About Georgia courier. (Augusta, Ga.) 1826-1837 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 29, 1834)
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SHERIFFS, CLERKS,“and other public officers, will have 25 per cent deducted in their favor. New-York June 14th, 1834. Gentlemen—l received a lew days since your communication accompanying a copy of Resolutions passed by “The Friendly Botanic Society of the city of New-York,” expressing the thanks of the said society for my opposition at the recent session of the legislature of this state, to the passage ol a bill giving to the (diplomatised) medical faculty the ex clusive privilege of botanic medical prac tice. It is probably not expected that I now attempt a detail of all the reasons which induced my disapprobation of the bill in question: nor is it on the present occasion necessary. I would however have it ex plicitly understood that my opposition to the proposed law was not intended to fa vor qaacks or to advocate quackery. I am as much opposed to those as the advocates of the bill can be. The bill and the ar guments offerred to sustain it, also pur ported to be in opposition to ignorance and medical malpractice. The object of both was to proscribe all undiplomatisedl botanic practice, however scientific; and to bolster up diplomatised practitioners however ignorant of the science of medi cal botany. The objection to this pro scriptive and monopolizing character and tendency of the bill was increased by the consideration, that it is well understood that the practicaloperation ofour incorpor ated medical school system has not been exclusively directed to the improvement of medical science. Too susceptible of being made subservient to private inter ests and personal ambition, and easily managed by influence to gratify favorit ism; some of the prominent effects of the medical school monopoly have been to enable half-taught pupils to pass an im perfect examination—to confer on half learned graduates academic honors—to shelter diplomatised ignorance from scru tiny and detection, and thus to impede the progress of improvement in medical sci ence—to disgrace the medical profession and to injure the public weal. My im pressions, derived in a measure from my own observations on this subject, have been strengthened and confirmed by the concurrent opinions of men ofunquestion able reputation for medical science, and moral character and intellectual attain ments, who have candidly admitted and sincerely regretted the existence of the e vilsto which 1 have adverted. The proposed law tvas not only intend ded to restrict Botanic medical practice, to diplomatised medical doctors, but would tend in its operation, to facilitate the atain ment of the purpose of confining medical teaching, to incorporated medical schools and colleges, and to the professional men connected withthein.Thus virtually to pro hibit the professional] exercise of all me dical knowledge, however great or useful, which have not been acquired at an incor porated medical institution, and under di plomatised professors, was, in my view, a measure not so certainly calculated to fa cilitate the attainment of medical science, as to subserve the interest of those exclu sively privileged to practise physic and to become medical teachers. Whether the inedic<y practitioner be learned or ignorant, is a question in which the public interest may be involved; but it is matter of very little importance to the community or to the patient how or where the doctor shall have obtained his learning. The only question should be, does he pos »ess a requisite knowledge of the science of medicine? And that matter would be determined with sufficient certainty, if left to the determination of those most in terested in a correct decision on the sub ject. Public opinion in a community like this, will point out with sufficient accura cy the men distinguished fortheir learn ing and science: and the public interest would not suffer, if each individual whose life, health and happiness are at stake, should be left to the full enjoyment of the right to select their own medical advi sers.— It would be an imputation unmerited to pretend that there is not learning, skill and reputation among the regular medic al professors sufficient to distinguish them from ignorant and mischevious pretenders to medical science. But it would certain ly be a slander on this community, and no compliment to the medical profession in it, to admit that a people among whom are scattered an immense number of learn ed Medical men, do not possess discretion and intelligence sufficient to enable them to discriminate between a splendid gala xy of learned and talented medical doctors and a few ignorant men of an oopposite character and standing in society. And admitting there is a lamentable amount of ignorance and credulity in the communi ty, and hence too great a lack of discern ment to enable all to judge accurately on all occasions in reference to medical men and medical remedy; is that a good reas on why all should be deprived of the right to judge for themselves in those matters? Why not leave the people to seek counsel of whom they please in the matters per taining to the health of the body, as well as for the good of the so«?? This is done in spiritual conserns, involving, as many be lieve, interests and consequences of infin itely greater moment. Why not then in temporal affairs, touching bobily health? In either case none suffer, but those who in a measure deserve to do so, for suffering themselves to be imposed upon, when a little well timed reflection and well directed investigation would prevent it. Because of the iniquity