcies, to where there is one in any other portion of the world sustaining the same amount 2 of commercial interests, t answered him according to my conviction then, aud now, that it was owing to paper currency, and the abuses of tho paper banking sys tem, in this country. He answered me (hat I was right; and added, that he had “alwavs been astonished that a people so well acquainted with political economy, and at the same time so jealous of their liberties, and of that republican equality guarantied by their Constitution, as tho Americans certainly were, over should have suffered a system so hostile to all these objects, to be engrafted on the pol icy of the country.” Sir, said Mr. K. he was right. The political tendencies of the system are in direct hostility to the nature of our institutions, as well as in jurious to our national industry. I am then opposed, (said Mr. K.) to the system; but, under existing circum stances, what are we to du? If we can not cure the evil at present, we should endeavor to mitigate it. But I cannot agree with t.iose, [said Mr. K) who would do this by putting his foot upon the bead of the monster, when by the ve» ry surge they make to strangle it, they force up, with a sort of lever power, and with a mushrot m rapiditly, hundreds of others of the same genus, of more perni cious tendency. Sir, (said Mr. K.) with all the help of this national regulator,there are too many hands hold of our currency. A currency consisting principally of paper credit, should be handled with great del icacy. This was one of the cases, he said, in which too many physicians were apt to kill the patient. Currency (said Mr. KJ should be dug from the mine by the minor; coined and its value regulated by the Government; and earned, by the productive industry of the People. This is the only currency that will ever answer as a steady standard of value. He was surprised, he said, to hear gen'iemeh gravely assert that the Bank of the United States had estab lished a standard equally steady and uni form with gold and silver. There could be scarcely an apology, he said, fur s • gross an error, unless gentlemen were misled by a false comparison. They must compare currency with currency; that is, currency in one part of the coun try, with currency in another. They could certainly not consider, in such a proposition, the relation between the whole currency, and the wealth of the country which it represented. It may, perhaps, be assumed with safety, [said Mr. K.j that three-fouiths of the cur rency of the country consists of paper. To this extent, then, there is a latitude of expansion and contraction by the Banks—a power they constantly exer cise whenever policy dictates, or their interests tempt them. Hence, we see the quantity of currency ever fluctuating and changing, and the relative value of pro perty changing and fluctuating with it.— And therefore it is that we find the pro perty of the country always afloat on tho sea of uncertainty ; private fortunes so suddenly wrecked, and the wealth of in dividuals continually changing hands. Sir, said Mr. K. you will never estab lish a standard of Value that will ensure a steadyand progressive prosperity among the people, promise a sure and certain re ward to honest industry, until you estab lish your currency upon the steady prin ciple, that if a yard of cloth be worth 5 dollars, it is because it may be thought as good a business to make this yard of cloth as to extract five dollars from the mines. To conclude, said Mr. K. I think we should come to some action upou the sub ject before us, and settle it one way or the other. I admit there is great distress in many portions of the country. Yes, I will even admit distress in some of the Northern cities, in all tho degrees of comparison stated a few days since by an h norable Senator from Marylandi“Great distress; deep distress, unexampled dis tress.” But I beseech gentlemen to be content with the glory which alraady acquired by the briliaut displays of rhetoric, and etnply for a moment thaf sober reosoning power which tho God ot nature gave them, and judge truly what portion of this distress is to be attributed to the direct and necessary agency of the removal of the deposites. It is apparent to all that this measure has been the pre text rather than the cause es the mis. chief. Sir,said Mr.K.since the step was taken by the Executive, to which all the distress is constantly ascribed, I have travelled through four populous States in theSouth before I set out for this city. 1 heard a great deal o conversation from time to time upon this Executive measure 4* saw much notice taken of it in the pub. lie prints & must say,that the act, as one of expediency, was generally disapproved. Some thought it au act of injustice to the Bank, but the most common sentiment, Ithink, was, that whatever might be the