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THE COURIER.
BY J. C, M’VVHORTER.
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THE STATE EX RELATIONE, 1
Edward M’Ckady
vs, (
Colonel B. F. Huxt, Commanding!
15th Regiment, South-Carolina Militia. J
Tho Members of lhe Legislature, who
were elected on the 15ih of October,
1832, at on extrp session, on the twenty
sixth day of October, passed an Act to
provide for the calling of a Convention
of the People of this State, lhe Premble
and first Clause of which arj as follows:
Whereas,/he Congress of the U. States
hath, on divers occasions, enacted laws
laving duties and imposts-for tho purpose
of encouraging and protecting domes ic
or American manufactures, and for other
unwarrantable purposes; which laws, in
the opinion of the u<iod people of this
State, and the Legislature thereof, are
unauthorized by the Constitution of the
United States, and are an infringement
of the rights reserved to the States res.
pectively, an J operate to the grevious in
jury and oppression of lhe citizens of
South Carolina. And whereas, to the
State assembled in Convention, it be
longs to determine the character of such
acts; as well as the nature and ex ent of
the evil, and lhe mode and measure of
redress: .
Be it therefore enacted, by the Senate
and House of Representatives of the
State of Sou.h Carolina, now met and
sitting in General assembly, and it is
hereby ordained by the authority of the
same, That a Convention of the people
of the Said State, shall be assembled ai
Columbia, on the third Monday in No
vember next, then and there to take into
caasideralion, the several Acts »<f the
Congress of the United Stales, imposing
duties on foreign imports for the protec
tion of domestic manufactures, and for
other unauthorized objects; to determine
on the character thereof, and to devise
the means of redress; and further, in like
manner, to take into consideration such
acts of the said Congress laying duties on
imports, as may be passed in amendment
of, or substitution for, the act or acts
aforesaid, and also, all other laws and
acts of the Government of the United
States, which shall be passed or done,
for the purpose of more effectually exe
cuting and enforcing the same.
The Convention at Columbia, on the
18th March, 1833, passed an Ordinance
entitled An Ordinance to nullify an Act
of the Congress of the United States, en
titled “An Act further to provide for the
collection of duties on impoits,” com
monly called the Force Bill, containing
a separate clause in the following words:
—“We do further ordain and declare,
that lhe allegiance of the citizens of this
Slate, while they continue such, is due to
lhe said State; and that obedience only,
and not allegiance, is due by them to any
other power or authority, to whom, a
controul over them has been, or may be,
delegated by the Stale; and that the Gen
eral Assembly of the said State, is here,
by empowered from time to time, when
they may deem it proper, to provide for
the administration of the citizens and of
ficers of tho State, or such of lhesaid offi
cers as they may think fit, of suitable
oaths or affirmations, binding them to the
observance of such allegiance, and ad.
juring all other allegiance; and also to
define what shall amount to a violation of
their allegiance, and to provide the pro
per punishment for such violation.”
By an Act passed on the 19ih day of
December, 1833, entitled “An Act to
provide for the Military organization of
this State,” it was enacted as follows.—
“In addition to lhe oath now required by
law, every officer of lhe Militia, hereaf
ter elected, shall before he enters <»o the
duties of his office, take and subscribe,
before some person authorized by law to
administer oaths, the following oath;
“I, A. 8., do solemnly swear, (or affirm,
as the case may be) that I will be faith
ful and true allegiance bear to the State
of South-Carolina.”
On lhe 28'h of Fcbruiry,lß34, Edward
M’Crady was elected Lieutenant <»f the
Washington Light Infantry, a military
corps in the city of Charleston, aud ap"
plied for his commission, which Colenel
Hunt, the commanding officer of the
Regiment, refused to grant, unless he
would take the above oath: which he re
fused and applied to Judge Bay, for a rule
to show cause why a Writ of Mandamus
should not issue, to require the said Col.
Hunt to deliver to the plaintiff his com.
mission.