which constant lyfollowed legislation in world in ref erence to the affairs of another, the author ity to meddle in spiritual matters was in terdicted to our legislature. It would doubless have been as well if the legisla ture had forborne the attempt to regulate the taking of physic, under the pre tence of regulating medical practice. No evils probably would have resulted so nu merous or so great as those which are consequent on the excercise of arrogated legislative acts of superrogation. I mean nothing in disparagement of di plomatised physicians. So far from such a sentiment, I would be glad to see insti tuted a competent tribunal for the public examination in writing, of all who should choose to avail themselves of the benefit of a public testimonial of their medical qnallifications, and were willing to sub mit to the requisite inquisition: and all such should be entitled to an examination and if found duly qualified, should be en titled to a diploma, without reference to the school in which they may have pur sued their studies. This arrangement would subject the examiners as well as the examined, to the observation and criticism of professional men learned in the medi cal science, and operate inauspiciously to the practice of favoritism and learned quackery in,as well as ignorant quackery out of the medical schools, and tend much to physiological improvement. I would have it also understood that I have no hostility to medieal schools: on the contrary, I would multiply them: but I would not invest any with exclusive privileges, nor attempt to interfere with the right which every citizen possess, not only to take medicine when he pleases to do so, but to ask councel of whom he will on the subject of his health. And wheth er heagreesto pay littleor much for med icine and advice, or shall obtain either or both gratuously, is a matter in which the public have no concern nor the legislative, any legitimate right to interfere. The life and health of each individual is invol ved in the discreet choice and prudent use of articles of subsistence; and if the like motive and the like prudence alike aided and directed by the example and counsel of personal friends, are not sufficient to insure alike discreet choice of medical advice and medical remedy-, no legislative enactments can supply the de ficiency or prevent any evil so great as those which generally proceed from the legislative interposition in such cases. Intruth, I very much doubt whether un diplomatised medical practice has ever done half the mischief which has been imputed to it; and I do not feel quite sure that medical quackery could do much in jury in a community so devoid of intelli gence, not to say common sense, as not to be able to discriminate between a multi tude of learned medical professors. and a small body of ignorant empirics. The mischiefs these do, cannot be either great or obvious, if not sufficient to distinguish them from those who have the advantage of a reputation for science and learning: and the argument against legislative in terference is strengthened by the consid eration that some of the best medical re medies have been discovered by men out of the pale of the medical profession, and which after having been denounced and described as quackery, have been adopted by the medical schools and honored as scientific practice. I am not aware that the legislature pos sess the constitutional right or power to restrict medical tuition exclusively to in corporatedmedical schools or colleges, or to those educated in them. Should the leg islature deem it wise to incorporate a bo dy of teachers of any other science; or of any mechanical trade or profession, or of teachers of literature generally; it does not follow that they possess the legitimate power to interdict others to become teach ers in those respective branches, or to pro hibit any person from carrying on any business, acknowledged to be useful and proper, by the very act of incorporation by which it may be attempted to be mo nopolized. Nor is the right more evident or the policy more just, by which a se?/- tanght medical practitioner, professor or teacher, is refused an examination, reject ed as a quack, and regardless of his qual ifications, however learned and competent he may be, prohibited from exercising his profession, because, and only because he chose not to study under a privileged teacher, or happened to be too poor to en counter the cost of an attendance at an expensive incorporated institution. I presume it will not be insisted that the legislature have a right coercively to proscribe to its constituents their diet or their drink, nor to designate the persons of whom only shall be procured, bread, meat, vegetables or liquor; or of whom only the people shall receive advice and instruction in regard to the use of any ar ticle of subsistence. Where then the right of the legislature to dictate to their constituents in the matter of taking phys ic ? the persons of whom only they shall procure it? or what description of profes sional men they shall (exclusively) con sult in regard to their health, or medical remedy ? And whence the right, the poli cy ot the justice of legislative interference in the case of medicine and medical advice and instruction, that would not equally authorize similar legislative action in re ference io articles of diet and drink i If the pretences of preserving life and res toring health are sufficient to authorize and justify the incorporation of medical men or medical schools with exclusive privileges to administer medicine to give medical advice and medical instruc tion; the same pretences would equally authorize and