claims or the conduct of the Bank, that it had great powers, and that this measure would afford a pretext to the Bank, and its fiiends for inflicting a great deal of in. jury upon the country, with a view to po litical effect. And with these sentiments, I believe agree a great majority even of (befriends of the Administration assembled at this Capitol; and I am hance disposed to believe said Mr. K (though I am an un practised politician,and mav be mistaken,) that, if it had not best suited the friends of the Bank to make this purely a party question, and even one of existence, with the Administration, that the deposites might have been restored before their ra moval could bo made the pretext for mis chief, by perhaps so large a majority as two-thirds of both Houses. He inferred this because he thought that the measure was generally condemned as inexpedient, for the reasons before stated. But never had he heard any where,or from any par ty, that by this measure the President trancended his constitutional powers or usurped tha whole powers ofGovernment, until these propositions were asserted in this Capitol. Such sentiments may have been expressed, but he bad cot before heard them. Yes, said Mr. K., 1 think this alarming discovery was reserved fur Senatorial sagacity, and was first made known here. And how Were the friends of the Administration met on this question, when they assembled at this Capitol. It was not proposed simply to correct an er ror, but to break down anAdministration; not simply to disapprove the eiror, if it was one,but to make it a stepping-stool to power. They asked the restoration of tho deposites, to be sure, but they asked this because, in their removal the dent violated the laws, usurped all the po oers o f Government, and trampled the Constitution under foot. To restore the deposites for such reasons was at once, as ntany thought, to give up the Administra tion as wholly unworthy a share in the Government. Thus driven to the wall, many thought themselves forced to choose between the Administration and the Bank. The present Administration professes and acts upon some great and leading princi ples of national policy, which they desire to see sustained, and which they consider of much more importance to tho happiness 4* prosperity of the people, than a Nation al Bank, or the restoration of the depo sites, the removal & restoration of which they look on hs mere measures of expe diency. If forced to a choice, then, they may naturally choose what they believe the greatest good, and support the Ad ministration, though they may think the removal in expedient at the time it was effected. And it cannot be disguised Mr. Presi dent, said Mr. K. that the footing upon which this question has been placed, and manner of treating it, has produced much the greater portion of the distress of which the people complain. Instead of of calmly debating this question as one of expediency, on which there was honest difference of opinion, the session had scarcely opened before the people hear from the Capitol that a dangerous revolu tion has been effected in their Govern, ment. “The premonitory symptoms of despotism are upon us, and the collapse is at hand,” says one. “Our liberty is lost, our Constitution is gone,” says a second. Despotism has triumphed over the free institutions of the country! all power is usurped and wielded by the hand of a tyrant,” says a third. “We are in tho midst of a revolution, bloodless, as yet, but behold the coming storm,” says a fourth; and so on. And in the midst of this Demosthenian pouring out of the shreds and patches of old Grecian ora tions, some noble patriot—some generous monitor—some disinterested friend to the people, doubtless, sits down perhaps in this chamber, I know not where, and de liberately writes letter after letter for pub lication in the Northern cities, Warning “the small capitalist to husband his little store.* 1 “The poor man, who might for tunately have a five or a ten dollar bill, to make a run upon tho bauks for specie, while specie was to be had;'& warning all classes “prudently to prepare’* for all the evils which usually follow a violent revolution. Well, sir, What is the instantaneous effect of alf this- terrifying stuff. Why, If Bluch er with his* Hussars, or Platoff with his Cossacks, had been within (he sound of the bugle, some of tho honest yeomanry of tho country could not have felt greater perturbation and alarm. Well, sir, they did as they were advised? many, no doubt from honest alarm, but a still greater num ber because they perfectly understood the quarter from which the alarm Was sound ed. The oracles had spoken, and the prediction must be fulfilled, It had been stated that the country was likely to bo ruined by the. measures of the Adminis tration, and it must be done. And who so blind as not to see, sir, the wicked a gencies and engines that have been wilful ly at work to bring the country into its present distressed candition. The “pres sure” has been made the pretext for de ranging the whole business of the country. Deposies have been withdrawn frequent ly from no real alarm fortheir safety,but to force rhe banks to curtail their debts, and make their customers feel the “pressure.” Specie has been also demanded with no other motive* Every species of bad failh has even been justified by no other excuse than ihe“pressure*” The creditor will nut wait, and the debtor will not pay, if they are opposed to the administration, and wish to increase the “pressure.