His Honor, upon hearing the case, dis
missed lhe rule; and from his judgement
the plantiff appeals, and moves the Court
of Appeals to reverse the order made by
Judge Bay, and to make the rule absolute
and takes in support of his motion the
following grounds:
First. That it is a violation of the
Constitution of the State, to require the
appellant to take the oath contained in
jhc Military Bill. Because the 4<h Ar
ticle of tho Constitution declares, that
“All persons who shall be chosen or ap
pointed to any office] of profit or trust,
before entering on execution thereof,
shall take the following oath; —“I d<>
swear or affirm, that I am duly qualified,
according to the constitutioa of this State,
to exorcise the office to which I have
been appointed, and will, to the best ol
my abilities, discharge the duties thereof,
and preserve, protect and defend the
constitution of this State, and of the U.
States.” And that so much of the Mili
tary Bill as goes to add to or alter the
foregoing oath, or to impose any other
oath of office, is, therefore, uoconsiiitur
tional and void.
Secondly. That the authority of the
Legislature, to enact the oath contained
in the Military Bill, cannot be derived
from the Ordinance of 1833, for the fol
lowing reasons:
1. That the terms of the Ordinance
arc not pursued,nor its authority referred
to, in the enactment of lhe said oath; uor
does it appear, with certainty, that the
oath contained in the Military Bill, is an
oath binding the citizen to the observance
of such allegiance as the Ordinance de
fines.
2. Because the convention did not
Authorize, and in fact could not authorize
the Legislature to over-rule the constitu*
tion, by changing one of its articles,wi.h*
out conforming to the Rule, by which
ail amendments to the constitution must
take place. And for this proposition,
the appellant has the authority of the
same Legislature, who,by bringing in and
passing a Bill to change the constitution
in this behalf, have confirmed and ratified
this construction.
3. Because the convention, in under
taking to define allegiance, and to estab,
lisli a test oath, exceeded their powers,
as those matters aie not within the ob
jects for which they were called.
4. Because the Ordinance itself is
clearly repugnant to the constitution of
the United States, and, therefore, null
and void.
MONDAY, 3lsl March, 1834.
Present, Justices Johnson and Harper.
MR. PETIGRU’S ARGUMENT.
A case that has excited so deeply the at
tention of the community will no doubt re
ceive the most serious consideration
of the Court. To say that it is a Con
stitutional Question is enough to make it
understood that the subject is one of the
highest concern and interest; for a ques
tion of constitutional law exceeds in im
portance the discussion of a private right,
as much as a general rule is of more im
portance than a particular decision. And
if there is any thing of which we may be
juuly proud as an improvement in lhe
science of Government, it is that Ameri
can innovation, by which the Judiciary is
made co-ordinate with the Legislature,
and the injured are authorized to appeal
from the Law to the Constitution. Nor
can any case be imagined more worthy
of the exercise of this high and solemn
duly of the Judiciary than this, in which
the decision must affect, not merely the
freedom of an individual but the right of
many thousands of tho people of this
country to be accounted free—in which
not the inheritance of a few acres only,
but the birthright and portion of every
man who does not subscribe to the pre
vailing creed, are at stake. The parties
to the Record are Mr. M’Crady and Col.
Hunt—and the office about which the dis
pute arrises is one of minor importance,
an office, not only of small account in it'
self, but in the eyes of the parties per
fectly insignificant, in comparison with
the principles which are involved. Be
tween the patties to lhe Record there is
in fact no dispute. Col. Hunt consents
to make the question for the sake of all
who have an interest in common with the
Plaintiff: and Mr. M’Crady pursues
his right in behalf of thousands of
his fellow citizens, for the purpose
of testing the validity of a law,
which incapacitates them from office.—
This civil incapacity with which we are
menaced extends not merely to offices in
the militia but to all places of power and
trust under the authority of tho State; and
not to the right of holding office merely;
but to every constitutional and civil pri
vilege. For by the Ordinance of 1833,
the principle ofdisfranchisoment is adopt
ed in the broadest terms of tyranny: and
though the disability in question applies
in this instance to military office only,
there is nothing to prevent too extension
of the principle to all civil rights and im
munities whatever.
The Oath which Mr. M’Crady is re
quired to take is in the following terms:
“I swear that I will be faithful and true
allegiance bear to he State of South-Car
olina.”—and he refuses to take it, be
cause he acknowledges allegiance to the
United States, as well as to lhe State of
S. Carolina, and the authors of this oath
by their authorittve construction, have
declared that allegiance to (he State is
and shall be equivalent to abjuration of
allegiance to the United States. The
terms of the Oath itself may not suggest
(he objection. The text may be ambigu
ous, but the commentary removes all
doubt. Behold then the alternative to
disfranchisement, which is submitted to
the citizen—to subscribe to a party test
or to swallow an ambiguous oath.