justify the incorporating of a body of bakers, of butchers, of hucksters, of grocers, and tavern keepers, with the exclusive right to furnish the particular articles pertaining to their professions respectively, and also the ex clusive right to advise as to the time and manner of using them. The principle, like the pretences or arguments, is the same in both cases: and the right of the legislature, if any, is the same in one as in the other: but the policy of legislative restraints is greater in the case of diet and drink, than in that of medicine. Mal practice in medicine may, and doubtless too often does destroy life and health. — Mal-practice in eatiug and drinking does more: besides destroying health and life, it destroys moral character and produces crime, and hence is more injurious to the community than mal-practice in physic: yet there has been no legislation in this as in the matter of medicine and medical in struction:—no incorporated companies with exclusive privilege to deal in articles of subsistence, of whom only the “ staff of life" shall be obtained: and it is not haz arding any thing to say, that legislative interference with the rights of their con stituents to manage these “their own af fairs in their own way” would not long be quietly submitted to: and I think it pro bable that the objectionable portion ofour medical school laws: viz. that which gives them their exclusive and proscriptive character, will endure only until the peo ple shall be well-informed ofthe evil oper ation of incorporations with the exclusive right to teach or impart useful knowledge of any kind. The states of Pennsylvania, Ohio and Vermont have left these matters with the proper tribunal, the Public', to be manag ed and settled by the intelligence of the people. In those states, as I understand, there are no laws establishing exclusive schools—no laws to monopolize medical practice or medical tuition; yet it will not be contended that Pennsylvania is behind New York in medical science: or that there are more quacks in that than in this state: and I have yet to learn that there are according to their population more deaths by mt dical mal-practice in either of those states than in this. It is true that professional men allege that there are more empirics in this than any other state in the Union. If such be the fact, it is pro bably owing to our more numerous popu lation. If however our incorporated med ical institutions have not been more effec tive in promoting the improvement of medical science, and in diminishing the number of quacks and uprooting quacke ry, it does not argue much in favor of their salutary operation, I disclaim all intention to enter into the arena of medical controversy about medi cal systems, theories or practice, and shall not willingly involve myself in any party squabble in any of the vexed questions, which have been or are now agitated by the medical faculty, and by which they have been kept in a high state of excite ment and hostility among themselves. I am neither competent to the discussion nor ambitious to engage in it. Neither am I inclined to interpose obstacles to the improvement of medical science or averse to medical institutions. On the contrary, I would facilate the acquisition of medical knowledge by increasing the means to teach and acquire it. It was with these views that I, at the late session, offered two sections to be offered to the Medical Bill, for the establishment of the medteal schools. These were met, opposed and defeated by the influence of the friends and connections ofthe existing institutions; furnishing thereby another instance in il lustration ofthe certain tendency of exclu sive medical incorporations to effect an organizedcombination tomaintain and per petuatetheir exclusive power andprivileges end to proscribe all other similar institu tions, for the benefit of those already es tablished. Another effect of the present incorpora ted monopoly, has been to create and maintain a medical junto or regency at the seat of the state government. A large and respectable body of medical gentle men distinguished for their learning and talents, have felt and acknowledged the existence of such a power, and hayi been obliged to submit to its management. It was doubtless the same influence which effected the destruction of a rival institu tion in this city: and in truth has continu ed to interpose effectual opposition to al most every measure which it was feared would tend to disarm the existing institu tions of their dominant power and exclu sive privileges. The operation of the sime influence, on the medical committee ofthe Legislature at the session of 1833, which reported against the memorial of the medical society of this city, was too palpable to escape notice or animadver sion. It was unquestionably the same in fluence operating at our political elections of the last year, which threw into our leg islature an unusual number of medical men, with a view to effect the repeal of the law by which botanic medical prac tice by undiplomatised medical doctors was allowed in this State. How long leg islative action in-medical matters is to con tinue subject to the control and supervi sion of a self-created and medical regency, or of an incorporated annual conclave at rhe seat of government, is yet to be deter mined. This influence began somewhat to be understood towards the close of the discussion on the medical bill, so called, and perhaps it was owing in a measure to that discovery, that a provision was added to the bill which rendered it nearly harm less if not entirely a dead letter on the statute book. How far my efforts were instrumental in producing