-” The wealthy creditor, who has, perhaps 2 , been receiving interest on a loan for years, with no occasion fur the principal, and no ap prehension of its safety, demands his mo ney, that the debtor may feel the “pres sure.” The wealthy debtor, often with thousands of ready means in his coders, turns off ihe hones, mechanic with his bill: he cannot pay till the deposites are restored, and the “pressure” removed 1 The merchant, whose affairs have become troublesome, from embarrassment and want of means; who has, perhaps, been beau long keeping up appearances by all those contrivances which are resorted to ly men who trade mostly upon credit, in cluding the usual resort of drawing and re-draWing—men, I say, who, to use the mercantile phrase, are “hard ruu’*io make ends meet, and only wanting an honora ble excuse to fail—when they receive the magic touch of the “pressure,** they burst, like a bombshell, tottering and sha king all around who have had the misfor tune to bo connected with them. The settlement they find an easy one. The “pressure” accounts for their misfortunes, and at least from all good opposition men, they expect an honorable discharge. By these, 'hey are rather honored (han dis graced. They arc considered as failing in the cause of the country. Yes, sir, the “pressure” here, the “pressure” there* the “pressure” every where—for any thing and every thing that deranges trade, and destroys confidence, the “pressure” is a ready excuse, and saisfactory account. Can gentlemen reason seriously upon (he subject, and honestly conclude that all this alleged distress has been the ne cessary effect of removing the deposits? Gan the simple act.’of changing the place of deposits for oight millitons of the Gov ernment, produce all the distress which is witnessed in tho country. These sites,.by the by, wherever they be, do rapt constitute a fund upon which thePeo. pie should rely for accommodation. They do not belong to the Government, and are at all times subject to be drawn when needed by the Government. If they had been drawn out then, and put in no other Banks to discount on, the effect should not have been felt either by the Bank or the People. Yet it is gravely stated, that the removal of the deposites has pro duced the direct effect of depreciating the property of the country four hundred mil lions. I presume this is a very gross cal culation, and must be made up, I think, of a great number of items, or rather, it would bo something like the account of Sir Larry—6jd to the blind beggar and X7OOO for sundries. He might put down, perhaps, a trifle as the direct effect of this measure, but the balance he should make up by charging a few millions to his own speech ; a few millions each to many others ; many millions to the com promise bill, [if that could be called a compromise where’-Jall tho advantages were on one side) and the balance to the Bank. For the Bank, he said, had cer tainly, whether justified or not, for the present, produced the largest ite.n io the distress. This Bank, he said, from its posi tion and advantages, had monopolized inland exchange. This exchange was a sort of currency, which entered largely into the commerce of the country. It was a means of raising money by some, of receiving it by others, and, with many others, of continuing their business for a time (by drawing and redrawing) without any capital at all. The Bank, then, through its branches, famishing tho prin cipal conduits, through which the wealth of the country, to a great ex'ent, circula ted, has thought proper it is said, abrupt ly to tear them up, and leave the com merce, previously fed through them, to stagnate and perish. This Cause of em barrassment, it must be readily perceived, from its nature only temporary. Individ uals will do the same business, if the Bank withdraws f<om the competition, though probably not on quite as good terms as the Bank, when it has the advantage of the Government deposites, and distribu tion of the revenue. 