About Georgia courier. (Augusta, Ga.) 1826-1837 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 5, 1835)
2 T HE COURT ER, By J . G. M’VVII or te r. TERMS. Thi« Paper is published every MONDAY, WEDNES DAY and FRIDAY niternoon, at s(> per auuuui, payable iu advance. COUNTRY PAPER—Published every FRIDAY afier noac at $3 per annum, in advance, or $4 at the expiration of the year. No Subscriptions received for less time than six months. YDVEK.TISEMENTS, not exceeding a square will be inserted the first time at 75 els.per square aud 37J lor each coutii.uancc. Advertisements of one square, published Weekly, at 75 cents for every insertion. Personsadverti «jng by the year will be charged 30dol lars including subscription and will be enti led to one square in each paper. When persons have standing advertisements oi Severn! squares, special contracts may be made. No deduction will be made in future from these charges. A|l advertisements must have the number ol iiiseri ion.- marked on them;otherwise they will be inserted tdl lot bid, and charged accordingly. , SHERIFFS, CLERKS, mid other public officers, wi.l have 25 per cent deducted in their favor. To the Editors of the Southern. Bunner : Gentlemen, —Th family circle of the late Gen. James Jackson have since the appearance of the Southern Whig of 16lh just. been quite amused at the extent and accuracy of the Edi or s knowledge ol them and of their deceased Relative. A shaft is attempted to be sped at that one of their number who has recently been hon ored by the Union Convention with a nomination for Congress—and he has been individuated as recreant to the princi ples of his ancestor. Does the Editor of the Whig know that the nominee above referred to, has, in the political course which he is now pursuing, not merely our simple assent, but our undissembled ap probation? Does he cen suspect that fact? Does he know that ofthe family of the late Gen. Jackson, about whose princi ples he thinks that he has such compre hensive information, five out of six have thought proper to abandon those, whom he is pleased to call “the original friends ofthe character ofthe Father” ofthe nom inee? Did the editor of the Whig never hear that our senior member, the brother ofthe late Gen. Jackson—an individual who has, we would suppose, been suffi ciently long a resident of Clark County for the Editor to have understood, at least that such a man is in existence—that this individual who, apart from the strong fra ternal tie which bound them, was an inti mate of the Gineral’s family for many years prior to his death—was his confi dential friend and secretary,and was left an executor of his will—that this individual, possessing more and better knowledge of his distinguished kinsman’s principles than any other persons whosoever, or in deed than all persons whosoever, has sha ken offthe shackles of party, and that he is at the present time, if there be a differ ence at all in the strength of our opinions, decidedly the sternest foe of nullification, and therefore the fastest friend ofthe Un ion Party in our household? Will it be said that an individual thus circumstan ced as regards his deceased brother—and that another individual of our house who was in attendance at the city of Washing ton on the dying bed of his Father, and there received the last injunctions upon our Family, (we will say nothing of the personal or political knowledge possessed by the rest of us respecting him,) are less qualified to know our relative’s princi ples than he, the Editor of the Whig, who never saw him, and probably never read an effusion of his pen until lately, when he has thought proper, in order to sub serve part}' purposes, to disturb his ashes, and appear as his encomiast? Is it among the possibilities even.that thcEditor of the Whig may know more about his principles than weourselvesdo? The person who says that he believes that it is, must, we opine, be of that very peculiar and not every-day faith which is said to be able to move mountains: or he must be alter the order of that particular religionist who, guilty in the phrase of the schoolmen of the ig noratio edenchi, and eschewing demon stration because faith only .is pretended to, adopts the Tertullian mode of belief, and piously ejaculates as the argument of his tenet, Credo quia imyossihile est. But what induced the Family of James Jackson to abandon those whom the Eel-, itor denominates the “original friends of his character? ’ Because those “friends” abandoned what we thought proper to consider his princ pies, when they adopt ed the Resolutions of Nov. 1833 at Mil ledgeville. The confidence of the family in those friends, to speak ingenuously,was painfully shaken in 1832 by suspicions at that time vague, but since confirmed, that some of ti'.ose friends were t iking John U. Uullioun, and his nestling nullifi cation, to their bosoms—and the in fluence of those suspicions in our exercise of the elective, franchise was such, that we gave a mixed vote in the October elec tions of 1832; and a still more compound ed one in those of 1833. One month af ter the latter election, the Resolu tions above referred to, embracing as they did, the Carolina politicks which we have always held in abhorrence, per fected our political estrangement from those friends. We believed the Union of these States to be