such a result, I do not know, nor is it material to determine. Believ ing as I do, that self-approbation is indis pensably essential to human happiness: and knowing as I do, that the satisfaction derived from a conscientious discharge of duty, is, to me, a sufficient inducement to undertake its performance, numerous, powerful and overwhelming as the oppo nents of my opinions and my measures may be; yet the just estimate of my mo tives and the sincere approbation of my conduct by my fellow citizens is not only an additional and acceptable source of felicitation, but a powerful incentive to the exercise of the. moral courage necessary to the energetic opposition to unjust mea sures advocated and sustained by domi nant power and influence. Accept, o-en tlemen, for yourselves, and please to pre sent to the society, you represent, my thanks for your kind consideration, and also the sincere assurance of the best re gards of Your’s&,c. THOMAS IIERTTELL. Messrs. Dodge, Sweet, I L. D. Brady, and Hen- > Com’ee, &c. ry L. Weeks. ) A CAPITAL LETTER. By lucky accident, the subjoined Let ter finds a place in a Compilation of Di plomatic Correspondence lately publish ed, in which one conld hot have expec ted to find any thing half so clever. It was written by a tailor, he being also an Aiderman of the City of New-York, who’ through mistake, had issued a writ against a servant of the Dutch Minister, Mr. Von Berckll. [The servant of Foreign Ministers are previleged from arrests for debt in whatever country they happened to reside.] Being request ed by Mr. Duane, the Mayor, to explain the cicrumstances, he wrote this letter: Nat. Intel. New-york, January 19, 1788. "Sir : In answer to your letter of the 7th inst. on the subject of a complaint exhibited against me by the Minister of the United Netherlands, I beg leave to inform you substantially of my whole conduct in the business, from which you will be enabled to judge whether I ha\'e, in the least, been guilty ofthe violation of the pri\’ilege of an ambassador. “On Tuesday, the 18th December (ast, I issued a warrant against a certain James Van Antwerp, at the suit of John Van Geldert, for a debt; which warrant, by mistake, I dated the 14th, instead of the 13th.—That on Tuesday following, I received two messages from his Excel lency Mr. Van Berckle, desiring me to wait on him immediately; I accordingly left my business, and to "his Excellency’s residence, when, after wating in a cold room for a quarter of an hour, his Ex cellency appeared, and asked me my name 1 adswered John Willey; he char ged me with having issued a writ against his servrnt, which I denied.—l then ask ed him the name of his servant, and on answering Van Aantwerp, I said I had issued a warrant against a young man of that name, not knowing him to be an am bassador’s servant but supposing him to be in the service of Mr. Stephens, as I was informed by Mr. Van Gelder, the plaintiff, at’the time of issuing the warrant. His Excellency then said I should be made to know his servants. I replied that I did not know that I tvas obliged to know him or his servants’ butthat in the way that was right. He then drected me to go home and mind my tailoring, that I had no buisness to be an Aiderman. I replied that I had supported myself and family many years by the tailor’s business and hoped for the continuance of the fa vors of my good friends who employ me in that way; that as to the office of Aider man, the people had been pleased to el lectme, and I placed my hope in a higher power than that of his Excellency for sup poit in the execution of mine office. He then said Ishouldbe punished, as falling under his notice. I replied, I asked no favor of him. He then asked me if I did not knom that his person was sacred ; I replied I did, and had done him no injury. He then repeated the threat, that he would punish me: and I again answered, I asked no favor; then setting himself in the window, he asked me if I thought him a fool. I answered, that the people of the States of Holland would be wanting in their duty if they should send a fool on so important an embassy. I then asked him if he had any further command, and on receiving no answer, I wished his Excellency a good morning. On my leaving the room, he repeated the threat of punishment, and 1 repeated the answer that I asked no favor. I have the honor to be, &c. “JOHN WILEY.” FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES. A treaty has been entered into, and concluded between the United States of America and france, in which the latter contracts to pay to the former, $ 1,687,500, or 25,000,000 francs, in several annual' instalments, bearing 4 per cent, interest, as a full consideration for spoliations com mitted by France on the commerce of the United Ststes, under various decrees, is- i sued during the reign of Napoleon!— which spoliations amount to an aggregate | sum (without bringing into view 24 or 25 years interest) greater than the amount stipulated to be paid. Several of the in stalments are now, due and the French chamber of deputies has refused to make the appropriations absolutely necessary to carry the treaty into effect!—Will our government suffer this matter to remain much longer in its present situation? The honor of the nation is at stake—the ' distress ofthe sufferers call for relief!—ls a solemn treaty, duly ratified and conclu ded, to be thus treated with contumely and indifference by one of the parties, when the other has promptly aud honorable obeyed its provisions? —The usage of na tions, and national honor, protest against it\— The United States has punctually complied with its provisions. Congress has modified the revenue laws, in conformity to the treaty, by re ducing the duties on French commodities! France has neglected to make the re quisite appropriatione.