1 will conclude by saying to the honor ble Senator from Massachusetts, that 1 think I shall vote for his project for a short extension of the charter of the Bank, pro. vided the modifications suit me. Hoping that it may quiet the country, and that, before the extension expires, the People will be preparing to dispense with the system altogether. Mr. WEBSTER said, he should be very unwilling to advocate the continu ance of the Bank of the United States as an indispensable agent, especially if it were to be regarded as the honorable gentleman from Georgia. (Mr. King) had looked upon it. He, Mr. W., had said, and he did think, that, in the present state df the country —looking to the mul titude of local Banks and tho great evils that were likely to result in consequence -»the agency off the U. S. Bank is indis pensable. But allow me (added Mr. W.) to say, that, in my view of tho matter, it is indispensable aS an instrument, as is the hoe and the plough to the husband tnan, or as the chisel and the plane to that body of mechanics who wore in tho Senate when I last had the honor of ad dressing it. Our Houses of legislation, our Execu tive magistrates,are indispensable far tho good of the people; but they,- too, are their instruments; they, too,-are their ser vants. And, because it is necessary to have au Executive magistrate, a Senate, a House of Representatives, does it fol low that the'people are slaves to the Exe cutive—are to crawl’before the Senate and the House of Representatives? God forbid 1 They are the masters of all. Mr. FORSYTH thought that the hon orable Senator from Maryland (Mr. Chamberr) had misunderstood his col league, (Mr. King,) in what he had stat ed about his never having heard com plaints made in regard to violations of law, before 2 coming to this city. That honorable gentleman had traced the dis tresses of the country to what had taken place io the Setfarte.* Now, be (Mr. Fj would have the Senator from Maryland to recollect, that Mr. Duane’s Letter had been published but the other day. He thought he would find no inconsistency in what had been stated by his (Mr.F’sJ colleague. Mr. CHAMBERS explained. He had distinctly understood the honorable Senator from Georgia, (Mr. KingJ as stating that a vote to restore the deposites would have passed by two-thirds. Mr. FORSYTH remarked, that, if the gentleman had so stated, he would have been entirely wrong; but that was not what he said. But he fMr. F.) would ask, was it not perfectly obvious to the honorable Senator, and every member of the Senate, that the question of the re moval of the deposites had been so mix ed up with other matters, so to give it an entirely different aspect, not only to themselves, but to the people of the Uni ted States? The restoration of the de posites would be a triumph in favor of that Institution, and which it was now struggling for against (he Administration —an Administration which was admitted to be the most popular that ever stood before the people. If the going down of the Bank were liable to inflict an inju ry so serious that the country wonld not be able to recover from it iu fifty years, it should have his (Mr. F’s) most decided opposition, because of the means which it was taking to wring from the people a recharter. He rose not merely for the purpose of vindicating his colleague, but also to no tice some observations that had fallen from the honorable Senator from Massa chusetts, (Mr. Webster.) He. would reiteratehis complaint of the delay which had occurred in bringing forward some proposition,and say that the reaioh given by the gentleman was insufficient; and the strongest proof that could be given of the justice of what he (Mr. F.) had said. The Senator had askedjipw could it be expected that any was to come from his side of the House,without know ing the'plans of the Administration? That, as soon as the committee of the Hoose of Representatives made their report,which seemed to be in accordance with the o pinions of the Administration, then, and not till then.could the Committee report. How, he (Mr. F.) would ask, did the honorable senator know they were the opinions of the Administration? Did he presume it because the Committee had had an official correspondence with the Secretary of the Treasury? That, by means of the official correspondence, he khew what the plans of the Administra tion were? And pray, had not a commit tee of the Senate, as well as of the House of Representatives, a right—was it not their duty, if they wished the information —to ask the Secretary of the Treasury for the plans of the Governmet t? He (Mr. F.) thought the honorable Senator had it in his poWer so obtain the desired information. But be (Mr. F.) under stood that no application had been mado far it, and thought the delay quite un necessary,and thd reason assigned by the honorable Senator proved that it was so. He had said also, that ha would be glad to get a plan from him (Mr. F.) Now, he Would to God if were in his power to produce one. His opinions on the subject had been disclosed, and, in making the disclosure, he had stated the impractica bility of reconciling his opinions with those entertained by other honorable gentlemen. lie (Mr. F.) would, as far as he was able, give them his aid in dis posing of the matter. So far as the ques tion wai directed to him [Mr. F.] as to what was going to bo done by the Admin istration, he would merely say, that he possessed no more information than other gentlemen npon that p' int. There was one remark made by the honorable Senator whichstruck him with tsome degree of surprise. He had stated, that the power of the people might oper ate directly so as to produce a salutary effect, independent of the ballot-box.