2
T HE COURIER,
i* y J • G • M’ VV hort e r.
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New-York June 14th, 1834.
Gentlemen—l received a lew days
since your communication accompanying
a copy of Resolutions passed by “The
Friendly Botanic Society of the city of
New-York,” expressing the thanks of
the said society for my opposition at the
recent session of the legislature of this
state, to the passage ol a bill giving to
the (diplomatised) medical faculty the ex
clusive privilege of botanic medical prac
tice.
It is probably not expected that I now
attempt a detail of all the reasons which
induced my disapprobation of the bill in
question: nor is it on the present occasion
necessary. I would however have it ex
plicitly understood that my opposition to
the proposed law was not intended to fa
vor qaacks or to advocate quackery. I am
as much opposed to those as the advocates
of the bill can be. The bill and the ar
guments offerred to sustain it, also pur
ported to be in opposition to ignorance
and medical malpractice. The object of
both was to proscribe all undiplomatisedl
botanic practice, however scientific; and
to bolster up diplomatised practitioners
however ignorant of the science of medi
cal botany. The objection to this pro
scriptive and monopolizing character and
tendency of the bill was increased by the
consideration, that it is well understood
that the practicaloperation ofour incorpor
ated medical school system has not been
exclusively directed to the improvement
of medical science. Too susceptible of
being made subservient to private inter
ests and personal ambition, and easily
managed by influence to gratify favorit
ism; some of the prominent effects of the
medical school monopoly have been to
enable half-taught pupils to pass an im
perfect examination—to confer on half
learned graduates academic honors—to
shelter diplomatised ignorance from scru
tiny and detection, and thus to impede the
progress of improvement in medical sci
ence—to disgrace the medical profession
and to injure the public weal. My im
pressions, derived in a measure from my
own observations on this subject, have
been strengthened and confirmed by the
concurrent opinions of men ofunquestion
able reputation for medical science, and
moral character and intellectual attain
ments, who have candidly admitted and
sincerely regretted the existence of the e
vilsto which 1 have adverted.
The proposed law tvas not only intend
ded to restrict Botanic medical practice, to
diplomatised medical doctors, but would
tend in its operation, to facilitate the atain
ment of the purpose of confining medical
teaching, to incorporated medical schools
and colleges, and to the professional men
connected withthein.Thus virtually to pro
hibit the professional] exercise of all me
dical knowledge, however great or useful,
which have not been acquired at an incor
porated medical institution, and under di
plomatised professors, was, in my view, a
measure not so certainly calculated to fa
cilitate the attainment of medical science,
as to subserve the interest of those exclu
sively privileged to practise physic and
to become medical teachers.
Whether the inedic<y practitioner be
learned or ignorant, is a question in which
the public interest may be involved; but
it is matter of very little importance to the
community or to the patient how or where
the doctor shall have obtained his learning.
The only question should be, does he pos
»ess a requisite knowledge of the science
of medicine? And that matter would be
determined with sufficient certainty, if
left to the determination of those most in
terested in a correct decision on the sub
ject. Public opinion in a community like
this, will point out with sufficient accura
cy the men distinguished fortheir learn
ing and science: and the public interest
would not suffer, if each individual whose
life, health and happiness are at stake,
should be left to the full enjoyment of the
right to select their own medical advi
sers.—
It would be an imputation unmerited
to pretend that there is not learning, skill
and reputation among the regular medic
al professors sufficient to distinguish them
from ignorant and mischevious pretenders
to medical science. But it would certain
ly be a slander on this community, and
no compliment to the medical profession
in it, to admit that a people among whom
are scattered an immense number of learn
ed Medical men, do not possess discretion
and intelligence sufficient to enable them
to discriminate between a splendid gala
xy of learned and talented medical doctors
and a few ignorant men of an oopposite
character and standing in society. And
admitting there is a lamentable amount of
ignorance and credulity in the communi
ty, and hence too great a lack of discern
ment to enable all to judge accurately on
all occasions in reference to medical men
and medical remedy; is that a good reas
on why all should be deprived of the right
to judge for themselves in those matters?