—She has thought T t he Chamber of Deputies, by a majority of eight votes, refused to carry the treaty into effect! Is a treaty, a solemn con tract entered into between two nations, to be dependant on the caprice or whim of a legislative body without redress'! Cer tainly not! What then is to be done Has France shown any other unfriendly disposition towards the United States since the ratification of the treaty in 1831? I believe none\ It is not therefore probable that she contemplates any serions inten tion of breaking the treaty, or disturbing the friendly relations now otherwise ex histing between the two nations! The refusal ofthe Chamber oi Deputies to make the appropriation, shows an unkind and ungenerous, but not a warlike dispo-: sition—and unless symptoms more hos- 1 tile are exhibited, we ought not to suffer ourseh r esto be too highlyexcited on the occasion. It will do no good. Let us I wait the message of the President to Congress, and ascertain what Mr. Liv ingston says on the subject, andif it is ne cessary to pursue a retalitory course we may adopt the most appropriate measures without actual hostility}. We may sus pend our commercial intercourse with France untill the treaty is honorably com plied with on her part, and this we have aright to do, as a just and fair measure of retaliation. But I do not believe even this will be necessary. France will no doubt do all that is proper, when the Chamber again meets. Let us wait till then, at any rate, unttll the approaching session of Congress draws near to its close! Our suffering fellow citizens are waiting with great patience to receive tneir quotas of the amounts secured to them by the treaty, and it is to be hoped they will not much longer be kept out oftheir respective dues. CIV IS. From the Columbia (S. C.) Hive As the subject of allegiance continues to be the theme ofe\'ery orator and dinner speech, we are anxious that our readers should not lose sight of the text, and when considered by minds unclouded by party exitement, must be viewed as fur nishing good cause of complaint to those who conscientiously believe that their al legiance is not circumscribed within the limits of a single State; we therefore give the Ordinance ofthe State Convention on the subject of Allegiance: ORDINANCE. “We do further ordain and declare, that the Allegiance of the citizens of this State, while they continue such, is due to the said State: and that obedience only, and not Allegiance, is due by them to any other power, or authority, to whom a con trol over them has been or may be dele gated by the State ; and the General As sembly of the said State is hereby em powered, from time to time, when they may deem it proper, to provide for the ad ministration to the citizens and officers of the State, or such of said officers as they may think fit, of suitable oaths, or affirmations, binding them to the obser vance of such allegiance; and abjuring all other allegiance; and also to define what shall amount to a violation of their allegiance, and to provide the proper pun ishment for such violation-” According to the above Ordinance, the Legislature may, by a majority of one vote in each branch, pass an act to com pel every citizen to renounce his allegi ance to the General Government, which to all intents and purposes, withdraws the State from the Union. The result may be that the minority of members voting against the act may represent many thousand more free white inhabitants than the majority who pass the act: and thereby the minority may force the majority out of the Union. This result grows out of the mode of represen tation, as provided by the constitution of the State. The mode of representation in this State is an outrage upon the princi ples of Republican Government, and the People professsing to be so alive to liberty ought to look to it. The Low Country of South Carolina is divided into Parishes. The Parishes send sixtx-three members to the Legislature equal to one member to about every 87 voters, estimating it by the number of votes given at the elections of October, 1830. The balance ofthe State send 106 members to the Legislature, equal to one member to about 385 voters. It thus ap pears that 87 low country men have as much weight in the Legislature as 385 men of mi ddle and mountain regions of the State; and therefore a majority of votes in the Legislature may pass a law and those members who vote against the law, may represent many thousand more free white People than those who pass the law. No wonder that the great weight of the Parish representation went for Nullifica tion. Their notions of legislation have always been on the principle that the mi nority shall give laws to the majority. THE ELECTIONS. The returns from the whole State have not yet come in, but it is more than proba ble that our opponents will have a suffi cient number in the Legislature to cafry out their measures; but from diminished majorities, in those Districts Yvhere they have have heretofore been largely in the ascendency, and the increased vote of the Union party in those Districts where they hold the power Yve should be led to the conclusion that the dominant party would pause and reflect. At least it would be acting the part, which prudence and discretion would dictate to do so, and we are not among those who are “without hope.” Should we, however, be disap pointed, the consequences will.no doubt, be fatal to the peace and quiet of the State. Camden, S. -C. Journal. AUGUSTA, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER «9. The Orpheus at New York gives us nothing later of commercial inserest than the arrival at Charleston ; and the political news has little or no interest. Spain is likely to have a protracted civil war; and Don Pedrc has been very ill in Portugal. His daughter is thought likely t* marry an Austrian prince. The demand for gold at the Bank of England had almost entirely ceased. theatre. The Manager closes his season to-night, and appears before the public for a Benefit. ’ We hope his talents and exertions to merit the pub lic favor, may meet with a suitable evidence that they are properly appreciated. Our friends, Hart and Hardy, the late Man agers, haye opened the Charleston Theatre, and are playing there with a very large and effective company. Mr. Forbes, an excellent actor, is performing with great eclat. We have a list of their approaching ,'Stars,” longer than the tail, as we have been able to see it, of Halle's comet. ‘ We regret says the Columbia Hive, not hav ing complete election returns to lay before our readers this week; brt it is not a little gratifying to state, that South Carolina is the only Stat* in which Nullification is in any repute. In Georgia the Union majority fc marked by some half a dozen thousands. In this State we have gained one aditional Representative to Con gress, and seven, if no more, to the Heuse of Representatives, withoiu the loss of one, while very generally the nuliffcation majorities are smaller and the Union majorities larger. Col. Manning’s majority over Rees is Gia, and Gen eral Rogers’ over Mr. Clowney is 157. IN PENNSYLVANIA. Messrs. Harrison and Galbraith (Jackson) have been re-elected to Congress, making the delegation from that State to consist of 17 ad ministration and 11 opposition members. In the State Legislature the Whig party have gain ed five or six members since the last election. "VV e learn that Mr Poindexter, in a late dinner speech, stated that there were in Mississippi two “pensioned pre*- ses,” which teemed with abuse against him, and which, in order to injure him in the estimation of the people,dealt largely in falsehood. That the Hon. Senator, in making this complimentary assertion, had his mind’s eye upon the Democratic Press, we cannot, of course, be certain. If not, we take the liberty of inviting from him a special ebullition of wrath against us. There are three presses in the State (we would inform the President pro tern ) that freely express a hearty disapproba tion of his political course,andjan unmitga ted detestation of his private character. We deny, however, that we ever abused Mr. Poindexter, unless well-merited re proach be abuse—this we have bestowed upon him in no stinted measure, and we shall continue to do so, as long as he “a buses” the trust of the State by his public treachery, and debases her character, in the estimation of strangers, by his private profligacy.— Columbus (Miss.) Democrat ic Press. 11/" We copy the following notice from the Natchez Courier. It has given the anecdote a local habitation, but has not given us a name. Who are the par ties? A Generous Act. —A gentleman at New-Orleans not remarkable for his lib erality, had a tenant, who had occupied a building of his for some years. During the recent pressure, the tenant called up on his landlord, and said that he was un able then to pay his rent for the proceed ing mouth, and reminded him that he had punctually paid him his rent, ($24 per month,] for seven years. The landlord was inexorable, and told him he must move and gave him fifteen days to find a house Before the fifteen days expired the tenant called and paid his rent—the land lord handed him a piece of paper saying “there is your receipt.”—Upon the expira tion of the fifteen days the tenant again called, and informed the landlord that he had obtained a house and was moving. The landlord replied, “you are a fool, sir! you are fool! go look at your receipt; you will find that it is in full for the rent for twelve months.” The tenant who had not examined it went home in great sur prise and when he found it, to his still greater astonishment, it was a bill of sale of the whole property; worth at least fourteen thousand dollars! New Jersey. —The following notico of the election in this State, we copy from the New York Commercial Advertiser: “As nearly as it can be ascertained, the Jackson majority in New Jersey is 1132. In 1832 it was 571. In 1833. it was 6732. In crease since 1832 0f554. Diminution, since last year, 5600. In the Legislature, last year, there were but eight Whig mem bers. There will now be 28, The Jack son men have elected 36 members—giv ing a majority of Bin joint ballot. The Whigs as Whigs have done well. The Jackson majorities in those counties, where they have been accustomed to ob tain them, have been either reversed or greatly reduced. But a deep game, un known to us, has been playing in the low er counties, where the Friends mostly re side,the result of which has given the State again to the Tories. In New Jersey, as elsewhere, the sect of the Friends having become divided into parties, known as Hicksites and Orthodox, controversies in regard to the Society’s property have a— risen, which have been carried into Courts of law. In one of these, the amiable and accomplished Frelinghuysen was re tained as counsel for the Orthodox party; and byway of punishing him—not for the purpose of suporting the Tory party-Xit is understood that the Friends belonging to the Hicksite section, have gone in a body for the Jackson nominations, in or der to prevent the re-election of Mr. F. to the Senate of the United States, of which he is such a distinguished ornament.