— How, he [Mr. F.] would a k, was that? By the right of instruction? In some parts of the country, the representative recognised the right of receiving instruc tions from his constituents, and felt him self bound to obey. But, how was it in other portions of the United States? The representative conceived himsolf to be the trustee and agent ol those ‘who had sen him to the Legislature, and he was to judge of what is good for t em. The honorable Senator would peiceive that the Bank and the Administration do not stand on equal terms —fur the friends of the Bank do not admit the right of instruc tion,aud the friends of the Administration recognise it. The gentleman hid asked what evidence there was that the people were against the Bank? and he referred to the ofte’ri told tale of the late Presiden tial election.' How, he [Mr. F.J Would ask-i-were not the Votes of 9,000 people io Flilladelphia, some evidence of opin ion on rhe subject? Was not the over whelming change taking place in Petfn syivania, against iFie Bank,some evidence of the opinion of the people? There was eviden-ce accumulating every hour; and if tbegen'leman did not make his proposi tion soon to the Senate, he would find it was overwhelming, and Ito would be obliged to admit that public opinion is a gainst him. He (Mr. F.) hoped that the Senator wonld produce his bill at once; let it >_e printed, rn order that the Senate might proceed to legislate without fuither delay instead of discussing memorials. There was no dispute as to there being distress in some portions of the country. He wished to have the question decided on rhe resolutions of the honorable Senator from Kentucky, and then Senators would be able to see what could be done—whe ther or not the propositions of the gen tleman frdm Massachusetts could obtain a majority of both Houses.’ He (Mr. F.) thought it could dot.- He had already ad. verted to tho peculiar situation in which the Secretary of the Treasury was pin. ced; he could not, of course, come for ward with any plan, whilst the question was pending as to the correctness of his conduct in regard to this matter. He (Mr. FJ hoped the honorable gentleman would take the report of the other House, and apply to the Head of the Department,and, as soon as he should have received an of. ficial communication on the subject, it might be laid before the Senate, in order that Senators should have an opportunity of examining into the subject, and see what could be Mr. WEBSTER supposed there was no necessity to apply to the Secretary of the Treasury for his plan. Mr. FORSYTH said it was the usual course, when information was wanted, to apply to one of the Heads of the Depart ments. • Mr. WEBSTER had never known it to be the practice to call on the Secreta ry of the Treasury, under like circum stances to the present. He thought that that officer was to answer to the House. The gentleman from Georgia seemed to think that public opinion would be so overwhelming in favor of the Administra tion, and against those who held for the necessity of a Bank, that very soon there would be nothing to dispute about. Now, he (Mr. W.) did not intend to apply to the Secretary for his plan; but he would say, that the process of applying to the Government for relief was but just begun and the applications would be more nu merous from more distant places, aed would be pressed with much more ur gency of tone and manner. And be did think that we were to expect a case would arise in which the public wish would be «• clearly expressed, that relief must be given by some such measure as be had proposed. The Question was then taken, and the memorial refered, as moved, to the Com mittee ori Finance. IN THE HOUSE REPRESENTA TIVES, The Committee of Ways and Mean* made a 1 eport on the removal of'the. de posites, ’which concluded with the follow ing resnWHeost -• .J... utesaur* 4 1 Resolved, That the bank of the Uni. ted-States ought not be rechartered. 2 Resolved, That the Paiblic Deposites ought not to be restored to the. Banks of the United States. 3 Resolved, That the State Banks ought to be continued as the places of de posite of the public money, and that it is expedient for Congress to make further, provision by law, prescribing the mode of selection, the securities to be taken, and the manner and terms on’which they are to be employed. 