Why not leave the people to seek counsel
of whom they please in the matters per
taining to the health of the body, as well
as for the good of the so«?? This is done in
spiritual conserns, involving, as many be
lieve, interests and consequences of infin
itely greater moment. Why not then in
temporal affairs, touching bobily health?
In either case none suffer, but those
who in a measure deserve to do so, for
suffering themselves to be imposed upon,
when a little well timed reflection and
well directed investigation would prevent
it. Because of the iniquity which constant
lyfollowed legislation in world in ref
erence to the affairs of another, the author
ity to meddle in spiritual matters was in
terdicted to our legislature. It would
doubless have been as well if the legisla
ture had forborne the attempt to regulate
the taking of physic, under the pre
tence of regulating medical practice. No
evils probably would have resulted so nu
merous or so great as those which are
consequent on the excercise of arrogated
legislative acts of superrogation.
I mean nothing in disparagement of di
plomatised physicians. So far from such
a sentiment, I would be glad to see insti
tuted a competent tribunal for the public
examination in writing, of all who should
choose to avail themselves of the benefit
of a public testimonial of their medical
qnallifications, and were willing to sub
mit to the requisite inquisition: and all
such should be entitled to an examination
and if found duly qualified, should be en
titled to a diploma, without reference to
the school in which they may have pur
sued their studies. This arrangement
would subject the examiners as well as the
examined, to the observation and criticism
of professional men learned in the medi
cal science, and operate inauspiciously to
the practice of favoritism and learned
quackery in,as well as ignorant quackery
out of the medical schools, and tend much
to physiological improvement.
I would have it also understood that I
have no hostility to medieal schools: on
the contrary, I would multiply them: but
I would not invest any with exclusive
privileges, nor attempt to interfere with
the right which every citizen possess, not
only to take medicine when he pleases to
do so, but to ask councel of whom he will
on the subject of his health. And wheth
er heagreesto pay littleor much for med
icine and advice, or shall obtain either or
both gratuously, is a matter in which the
public have no concern nor the legislative,
any legitimate right to interfere. The
life and health of each individual is invol
ved in the discreet choice and prudent
use of articles of subsistence; and
if the like motive and the like prudence
alike aided and directed by the example
and counsel of personal friends, are not
sufficient to insure alike discreet choice of
medical advice and medical remedy-, no
legislative enactments can supply the de
ficiency or prevent any evil so great as
those which generally proceed from the
legislative interposition in such cases.
Intruth, I very much doubt whether un
diplomatised medical practice has ever
done half the mischief which has been
imputed to it; and I do not feel quite sure
that medical quackery could do much in
jury in a community so devoid of intelli
gence, not to say common sense, as not to
be able to discriminate between a multi
tude of learned medical professors. and a
small body of ignorant empirics. The
mischiefs these do, cannot be either great
or obvious, if not sufficient to distinguish
them from those who have the advantage
of a reputation for science and learning:
and the argument against legislative in
terference is strengthened by the consid
eration that some of the best medical re
medies have been discovered by men out
of the pale of the medical profession, and
which after having been denounced and
described as quackery, have been adopted
by the medical schools and honored as
scientific practice.
I am not aware that the legislature pos
sess the constitutional right or power to
restrict medical tuition exclusively to in
corporatedmedical schools or colleges, or
to those educated in them. Should the leg
islature deem it wise to incorporate a bo
dy of teachers of any other science; or of
any mechanical trade or profession, or of
teachers of literature generally; it does
not follow that they possess the legitimate
power to interdict others to become teach
ers in those respective branches, or to pro
hibit any person from carrying on any
business, acknowledged to be useful and
proper, by the very act of incorporation
by which it may be attempted to be mo
nopolized. Nor is the right more evident
or the policy more just, by which a se?/-
tanght medical practitioner, professor or
teacher, is refused an examination, reject
ed as a quack, and regardless of his qual
ifications, however learned and competent
he may be, prohibited from exercising his
profession, because, and only because he
chose not to study under a privileged
teacher, or happened to be too poor to en
counter the cost of an attendance at an
expensive incorporated institution.