Allegiance is derived from the barbar**
ous latin word ligeantia— it is peculiar to
the English law and there we must look
for its proper signification. Fortunately
we are at no loss for the most ample in
formation concerning tho character of
allegiance in the monarchy which is its
native soil. In Calvin's case 7 Co. lit
forms the subject of one of the most cu
rious and elaborate arguments among
the judicial discussions of that period. It
is called the Bond of Subjection between
the Prince and his subject; the tie by
which the monarch holds his vassal, and
by which he draws him from the remotest
corner to which he can retreat. A chain
which none but the royal hand can hold,
and which the subject can never shake
off. It is lhe same in effect with liege
homage, an abject ceremony which fur
nishes a striking illustration of the feudal
origin of allegiance, and the profound
subjection which it implies. “For when
the tenant sljaif ipake fiotnage to his
Lord he shall be engirt and his head un
covered, and his Lord shall sit, and ten
ant shall kneel before him on both his
knees, and hold his hands'jointly together
between the hands of his Lord, and shall
say thus “I become your man from this
day forward of life and limb, and of earth
|y worship, and unto you shall be true
aud faithful.” And then lhe Lord so sit
ting shall kiss him.” In simple homage,
thetc is a reseivation; as thus, “saving the
faith. I owe our sovereign lord the King.”
But in liege homage, which differs only
in this, that it is performed to none but
the Sovereign, there is no such saving.
(Co Lit. 64b—1 HH. 65 ) From Cal
vin’s case and the common law authori
ties, we learn that the qualities of allegi
ance, are; that it is natural, universal and
perpetual—and due exclusively to lhe
King in his natural person. So intimate
ly is the original idea of allegiance con
nected with royalty, that it is said by
Lord Coke to belong to lhe King as an
attribute proprim quarto modo— that is—
to the King, and to the King always; to
every King, and to none but the King—
omni solo semper— 7 Co. 12a.
In strict propriety of language, alle
giance to lhe State, like citizen King, is
nothing more than a misnomer. No
phrase can be less apt to express the duty
of a citizen, whose obedience belongs to
the law; than a word which implies most
strongly and emphatically reverence and
subjection to the person of the sovereign.
We can easily conceive why our ances
tors excluded from the Constitution of
the United States as well as from that of
South Carolina, a word connected with
so many heterogeneous associations as
allegiance; the wonder is that the noble
example of plain dealing and simplicity!
which they have left us, should be lost on
their successors; and that we should see
at the present day, suchlan anxiety on lhe
part of some people to put on the cast
off finery of the Royal Livery.
There is no doubt however, that when
terms which express the relation between
King and Subject are adopted into the
laws of a Republic; they must be received
in a new sense, with a modification of
meaning corresponding to the altered
character of the Governmeut. And so
in fact we find lhe term allegiance used
in some of the States. Neither do we
deny that the State may require an Oath
of Allegiance from her citizens. At least
there is as much propriety in speaking of
ellegiance to the State, as ot allegiance
to the United States. No one supposes
that the government of the United States
is supreme beyond the sphere plainly de
fined by the constitution; Neither does
any one deny that the State is surpreme
within its proper sphere of action As
to the boundaries of power between the
Federal authorities and the State author
ities, meu have disputed from (he dawn of
the constitution tothe presentdayzandfrom
the assumption of lhe State deb's,in 1790,
tothelast deba'eon the incorporationof the
Bank of the United States, the acts of the
General Government have been assailed
and defended on the same ground ; and
troth requires us to add that South Caro
lina has been on every side of the same
question. But that the Siatos, in the
language of Mr. Madison, retain a resi
duary and inviolable sovereignty over all
objects, not embraced within the powers
of the General Government has never
been denied, amidst all the changes and
contentions of party, at least not by any
men or set of men, considerable enough
to obtain for their opinions any general
attention. If the oath in question,there
lore, stood alone, or upon the words of
the Military Bill only, we should without
hesitation construe the obligation which it
imposes,as an oath of fidelity to lhe State,
commensurate with its reserved sover
eignty, and consistent with an equal fidel
ity to the United States, within the
sphere of the constitution. But if the
State authorities have set their own defiui
lion on this term ‘allegiance,’ we are not
at liberty, in the oath under considera
tion, to construe it in any other way: and
no honest man can take the oath in any
other sense than that,which it would bear,
if this word were omitted, and lhe corres
ponding terms of the definition inserted
in its place. Now the fact is that the
authors of this measure have set a defini
tion on the word allegiance which makes
it to all intents and purposes a term of
art, to express certain controverted opin.