endangered by those Resolutions, because they were cognate with those flagitious politicks; and our own immediate sense of political obliga tion being quite in harmony with one of the injunctions of the late Head of our House, that the duty which we owe to our country transcends that which we owe to our Party, we acted accordingly. We knew nothing thereafter about Troup or Clark party —we knew only our Coun try we went for it—it was then our party; and even at the hazard of abandon ing whattheWhigcalls“original friends,” we chose to avow’ that “the friends of the Union were our friends, and its enemies our enemies.” Apart,too, from our duty to our own country al waysemployingthe first and the best cares of our hearts, we could not, as philanthropists, be insensible to the force of the deprecation by Lafayette of the conduct ofbouth Carolina. He ejaculated in the bitterness of feeling, that she had thrown back liberty in Europe half a cen tury. C ould we be double treacherous? First to the religious cause of our own country; and then to the sacred cause of Freedom all over the world, by aiding (though it wereonly by our votes) to make i our own Georgia throw back liberty a nother half century in Europe? We were to be neither driven nor led into any new political fold by any man or set of men, contrary to our own clear conviction of right. We have never been able to dis cern any thing so cabalistick in the mere names of men. no matter who they were, or what they had been, that we should thereafter implicitly follow their lead.' And we can easily prefigure to ourselves what, if it could arise, would be the meas ure ofthe indignation ofthe shade of our i deceased Head on finding some of those,' whom the Whigis pleased to call his “ori ginal friends,” so far abandoning his prin ciples as to strain evrxy nerve to make his own Georgia (as in the fullness of his gratitude to her for the honours which she never ceased to shower down upon him, he was wont to denominate her) play what has so happily been charactei ised by one ofthe noblest ofthe sons of Geor gia, a “subaltern part to South Carolina.” and make her lend her countenance to the ! exaltation of the ensigns armorial ofthe palmetto button, over the stars and the stripes of the Confederacy, for the estab lishment of which he had periled the youth of h s life in the war of the Revolu-, tion. How precipitately, and for very shame at the course of these his “original friends,” would not his shade shrink back within its cerement! But the above argu- , incut concedes too much : We deny' that we have abandoned our, or our relative’s : original friends. That relative had no ; more near nor dearer friend, nor has his family since his decease had a more near ordear friend, than that most respectable and patriutick man, now the efficient Head ofthe Union party in lower Georgia 1 —we refer to the individual, whom Sa vannah has so long delighted to honour 1 as amongst the most eminent and worthy of her citizens. Other distinguished names might easily be adduced of devoted friends of our relative and of us, whoare prominent members of the Union Party. I The editor of the Whig has thought ; proper to introduce the name ofthe late General John Clark in the same connex-1 ion with thatofourdeceased relative,and in ! reference to Yazooism. We are yet to learn that the relations of friendship between them were even sundered; and that Gen. Clark was a frequent and welcome visit er of the family when its Head was Gov ernor of Georgia 1798 to 1801, several years after the period at which he was con cerned in that transaction, is a conclusive argument with us, at least, with all defer enee to the editor ofthe Whig, that Gov. Jackson was convinced that there were circumstances in that particular case, as e-' very body knows that there were in ma- ' ny others connected with Yazooism, di-' vesting it of reprehension. So far from; Gen Clark ever possessing' obliquity of sentiment towards him, we have reason to believe that ho cherished a reverential i deference for him—a feeling which, doubt less, was induced in the first instance when ! he himself was a youth, by his frequently . seeing him in the camp of h : s Father, Gen. Elijah Clark, at the seige of Angus- i la in 1781, and elsewhere du ring the war , of the revolution. Moreover,it is distinct-, )y within the recollection of that one of us i already particularly alluded to as having been with him in Washington, that only a very short time before his death, his fath er received a letter full of respect and j kindness from General Clark. Nor do I we know or believe that the friends and adherents of General Clark as a party, I notwithstand ng theassertionsofthe Whig,' ever uttered a single word in derogation I of our deceased relative. The object ot the \V hig is sufficiently obvious—it is to ■ excite bad feeling in that branch ofthe Un-: ion party which comprises those formerly . the political friends of Gen Clark, against i the nominee as a descendant of James' Jackson. We shall see whether the pa triotic gentlemen of the old Clark paity, now forming so large and honorable’a; portion of the great conservative parly of! Georgia, will not rise above the influence ‘ ol such a sinister appeal. I'he editor ofthe Whig was pleased al-' so to announce the nominee for Congress from our family, as “a new convert to the Union creed. Did the editor ever hear that the nominee wrote letters to Savan-' nah,and elsewhere iti the winter of 1832-3 expressing his free assent to the measures ofthe President and Congress against South Carolina, as indicated ih what has, in very gentleness, received the very eu phonick and graphick cognomen ofthe Bloody Billl and that he went on in those letters to state, incidentally to this expres-j sion of opinion, his approval of Forsyth and \\ ayue s vote, and that, had he been himself in Congress he would, notwith standing all the nonsense that has been e jacuiated about the indivisibility of State: sovereignty,have done likewise,and there by supported the glorious old man at tin head of the government of the country, in his exemplary illustration of his own ne ver dying motto, "The Federal Union, it\ must he preserved?' Did the editor ever I hear that our nominee received a written invitation to the nullification festival giv en 2(>th May 1832, to Gov. Hamilton at Hambuig.and that he treated it with such ' tacit contumely that he would not even’ •eply to it? that being in Athens at the time, he lesisted most pressing invitations from highly valuable personal friends to go in August 1832 to Lexington, to that far-fain ed dinner.which may well be indicated aS the punctumsaddens of nullification iuGeor gia? that he placed a card of August 15, 1 1832 to attend the nullifying Dinner in Columbus, in the same category as the in vitation to Hamburg?—that at least two individuals, the Hon. gentleman now the; Secretary of State at Washington, and I a gentleman, then as now, a resident of A tbensand of opposite politics to those of j the nominee, are or were in possession of letters from him written immediately af ter the withdrawal of the Union delegates from the convention of November 1832, in which he unequivocally declared that had he been a delegate from the county of Jefferson, in which he then resided,and from which he was asked to go but declin id. he would, unhesitatingly, have been with the seceders? Did the editor ever hear, lastly, thatthe nominee for Congress rejected with disdain requests to him at the commencement in August 1833, to at tend th. public, dinner in Athens iu hon or of George McDuffie? Will the editor adhere to Lis designation of the nominee as “a nevi' convert to the Union creed?” The price of the “new conversion.” it is said, is to be the nominee’s election to Con gress. The nominee will here merely him that if he had been very desirous of an election to Congress, he might, as he believes, (and as the editor if he choose, may, perchance, by consulting some ofthe new lights of the old 'l'roup Party, find out) have had the honor of a nomination at least, for Congress, and the support of that party for the station, some ten years a ffo. We think it at least within the range of possibilities, that the party to which the editor ofthe Whig belongs, will nd be eager in their proffer of thanks to him for being the occasion of the making of this communication to you, gentlemen,and of its elimination by your press to the peo ple of Georgia. And quite as possible that there will speedily be found those of the party from whose breasts the old depreca tory ejaculation of save, save us from our friends, &c. will be aspirated. The Whig itself, deprecating as it does in its last num her the use of the nominee’s name in the approaching canvass, o.ught to have had more of its wits about it. Were we dis posed to consult par y strategy rather than domestic privacy, it is not utterly without the probabilities that wfe ourselves would compensate the editor of the Whig for his loss ofthe thanks of his own party, by the profler ofour thanks fur his being the oc casion ofthis use of what we prefer to call the nominee’s father’s name We think it unnecessary to apologize to ' the public for the seemingly full vein of fa. ; mily feeling displayed in the above obser i vations.vve have not had the smallest inclin [ ation for such a display—we would read ily have shrunk from it—we have not been at all desirous of an ostentatious exhibition of the name of the deceased head of our House—and we are convinced that the moral sense of the public, wounded by the wantonnessofthe attack upon us through one of our number, entirely' unprovoked as it was—will be disinclined to chide us. li indeed our own principles only had been ! attempted to be distorted, we. might have remained silent—but we are resolved that ! that portion ofthe people of Georgia who ■ may honor hisim inory by' cherishing fa vorable reminiscences ofour late lament ; ed kinsman, shall not be insidiously made to believe one thing of him whilst we, the I only true exponents of his principles, know another and very different thing of him. Certainly’ we claim fur onr opinions on general politics no special importance —but we do claim for them in the matter of the political faith ofour relative, very especial importance—since we take the liberty', as just said, of considering our selves hisonly trueexponents. If direct evi deuce, we may’ in this connexion add,were required of his sacred regard for the Union ofthe States,reference might be made to the Federal authorities in relation to the Miss issippi territory. That document,webelieve emanated from his pen whilst he filled the