I presume it will not be insisted that
the legislature have a right coercively to
proscribe to its constituents their diet or
their drink, nor to designate the persons
of whom only shall be procured, bread,
meat, vegetables or liquor; or of whom
only the people shall receive advice and
instruction in regard to the use of any ar
ticle of subsistence. Where then the
right of the legislature to dictate to their
constituents in the matter of taking phys
ic ? the persons of whom only they shall
procure it? or what description of profes
sional men they shall (exclusively) con
sult in regard to their health, or medical
remedy ? And whence the right, the poli
cy ot the justice of legislative interference
in the case of medicine and medical advice
and instruction, that would not equally
authorize similar legislative action in re
ference io articles of diet and drink i If
the pretences of preserving life and res
toring health are sufficient to authorize
and justify the incorporation of medical
men or medical schools with exclusive
privileges to administer medicine to
give medical advice and medical instruc
tion; the same pretences would equally
authorize and justify the incorporating of
a body of bakers, of butchers, of hucksters,
of grocers, and tavern keepers, with the
exclusive right to furnish the particular
articles pertaining to their
professions respectively, and also the ex
clusive right to advise as to the time and
manner of using them. The principle,
like the pretences or arguments, is the
same in both cases: and the right of the
legislature, if any, is the same in one as
in the other: but the policy of legislative
restraints is greater in the case of diet and
drink, than in that of medicine. Mal
practice in medicine may, and doubtless
too often does destroy life and health. —
Mal-practice in eatiug and drinking does
more: besides destroying health and life, it
destroys moral character and produces
crime, and hence is more injurious to the
community than mal-practice in physic:
yet there has been no legislation in this as
in the matter of medicine and medical in
struction:—no incorporated companies
with exclusive privilege to deal in articles
of subsistence, of whom only the “ staff of
life" shall be obtained: and it is not haz
arding any thing to say, that legislative
interference with the rights of their con
stituents to manage these “their own af
fairs in their own way” would not long be
quietly submitted to: and I think it pro
bable that the objectionable portion ofour
medical school laws: viz. that which gives
them their exclusive and proscriptive
character, will endure only until the peo
ple shall be well-informed ofthe evil oper
ation of incorporations with the exclusive
right to teach or impart useful knowledge
of any kind.
The states of Pennsylvania, Ohio and
Vermont have left these matters with the
proper tribunal, the Public', to be manag
ed and settled by the intelligence of the
people. In those states, as I understand,
there are no laws establishing exclusive
schools—no laws to monopolize medical
practice or medical tuition; yet it will not
be contended that Pennsylvania is behind
New York in medical science: or that
there are more quacks in that than in this
state: and I have yet to learn that there
are according to their population more
deaths by mt dical mal-practice in either
of those states than in this. It is true that
professional men allege that there are
more empirics in this than any other state
in the Union. If such be the fact, it is pro
bably owing to our more numerous popu
lation. If however our incorporated med
ical institutions have not been more effec
tive in promoting the improvement of
medical science, and in diminishing the
number of quacks and uprooting quacke
ry, it does not argue much in favor of
their salutary operation,
I disclaim all intention to enter into the
arena of medical controversy about medi
cal systems, theories or practice, and shall
not willingly involve myself in any party
squabble in any of the vexed questions,
which have been or are now agitated by
the medical faculty, and by which they
have been kept in a high state of excite
ment and hostility among themselves. I
am neither competent to the discussion
nor ambitious to engage in it. Neither
am I inclined to interpose obstacles to the
improvement of medical science or averse
to medical institutions. On the contrary,
I would facilate the acquisition of medical
knowledge by increasing the means to
teach and acquire it. It was with these
views that I, at the late session, offered
two sections to be offered to the Medical
Bill, for the establishment of the medteal
schools. These were met, opposed and
defeated by the influence of the friends
and connections ofthe existing institutions;
furnishing thereby another instance in il
lustration ofthe certain tendency of exclu
sive medical incorporations to effect an
organizedcombination tomaintain and per
petuatetheir exclusive power andprivileges
end to proscribe all other similar institu
tions, for the benefit of those already es
tablished.