ions concerning the nature of the consti
tution of the United States, and renders
the oath in question a complete criterion
of party —in one word, a Test Oath.—
There is I apprehend a mistake that
some people are very liable to fall into,
in speaking on this subject by confound
ing test oaths with religous persecution;
for many persons seem to imagine that
lhe new oath is not a test oath, because
it does nut interfere with religious liberty.
But in fact, all test oaths are political,
not religious, in their objects; and if Test
Acts do sometimes put the principle of
exclusion on religious opinions, it is not
against sech opinions as offensive to Hea
ven, but as dangerous to the state that
they are directed. In the age of perse
cution, a sincere but misguided zeal for
the honor of God, led to the. punishment
of the heretic, whether he outwardly con
formed or openly disented. But test
oaths were the growth of a later age;they
were not exacted pro salute animi— for
the spiiitual welfare of people in office;
but had their rise, as will as whatever
justification was ever attempted of them,
in considerations of public safety. The
Union of Church and State, and the
King’s supremacy sufficiently account for
the connexion, real or supposed, between
lhe secuiity of the State and the exclu
sion from office of those whose religious
opinions were at variance with the ma
jority. The Dissenter and the Catholic
wore against the Church, and the Church
was part of tho Siate. It was in vain
that they were willing to give any and
every assurance of their fidelity Io the
State as distinguished from the Church
for their interests were inseparably con-
nected, and the distinction could not be
admitted. In like manner, the Union
Party are willing to give any satisfaction
of their devotion to tho State within its
constitutional sphere, but the} difficulty
lies in acknowledging an absolute fsupre
macy—in subscribing to a declaration that
Gov. Hay no is supreme head of the
Church upon earth.
In Mr. Locke’s Works, we find an ac
count of the Test Oath of 1675, by a
masterly hand. It runs in these words—
‘l do declare that it is not lawful, under
any pretence whatever, to take up arms
against the King—and that I do abhor
that traitorous position of taking arms by
his authority against his person, or against
those who ate commissioned by him, in
pursuance of such commission; and Ido
swear that I wi’l not at any lime endeavor
the alteration of lhe Government in
Church or State.” This oath would suit
the present times without any alteration
besides that of putting States for King:
And lhe authors vs our Test Uath only
repeat, what the Courtiers of Chai les lhe
Second said before them; that the public
safety requires the Oath; and that no one
should complain of being excluded by it;
because no one is fit to be trusted, that is
not willing to swear to truths so plain,
and to principles so clear. Yet the ver
dict of poster ity has stamped the age of
Charles the Second with its lasting repro
bation;and those who, upon a small scale,
are uow making a similar use of power,
may do well to bear in mind that they are
copying an example from the worst of
men, aud the worst of times.
(To be Concluded.)
THE MYSTERIOUS ROBBER
OR THE STOLEN WATCH.
The following was related to us a few
days since by a gentleman of New York.
A singular robbery recently took place,
in our city, the circumstances conected
with which have produced quite a sensa
tion. One of the mostrespectable phys
cians in New York, who resides in the
upper part ofßroadway. was while atten.
ding the Italion Opera one evening, a
few weeks since, robbed of his watch.' It
was a family piece, and had been handed
down from father to son for several gen
erations — hence it was prized far beyond
i s real value. In order to regain it, if
possible, the physician advertised for it
in several of the public journals of the
day, offering one hundred dollars for its
recovery, and “no questions to be asked J
the person who should return it.” A
few days after the publication of the ad- ,
vertisemetit; he received a note through
the post office, stating that if he would
appear in lhe bar room at the Opera
house at a certain hour on a designated
evening, the watch would be returned.
The physician laughed at the note, pro.
nounced it a quiz, but, nevertheless, so
anxious was he to gain his watch, thar he
cherished the faintest hope open the sub
ject,and determined to attend the opera.