Executive chair in 1800; and affords une quivocal evidence of his desire to avoid such an extremity of measures as might jeopard the confederacy—for if it possess a fault, this will not,we think be said to be, that it betrays too prurient a passion to hang out the banner of the bellipotent Rat tiesnake (ready,for his motto,from fight) in defiance ofthe pacific standard ofthe Un ion. We respond to the sentiment of his Honor Judge Pol hill attheUnion Con ven tion dinner, notwitstanding the sneer of the Whig—we give it our imprimatur-- \ we ourselves, in the language of that sen- ; tiinent, resolve to “rescue the memory of Janies Jackson from the calumny of nulli fication.” As respects the excessive alarm ■ (which, for his sake we are sorry to see so incommoding to him) ofthe editor of the whig about the custody ofthe pearl above all price, as he is pleased to term our de ceased relative's character, we bid him good cheer—let him be easy: for if he be not, we must, however painful to us, sub ject him to the hazard of having his sensi bility still more a fleeted,by our intimating to him our entire satisfaction that the casket containing that “pearl,” as he calls [ it,be where he says that it now is. In the present portentous aspect ofthe political horoscope, we take the liberty of thinking thatthe only' safe depository for it is the : Union party of Georgia. Our task is Jone. We shall appear no more before the public in controversy on the matters of this address, with the editor ofthe Whig,or anybody else—contented with banning over hirn or them (with particular reference to the nominee for Congress) to the people of Georgia, who will, we doubt not, make righteous settle ment of any account remaining outstand ing between the parties on the first Mon thly in October. THE FAMILY OF THE LATE GOV. JACKSON. Athens, July 21, 1835. .V/. Gilmer —Judge Dougherty— Lnt.on—Nullification. — Il is known, that prior to the nu’lifiers’ convention in June last, that Mr. Gilmer was not only con sidered the most popular man of that par ty, but it is as well known that he was looked to by' most of them as their candi date for Governor. Befoie that time, no body had seriously thought of Judge Dougherty, and we have no doubt but his nomination surprised a large majority of them in all quarters. And yet he was nominated to the exclusion of Mr. Gilmer. Will the friends of Mr. Gilmer and his principles, after taking a calm and con siderate view of this whole transaction, agree to be transferred to Judge Dough erty? We think not. Mr. Gilmer was not only the most popular of the two, but the most talented, and much more of a fa vorite with a majority of the party, and i yet, he was rejected. Will his friends enquire into the cause of his rejection? If they do, they will find that he was rejected for his princi ples alone —that he was put down because he was not a nullifier—and that Judge Dougherty »vvas nominated because he was a nullifier. Can those who respect Mr. Gilmer for his principles, sanction a proceeding which repudiates his principles, and ex cludes him from the confidence of the party because his principles do not. suit them? These are matters upon which reasonable men will reflect before they act. Mr. Gilmer is no nullifier —Judge Dougherty is. Many of the most devoted friends of Mr. Gilmer among the State Rights party arc not nullifiers —and the question is, will they permit the conven tion which acted against their wishes and their principles to make them nullifiers whether or not? We know some, within the circle of our acquaintance, who will not be trans ferred, and we doubt not there are many more. The case is a plain one now. The nomination of Judge D. has drawn the line. He is a genuine Calhoun nullifier, and the contest must be decided upon clear open ground. He is no half way politi tician, and there is to be no more wink ing at Union men and nodding- at Nulli fiers, but the question must be settled upon its merits. If the Nullifiers are strong enough to elect him, he will be elected— “if not, not”— Stand, of Union. Texas.— We have received accounts , from this Colony which state the legisla ture of the States of Cohahuila and Texas have positively been disso'ved by the troops of Santa Ana, and that a Colonial ; system of government has been establish ed by’ Col. Cos at Monclovia. Fresh troops had arrii'ed at the latter town from Matamoros, the garrison of Matagorda was increased, and various parties of sol diers had been detached to San Felipe, Brazoria, and other points. The unfor tunate'Gomez Farias, ex-President of the republic, who was flyinir from his pursu ers, fell into the. hands of a party of caval ry near San Felipe, and had been sent under:i strong esc rt to Monclovia. The state of affairs iu the Colony was any i thing but satisfactory; nevertheless Na cogdoches is represented to be full of new 1 settlers from the western States. Mr. Zavala, the late Mexican minister to France, who left this city early in June to form an establishment in Texas, of which determination he had informed the Mexican government, received shortly after his arrival at New Orleans, an ex plicit order from the Vice President of the republic, to repair immediately to the city of Mexico, via Vera Cruz ; with this, however, Mr. Zavala had refused to com ply, and embarked at New Orleans for Texas on the Bth inst.