Another effect of the present incorpora
ted monopoly, has been to create and
maintain a medical junto or regency at
the seat of the state government. A large
and respectable body of medical gentle
men distinguished for their learning and
talents, have felt and acknowledged the
existence of such a power, and hayi been
obliged to submit to its management. It
was doubtless the same influence which
effected the destruction of a rival institu
tion in this city: and in truth has continu
ed to interpose effectual opposition to al
most every measure which it was feared
would tend to disarm the existing institu
tions of their dominant power and exclu
sive privileges. The operation of the
sime influence, on the medical committee
ofthe Legislature at the session of 1833,
which reported against the memorial of
the medical society of this city, was too
palpable to escape notice or animadver
sion. It was unquestionably the same in
fluence operating at our political elections
of the last year, which threw into our leg
islature an unusual number of medical
men, with a view to effect the repeal of
the law by which botanic medical prac
tice by undiplomatised medical doctors
was allowed in this State. How long leg
islative action in-medical matters is to con
tinue subject to the control and supervi
sion of a self-created and medical regency,
or of an incorporated annual conclave at
rhe seat of government, is yet to be deter
mined. This influence began somewhat
to be understood towards the close of the
discussion on the medical bill, so called,
and perhaps it was owing in a measure to
that discovery, that a provision was added
to the bill which rendered it nearly harm
less if not entirely a dead letter on the
statute book.
How far my efforts were instrumental
in producing such a result, I do not know,
nor is it material to determine. Believ
ing as I do, that self-approbation is indis
pensably essential to human happiness:
and knowing as I do, that the satisfaction
derived from a conscientious discharge of
duty, is, to me, a sufficient inducement to
undertake its performance, numerous,
powerful and overwhelming as the oppo
nents of my opinions and my measures
may be; yet the just estimate of my mo
tives and the sincere approbation of my
conduct by my fellow citizens is not only
an additional and acceptable source of
felicitation, but a powerful incentive to the
exercise of the. moral courage necessary
to the energetic opposition to unjust mea
sures advocated and sustained by domi
nant power and influence. Accept, o-en
tlemen, for yourselves, and please to pre
sent to the society, you represent, my
thanks for your kind consideration, and
also the sincere assurance of the best re
gards of Your’s&,c.
THOMAS IIERTTELL.
Messrs. Dodge, Sweet, I
L. D. Brady, and Hen- > Com’ee, &c.
ry L. Weeks. )
A CAPITAL LETTER.
By lucky accident, the subjoined Let
ter finds a place in a Compilation of Di
plomatic Correspondence lately publish
ed, in which one conld hot have expec
ted to find any thing half so clever. It
was written by a tailor, he being also an
Aiderman of the City of New-York,
who’ through mistake, had issued a writ
against a servant of the Dutch Minister,
Mr. Von Berckll. [The servant of
Foreign Ministers are previleged from
arrests for debt in whatever country they
happened to reside.] Being request
ed by Mr. Duane, the Mayor, to explain
the cicrumstances, he wrote this letter:
Nat. Intel.
New-york, January 19, 1788.
"Sir : In answer to your letter of the
7th inst. on the subject of a complaint
exhibited against me by the Minister of
the United Netherlands, I beg leave to
inform you substantially of my whole
conduct in the business, from which you
will be enabled to judge whether I ha\'e,
in the least, been guilty ofthe violation of
the pri\’ilege of an ambassador.
“On Tuesday, the 18th December
(ast, I issued a warrant against a certain
James Van Antwerp, at the suit of John
Van Geldert, for a debt; which warrant,
by mistake, I dated the 14th, instead of
the 13th.—That on Tuesday following,
I received two messages from his Excel
lency Mr. Van Berckle, desiring me to
wait on him immediately; I accordingly
left my business, and to "his Excellency’s
residence, when, after wating in a cold
room for a quarter of an hour, his Ex
cellency appeared, and asked me my
name 1 adswered John Willey; he char
ged me with having issued a writ against
his servrnt, which I denied.—l then ask
ed him the name of his servant, and on
answering Van Aantwerp, I said I had
issued a warrant against a young man of
that name, not knowing him to be an am
bassador’s servant but supposing him to
be in the service of Mr. Stephens, as I
was informed by Mr. Van Gelder, the
plaintiff, at’the time of issuing the warrant.