Accordingly, at lhe hour designated, he
appeared in the bar room, and after look
ing round upon the company for a few
minutes, without observing any one who
seemed desirous of an interview, return,
ed into one of the boxes. Still anxious,
however, he a few minutes after again
passed into the bar room. It was com
paratively vacant, but he had been there
but a few seconds when fine, tall, a gen
tee ly dressed young man came up to him,
and witit a silvery voice and affable man.
ner inquired (he hour. The physician
hesitated a minute, cast an inquisitive
glance upon tl e stranger, and observed,
with somewhat of iritation, that some
scoundrel had a short time before robbed
him of his watch.—“lndeed!” cooly re.
plied the stranger, and drawing an old
fashioned gold watch from his pocket; he
held it before tho physician, and with a
smile observed, the true time, I believe
•Sit!”
The physician immediately recognized
the stolen watch, and made an effort to
grasp it. The stranger stepped back a
few paces, and cooliy observed that “lie
had attended the opera as a man of hon.
or expecting to meet a man of honor.
You advertised your watch,” he contin.
ued, and pledged yonr honor as a gentle
man to rewaid with one hundred dollars
the individual who should return it to you.
We meet, therefore, so far as the law is
concerned, upon natural ground. Here
is your watch, sir. My part of lhe con
tract is fulfilled, and I appeal to you as a.
gentleman to perform yours.
The physician hesitated—was evidently
confused and agitated. After a moment’s
pause he took lhe watch, stated that he
did not expect to meet the author of the
note addressed to him—confessed that he
had not provided himself with the money,
but pledged bis word that if lhe stranger
would accompany him to his residence,
lhe reward should immediately be paid.
“Without hesitation,” said the stranger,
and putting his atm through that of lhe
physician, the two walked out of the o
pera house and up Broadway to the resi
dence ofjthe latter,who promptly handed
the supposed robber a hundred dollar
note. He politely bowed and depart
ed.
It is further stated that the physician
felt much curiosity to discover the stran
ger—conversed freely upon the subject
with his friends, and indeed endeavored
to detect him in every way possible with
out having recourse to the police office.
About a fortnight after the recovery of
his watch, and on one of the stormiest
nights of the season, the bell at the phy
sician’sdoor was rung with great violence.
It was near midnight —the wind howled
and the streets were flooded, the water
running above the gutters, and rendering
even the side walks almost impassable.
The servant roused from his sleep, hur
ried down stahs, opened the door, and
ushered an old man into the hall, who, in
the most pressing and startling manner
demanded to be shewn to Dr. S. in pri
vate. The Doctor was abruptly sum
moned, and expecting soma urgent case
demanded his immediate attention, hur
ried down to his study, into which the
old man had already been ushered. He
immediately commenced stating a case ot
extreme distress—said that his wife was
subject to temporary fits of madness, and
had just been seized with a paroxysm of
the most violent character. He proceed
ed to give an account of the history of the
case, but before he had entered deeply in
to the details, threw off the cloak in
which he was inveloped, and the wig in
which he was disguised, and stoed before
the physician as the stranger of the oper
a house—the fair faced, gentle voiced
young man from whom be had received
his watch.
The physician started back with aston
ishment—lhe stranger continued, “I have
chosen a stormy night for this visit, sir,
but however calm my demeanor,youthful
n»y features, or composed n»y mind, my
life is necessarily one of storm: ft is
now a fortnight since we met , and have
you redeemed your promise to receive
your watch and ask no questions—im
plying that you sought your property a
lone and not the vengeance upon the
wretch—lknow tke meaning of the phrase
—whowas forced by the accursed destiny
to seem a thief? Can yon, before God
and your conscience,affirm that you have
acted a generous part —honorable part?
You cannot I tell you in this shadowy
room—at this midnight hour—th it you
cannot. You have described me—my
person—my appearance—mv manner to
a hundred of your particular friends; have
done every thing but visit the office of
the police with a detailed account of my
person and the whole transaction: Yon
have forfeited your honor, and even
now through your confidential represen
tions,the ministers of justice—the myrmi
dons of the police—are eager for my ar
rest, —are hunting me with the spirit of
tigers seeking for a victim, Sir, beware!