4 Resolved, That for the purpose of ascertaining, as far as practicable, the cause of the commercial embarrassment and distress complained of by numerous citizens of the United States, iu «pundry memorials which have been presented to* Congress at th£ present session, and of in quiring whether the charter of the bank' of the United States has been violated? and also, What corruptionsand aborts have existed in its management; whether it has used its corporate power or money to con trol the press, to interfere in politics, of influence elections, and whether it has had any agency through its management or money, in producing the existing pres sure; a select commmitltee be ap pointed to inspect the books and ex amine into the proceeding* of the said bank, who shall report whether the pro visions of the charter have been violated or not; and also, what abuses, corruptions or mal-practices have existed in tho management of said bank; and that tho said committee be authorised to send for persons and papers, and to summon and examine in the affairs of the said bank and branches; and they are farther authorized to visit the principal bank, or any of its branches, for the purpose of inspecting the books, correspondence, accounts, and other papers connected with its manage ment or business; and that the said com mittee be required to report the result of such investigation, together with the evidence they may take, at as early aday as practical. FRIDAY. MARCH 2t, 1834. (GT It will be observed, that Saturday will close the exhibition of the splendid Painting of Adam and Eve in this city “ A Citizen” requests the attention of the proper Officers to the sittintion of the Lots on the South side of Ellis Street,between Marbury and McKinne Streets. THE DEATH OF ABEL The Raieli close theif engagement here od To-morrow Evening. By particular request, they will represent (o-hight the Death of Abel. This picture, or rather series of groups, is one of the most impressive representations we ever ■ Witnessed. It i's better than painting or statue* i ry, as the quivering lip, the blood rushing to the check, and the withering glance of the flash* Ing eye, transcend the cold image on the can* vass orthe lifeless marble. This is on the isms principle that a play, or if you please, a sermon, read in the cld'set, has not the effect of one whose sentimen’ts are urged home upon the heart fr.m the stage or pulpit, by the impassioned tones of eloquence, and the animating gestures of the orator. You see the one, but feel the other. In the representation of the Death of Abel, there are six or eight pictures presented by the actors, each of which lasts about one min* ute, presenting a striking crisis in the bloody drama of the first murder. The change from one to another is but the work of a half second, and follows the Scripture history with literal accuracy. None can witness its exhibition without increasod detestation of violent acts—in ’ fact, without growing better; and, therefore, as this may be the last opportunity they will have, it is natural we should wish our friends to sea it. The N ew York papers contain letters, making out the “ pressure” from their country cones* pondents. The following is to a house in thin’ city, and may form a model for future writers/ Dear Sir : I rec’d yours of the Ist inst. saying that the holders of my note were about bringing suit against me. Tell them, if they cannot wait 10 ‘ or 12 days, to come up and see me.l live at home, ' and am able to pay my debts. 1 shall lie down, '• if the roads improve, on Monday, 23d inst. The William Gibbons arrived at New-York on Friday last, whence she sailed on next day at ’ 4 o’clock, P. M. She brought no news of any material importance. She reached Charleston ' on Tuesday night about l2*o’dlocU< ■■ « i The President yesterday, says the National Intelligencer of the 21st inst. re-nominated to the Senate the three persons lately rejected as Government Directors of the Bank of the United States. THE RACES. The Sweepstakes was won on Wednesday by' Mr. Phinizy’s colt,Paulina, 3years old, a single dash of 2 miles, beating Little Venus un der the whip several feet. It is remarkable t)ovy the knowing ones have been disappointed in the result of the different contests so far. The hors* es which came here with such disheartoning re* putatioo, have been met end beaten, by almost unknown competitors. Mr. Phinixy’s colt, we believe, had no name till after the race, but now she has a big one. The Duke of Argyle had • great name, but no reputation. Now be is worth SSOOO to his owner. The fact is, that the pos session of a horse by certain individuals gives him character at once. Did ever Cd- Johnston* ” * -bardson, or Singletttft have