His Excellency then said I should be
made to know his servants. I replied
that I did not know that I tvas obliged to
know him or his servants’ butthat in the
way that was right. He then drected me
to go home and mind my tailoring, that I
had no buisness to be an Aiderman. I
replied that I had supported myself and
family many years by the tailor’s business
and hoped for the continuance of the fa
vors of my good friends who employ me
in that way; that as to the office of Aider
man, the people had been pleased to el
lectme, and I placed my hope in a higher
power than that of his Excellency for sup
poit in the execution of mine office. He
then said Ishouldbe punished, as falling
under his notice. I replied, I asked no
favor of him. He then asked me if I did
not knom that his person was sacred ; I
replied I did, and had done him no injury.
He then repeated the threat, that he
would punish me: and I again answered,
I asked no favor; then setting himself in
the window, he asked me if I thought
him a fool. I answered, that the people
of the States of Holland would be wanting
in their duty if they should send a fool on
so important an embassy. I then asked
him if he had any further command, and
on receiving no answer, I wished his
Excellency a good morning. On my
leaving the room, he repeated the threat of
punishment, and 1 repeated the answer
that I asked no favor. I have the honor
to be, &c.
“JOHN WILEY.”
FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES.
A treaty has been entered into, and
concluded between the United States of
America and france, in which the latter
contracts to pay to the former, $ 1,687,500,
or 25,000,000 francs, in several annual'
instalments, bearing 4 per cent, interest,
as a full consideration for spoliations com
mitted by France on the commerce of the
United Ststes, under various decrees, is- i
sued during the reign of Napoleon!—
which spoliations amount to an aggregate |
sum (without bringing into view 24 or
25 years interest) greater than the amount
stipulated to be paid. Several of the in
stalments are now, due and the French
chamber of deputies has refused to make
the appropriations absolutely necessary
to carry the treaty into effect!—Will our
government suffer this matter to remain
much longer in its present situation?
The honor of the nation is at stake—the '
distress ofthe sufferers call for relief!—ls
a solemn treaty, duly ratified and conclu
ded, to be thus treated with contumely and
indifference by one of the parties, when
the other has promptly aud honorable
obeyed its provisions? —The usage of na
tions, and national honor, protest against
it\— The United States has punctually
complied with its provisions.
Congress has modified the revenue
laws, in conformity to the treaty, by re
ducing the duties on French commodities!
France has neglected to make the re
quisite appropriatione.—She has thought
T t he Chamber of Deputies, by a majority
of eight votes, refused to carry the treaty
into effect! Is a treaty, a solemn con
tract entered into between two nations, to
be dependant on the caprice or whim of a
legislative body without redress'! Cer
tainly not! What then is to be done
Has France shown any other unfriendly
disposition towards the United States
since the ratification of the treaty in 1831?
I believe none\ It is not therefore probable
that she contemplates any serions inten
tion of breaking the treaty, or disturbing
the friendly relations now otherwise ex
histing between the two nations! The
refusal ofthe Chamber oi Deputies to
make the appropriation, shows an unkind
and ungenerous, but not a warlike dispo-:
sition—and unless symptoms more hos- 1
tile are exhibited, we ought not to suffer
ourseh r esto be too highlyexcited on the
occasion. It will do no good. Let us I
wait the message of the President to
Congress, and ascertain what Mr. Liv
ingston says on the subject, andif it is ne
cessary to pursue a retalitory course we
may adopt the most appropriate measures
without actual hostility}. We may sus
pend our commercial intercourse with
France untill the treaty is honorably com
plied with on her part, and this we have
aright to do, as a just and fair measure
of retaliation. But I do not believe
even this will be necessary. France will
no doubt do all that is proper, when the
Chamber again meets. Let us wait till
then, at any rate, unttll the approaching
session of Congress draws near to its
close! Our suffering fellow citizens are
waiting with great patience to receive
tneir quotas of the amounts secured to
them by the treaty, and it is to be hoped
they will not much longer be kept out
oftheir respective dues. CIV IS.