You provoke a desperate man when you
make me your foe. lam no thief—l did
not filch from you the watch that I res*-
tored to you. Again I say beware. 1
know you thoroughly and wish you well.
But villianas I may be, I may not be
hunted down with impunity.”
A minute more, and the doctor was a
lone in his chamber. The young robber
is yet at large.— Phil. Enq.
From the Federal Union.
THE CHEROKEE BILLS.—The
Western Herald affirms, that ‘the state
has no more interest in the final decision
of these questions than it has in the final
decision of any other cases arising undei
grams in any other section o country.’
These bills sought to establish the po
sition, that the Cherokees are the exclu
sive ownersand sovereigns of all the ter
ritory composing the ten Cherokee coun
ties, and that Georgia has no right to dis
pose of any portion of that soil, or to ex
tend her laws over that country; they
broadly intimate, that the Indians will
hereafter deny the jurisdiction of the
courts which have been organized in
those ten counties; and relying on their
sovereign rights,and suborning to the Ju
risdiction of the state only in these parti
cular cases, they pray that lhe state’s a
gem, and citizens of Georgia holding
grams from the state, may be enjoined,
“from all disturbance of the peacelul, ex
clusive, and uninterrupted possession” of
ceitain lands occupied by the complain
ants: and that thoy may be quieted in the
peaceable enjoyment thereof,” —The In
dian bills had been sanctioned by the
judge; and therefore reason to appre
hend, that the principles on which they
weie framed, would be established by
the decision of the court. These princi
ples, when established, could not be res
tricted to those cases; but would operate
in all cases to which they are applicable.
They would not only invalidate every,
gram issued by the state, for land in the
ten new counties but would utterly over*
thow the administration of the laws ol
Georgia, both in civil and in ctiminal ca
ses, in all those counties. It well became
an able, vigilant, and patriotic chief mag.
istrale, to employ all lhe constitutional
jneans in bis power, to prevent the es
tablishment, by the judiciary, of princi
ples so fatal to the peace and good order
of ten counties, and so hostile to the sov
ereigmy of the state over that portion of
her territory. For this purpose it was
proper aud necessary for him to employ
counsel.
T<» the erroneous position which we
have exposed, the Western Herald adds
“but we have been informed upon the best
authony, that Messrs. Cuthbert and
Kenan have been retained, each with the
above-named fee,” of one thousand dol
lars, “to be paid out of the 1 reas*
*ury, and that the Governor expects to.
get an appropriation by the next Lt-gis
laiure to discharge lhe same.” This in
formation of which the Herald speaks, is
erroneous; and we ask for the authority,
on which their statement is made. Be
sides much larger fees given by t-he In
dians to Messrs. Underwood and Harden,
their original counsel, we have been in
formed that the Indians gave a fee of a
thousand dollars each, to Messrs. Rock
well and Hansel, additional counsel em
ployed by them; but no such fees have
been paid or promised by the governor.
He has employed counsel who will make
no improper charge: and such fees as are
just and reasonabe he feels authorized to
pay out of the contingent fund, an appro
priation made by the last legislature, and
placed under the control of the executive,
to be employed according to his best
judgement, in defraying those expenses
which the interest of lhe state might re
quire to be incurred, but which could
not be foreseen by the general assembly.
Thus it is seen, that the opinion of the
Western Herald, with regard tothe char
acter and importance of these bills, is
erroneous; and that the information on
which it relies, is false.
One thing The nullifiers
have evinced a deep interest in /he suc
cess of these Indian claims to the sover-
eignty and soil of the ton counties; aod
are grieved at the measures adopted by
the governor to defeat those claims, and
the success which has crowned his ef
forts.
In of Representatives, Mr.
Mason, of Virginia, after Mr. McDuffii
had concluded his speech, addressed the
Chair as follows : •
It will be remembered,sir, in the com.
mencement of the brilliant and powerful
effort, which has just received such fixed
and merited attention, the honorable gen
tleman from South Carolina alluded, with
somewhat of reproach, to the only par
liamentary measure by which a legisla
tive assembly can restrain discussion, or
compel a decision of a debated question,
however essential to the public interest.
He called it, sir, a “signal of retreat.”