From the Columbia (S. C.) Hive
As the subject of allegiance continues
to be the theme ofe\'ery orator and dinner
speech, we are anxious that our readers
should not lose sight of the text, and
when considered by minds unclouded by
party exitement, must be viewed as fur
nishing good cause of complaint to those
who conscientiously believe that their al
legiance is not circumscribed within the
limits of a single State; we therefore give
the Ordinance ofthe State Convention on
the subject of Allegiance:
ORDINANCE.
“We do further ordain and declare,
that the Allegiance of the citizens of this
State, while they continue such, is due to
the said State: and that obedience only,
and not Allegiance, is due by them to any
other power, or authority, to whom a con
trol over them has been or may be dele
gated by the State ; and the General As
sembly of the said State is hereby em
powered, from time to time, when they
may deem it proper, to provide for the ad
ministration to the citizens and officers
of the State, or such of said officers as
they may think fit, of suitable oaths, or
affirmations, binding them to the obser
vance of such allegiance; and abjuring
all other allegiance; and also to define
what shall amount to a violation of their
allegiance, and to provide the proper pun
ishment for such violation-”
According to the above Ordinance, the
Legislature may, by a majority of one
vote in each branch, pass an act to com
pel every citizen to renounce his allegi
ance to the General Government, which
to all intents and purposes, withdraws the
State from the Union.
The result may be that the minority
of members voting against the act may
represent many thousand more free white
inhabitants than the majority who pass
the act: and thereby the minority may
force the majority out of the Union. This
result grows out of the mode of represen
tation, as provided by the constitution of
the State. The mode of representation in
this State is an outrage upon the princi
ples of Republican Government, and the
People professsing to be so alive to liberty
ought to look to it.
The Low Country of South Carolina is
divided into Parishes. The Parishes send
sixtx-three members to the Legislature
equal to one member to about every 87
voters, estimating it by the number of
votes given at the elections of October,
1830. The balance ofthe State send 106
members to the Legislature, equal to one
member to about 385 voters. It thus ap
pears that 87 low country men have as
much weight in the Legislature as 385
men of mi ddle and mountain regions of
the State; and therefore a majority of votes
in the Legislature may pass a law and
those members who vote against the law,
may represent many thousand more free
white People than those who pass the
law.
No wonder that the great weight of the
Parish representation went for Nullifica
tion. Their notions of legislation have
always been on the principle that the mi
nority shall give laws to the majority.
THE ELECTIONS.
The returns from the whole State have
not yet come in, but it is more than proba
ble that our opponents will have a suffi
cient number in the Legislature to cafry
out their measures; but from diminished
majorities, in those Districts Yvhere they
have have heretofore been largely in the
ascendency, and the increased vote of the
Union party in those Districts where
they hold the power Yve should be led to
the conclusion that the dominant party
would pause and reflect. At least it would
be acting the part, which prudence and
discretion would dictate to do so, and we
are not among those who are “without
hope.” Should we, however, be disap
pointed, the consequences will.no doubt,
be fatal to the peace and quiet of the State.
Camden, S. -C. Journal.
AUGUSTA,
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER «9.
The Orpheus at New York gives us nothing
later of commercial inserest than the arrival at
Charleston ; and the political news has little or
no interest. Spain is likely to have a protracted
civil war; and Don Pedrc has been very ill in
Portugal. His daughter is thought likely t*
marry an Austrian prince. The demand for
gold at the Bank of England had almost entirely
ceased.
theatre.
The Manager closes his season to-night, and
appears before the public for a Benefit. ’ We
hope his talents and exertions to merit the pub
lic favor, may meet with a suitable evidence
that they are properly appreciated.
Our friends, Hart and Hardy, the late Man
agers, haye opened the Charleston Theatre,
and are playing there with a very large and
effective company. Mr. Forbes, an excellent
actor, is performing with great eclat. We have
a list of their approaching ,'Stars,” longer than
the tail, as we have been able to see it, of Halle's
comet. ‘
We regret says the Columbia Hive, not hav
ing complete election returns to lay before our
readers this week; brt it is not a little gratifying
to state, that South Carolina is the only Stat*
in which Nullification is in any repute. In
Georgia the Union majority fc marked by some
half a dozen thousands. In this State we have
gained one aditional Representative to Con
gress, and seven, if no more, to the Heuse of
Representatives, withoiu the loss of one, while
very generally the nuliffcation majorities are
smaller and the Union majorities larger. Col.