1 am not a military man, as is that gen
tleman: But if 1 may bepertnitted to use
his martial figure, I would call it the
stern order of “charge bayonet,” to which
the most skilful general has sometimes to
resor., to terminate a protracted conflict
and bring a manoeuvring adversary to de
cisive action. I feel assured that there
can be no just ground of complaint, if, in
the very presence of the blaze of his elo
quence: if, having received the unanswer
ed fire of that tremendous park of artille
ry which that gentleman supplies and com
mands, those who approve the resolutions
of the committee are willing to abide this
decisive charge.
It cannot be necessary, sir, that I
should remind the house, how long the
subject of this debate has been under
consideration; how injuriously the uncer
tainty of its result effects the business of
lhe whole community; how necessaryjt
is, as far as may bo, by our decision, to
allay the agitation and excitement which
distract the country. Li my poor judge
ment, the time has come, when our du
ty requires a definitive disposition of this
gieat aud absorbing question. Impelled
by a sense of du y, 1 demand lhe Previ
ous Question.
Awews w
FRIDAY, APRIL 25, 1834.
W« commence to day the publication of the
Reports of the differ ent Bat.ks of this State.made
tothe Governor, on the Ist inst. We shall fin
ish them as early as possible.
We expected something later from N. York
By the David Brown, at Charleston; but she
had not arrived there yesterday morning. Our
only hope, therefore, of news for our readers to
diy is extinct. '1 his is a sad predicament tor n
printer. We are studying, whether it might not
be as well for him to be without money, as with,
out news. Heigho !
The Union Society” of Savannah, whose
principal aim is the education of otj’han Loys*
held its 84th anniversary meeting on the 23-1
inst The anniversary oration was delivered by
Col. Howell Cobb, of Cherokee county, Ga.
We are authorised to state that the Conven’
tion of Judges will meet al Milledgeville on the
fourth Monday in June next.
N. B. The papers throughout the State are
desired ta insert the above, for the information*
of the public generally.— Times
The steampacket Virginia, Capt. Rollins, is
advertised in the Baltimore papers, to leave
Norfolk for Charleston, on 21th and on her re
turn to leave Charleston Thursday, Ist May, con_
tinumg her trips regularly, starting every Thurs
day alternately, from Norfolk and Charleston.
Letters of the 15th inst. from New York, re
ceived yesterday, state that Exchange on Lon--
don had experienced a decided advance, the
Bank having fixed it at 4 per cent. prem.; pri
vate Bills 3£.
Dennis Prieur, Esq has been elected May
or, and John Cui.bert4on, Esq. Recorder, of
the city of New Orleans.
Mr. Clay states that about $30,000 of the
Government money, including §20,000 of the
“ sacred” Pension Fund, are lost by the recent
bank failures in the District.
The venerable Alexander Brown, the head of
the well known mercantile firm of Alex. Brown
Sons, died at Baltimore, 14th inst. aged 70.
After the sitting of the Coinm’ttee of the credit
ors of the Bank of Maryland, Ist inst, says the
American, Mr. B. in conversation on the money
ed distress of the times with one of the members*
remarked with much emphasis, that “ he would
not permit one solvent merchant in Baltimore to,
fail.” The same night he was attacked with,
the illness which caused his death, but there i»
no doubt th it had his valuable life been spared
his ample wealth would have been freely em.
ployed in the noble purpose which he then,
avowed.
FOR THE COURIER.
Mr. Editor;
When I was a lad, I used often to hear peo» v
pie say, “ don’t do as I do, but do as I say.’»*
Now, sir, the worthy Editor of the Chronicle. v
has given cause to reverse the adage; for, not»
withstanding his unkind remarks in the paper of
Wednesday, he not only went to see the show, but
actually oontributed of his substance to aid the
object. CONSISTENCY.
Extract of a letter received at New-York, by lhe
Sheffield.
LONDON MARCH 7 —We hear through Bar
ings, that four millions of dollars have ere this
arrived at New Orleans fioin Mexico on their
account, designed for circulation in the United
States, and two millions are going forward from,
England. We understand the arrival of the
specie at New Orleans is rather a confidential
matter.
There has been a re count of the votes in the
If th ward, and the result is 345 for
being i 8 less than was first stated.
We have no information which leads us to
suppose that any considerable number of votes,
were thrown out in consequence of the name
being printed Gulian G. Verplanck, instead of
Gulian C. Most of the wards were visited per
sonally from this office on Saturday.- Journal
of Commerce.