Manning’s majority over Rees is Gia, and Gen
eral Rogers’ over Mr. Clowney is 157.
IN PENNSYLVANIA.
Messrs. Harrison and Galbraith (Jackson)
have been re-elected to Congress, making the
delegation from that State to consist of 17 ad
ministration and 11 opposition members. In
the State Legislature the Whig party have gain
ed five or six members since the last election.
"VV e learn that Mr Poindexter, in a
late dinner speech, stated that there
were in Mississippi two “pensioned pre*-
ses,” which teemed with abuse against
him, and which, in order to injure him in
the estimation of the people,dealt largely in
falsehood. That the Hon. Senator, in
making this complimentary assertion, had
his mind’s eye upon the Democratic
Press, we cannot, of course, be certain. If
not, we take the liberty of inviting from
him a special ebullition of wrath against
us. There are three presses in the State
(we would inform the President pro tern )
that freely express a hearty disapproba
tion of his political course,andjan unmitga
ted detestation of his private character.
We deny, however, that we ever abused
Mr. Poindexter, unless well-merited re
proach be abuse—this we have bestowed
upon him in no stinted measure, and we
shall continue to do so, as long as he “a
buses” the trust of the State by his public
treachery, and debases her character, in
the estimation of strangers, by his private
profligacy.— Columbus (Miss.) Democrat
ic Press.
11/" We copy the following notice
from the Natchez Courier. It has given
the anecdote a local habitation, but has
not given us a name. Who are the par
ties?
A Generous Act. —A gentleman at
New-Orleans not remarkable for his lib
erality, had a tenant, who had occupied a
building of his for some years. During
the recent pressure, the tenant called up
on his landlord, and said that he was un
able then to pay his rent for the proceed
ing mouth, and reminded him that he had
punctually paid him his rent, ($24 per
month,] for seven years. The landlord
was inexorable, and told him he must move
and gave him fifteen days to find a house
Before the fifteen days expired the
tenant called and paid his rent—the land
lord handed him a piece of paper saying
“there is your receipt.”—Upon the expira
tion of the fifteen days the tenant again
called, and informed the landlord that he
had obtained a house and was moving.
The landlord replied, “you are a fool, sir!
you are fool! go look at your receipt; you
will find that it is in full for the rent for
twelve months.” The tenant who had
not examined it went home in great sur
prise and when he found it, to his still
greater astonishment, it was a bill of sale
of the whole property; worth at least
fourteen thousand dollars!
New Jersey. —The following notico
of the election in this State, we copy from
the New York Commercial Advertiser:
“As nearly as it can be ascertained, the
Jackson majority in New Jersey is 1132.
In 1832 it was 571. In 1833. it was 6732. In
crease since 1832 0f554. Diminution, since
last year, 5600. In the Legislature, last
year, there were but eight Whig mem
bers. There will now be 28, The Jack
son men have elected 36 members—giv
ing a majority of Bin joint ballot. The
Whigs as Whigs have done well. The
Jackson majorities in those counties,
where they have been accustomed to ob
tain them, have been either reversed or
greatly reduced. But a deep game, un
known to us, has been playing in the low
er counties, where the Friends mostly re
side,the result of which has given the State
again to the Tories. In New Jersey, as
elsewhere, the sect of the Friends having
become divided into parties, known as
Hicksites and Orthodox, controversies in
regard to the Society’s property have a—
risen, which have been carried into
Courts of law. In one of these, the amiable
and accomplished Frelinghuysen was re
tained as counsel for the Orthodox party;
and byway of punishing him—not for the
purpose of suporting the Tory party-Xit
is understood that the Friends belonging
to the Hicksite section, have gone in a
body for the Jackson nominations, in or
der to prevent the re-election of Mr. F. to
the Senate of the United States, of which
he is such a distinguished ornament.