— N. Y. Cour, dy hl']. SOUTHERN MEETING IN NEW YORK. Ge.n. Flov. rnoy, of Georgia, sa id that he was ignorant in what form he should ad dress the meeting, and unacquainted with those who surrounded him, but he knew that they' were Americans, and that was sufficient for him. i [The speaker was here interrupted, and . the entire meeting for some minutes throw n ii.t i confusion by a gentleman nam ed Green, (as our reporter was informed.) connected with the Abolitionists, who was taking notes of the proceedings, in the back part of the meeting- Whether Mr ’ Green was blameable for the excitement , which ensued, our reporter was unable to | learn, but it ended in his being forced out 1 of the room ] Gen. Flournoy then resumed his ; speech. This was a question of deep import, and came home to every man in tie Union. It was improper to debate it prematurely, but it was not right to im pute corrupt motives for doing so. He I wou.d willingly believe that every man on botu sides of the question wished to act rightly, and when the day arrived, which was fast approaching,' that the North and South would be betteracquaint i ed, there would be found some errors on I the part of the former, and the Southrons, i I.e trusted, would be able to exhibit to the j people of the North, facts now unknown |to them, which would demonstrate that ! nothing could be done at present towards : emancipating the slaves at the South. 1 hose w bo advocate immediate Abolition are most certainly wrong, as it is impossi i ble at piesent. and their conduct in refer- I ence to the question is alike injurious both ,to the slaves and the cause of humanity. 1 his may be taking bold ground, but it is nevertheless true. The interposition of those who write against us, causes the slave, to be disobedient, and his master is i obliged to chastise him; and thus the slave and his owner are mutually injured. Was jit not inhuman to teach a man that he is ; miserable, and that he is a whip-galled slave which is untrue. Let the man alone, and he knows not that he is a slave; for the chains are so silky, that if they can ) not be burst asunder, like Sampson’s, he I feels them not. It is said that slaves get :no equivalent for their services. He as . sorted that they do. They were fed and i clothed, and had no care for the morrow: w hen they went to bed they slept soundly without fear that on f he morrow their wives or families would b?. in want; for they knew that a kind master would carefully provide f rthem. ' This was not the case with many a white man in New York, who although he did ten times as much work as one man of color, often at night did not knowhow he could procure food in the morning. The resolution was inex pedient, because it would make the slaves more refractory. As to the colonization, he considered that plan had failed, for there were now eight hundred slaves from Virginia ready to depart, but there was no money to convey them to the promised land. To tell the slave holders that they must free their slaves would be in other words telling their mas ters they should work for them. If a few free colored men caused such dangers in Philadelphia, what would be the situation of the South, if they set their millions free. “We cannot send them to Africa,we cannot afford to work for them,and I now askyou, will you take your portion of them and pro vide lor them?”(cries of no, no.)As soon asNewYorkers can launch out their cash to us we shall get rid of our slaves but un til then, and that you are ready to take your portion of them, pray let us alone. tax.* FSSSMSkux AUGUSTA", VV EI)XES I) AV , -A UGU ST U . “ You assert that if any conflict shall occur between the State and General Governments, ‘each party lias the right to judge for itself.’ I confess I am at a loss to know how such a proposition should be treated. No climax of political heresies can be imagined, in which this might not fairly claim the most prominent place. It resolves the Government at once into the elements of physical force, and intro duces us directly into anarchy and blood. There is not a single power delegated to the General Government, which it would not be in the power of every State Government to destroy, under the authority ofthis licentious principle.” GEORGE M’DUFFIE. FOR GOVERNOR, ~ WILLIAM SCHLEY. FOR CONGRESS, JABEZ .JACKSON. JESSE F. CLEVELAND. The Chronicle has but one assertion, this mor ning, in regard to us, that deserves a reply. It vert/ honestly confines the area of onr investiga tion for the recipients of Incendiary Publica tions to the Post Office! The Chronicle, like its correspondent, “ Fintrs, have only' such false shifts to escape the public odium, which is fast settling on their faction: and that our pen has brought the truth home to them, awakes all their heroic inkshedding! As to our investi gating the Office, xve never thought of such a useless service. If we had made enquiry there, we should have been answered that it was “ altogether gratuitous ”! or, as we were told with regard to the Mail Arrangements, “ It was impossible to keep them with any accuracy!” Nt>, wc enquired among those who receive riot of him,who distributes them. And wc again repeat, that, with but a single exception, and that was owing to his business connection with a nullifier, have we found a single Union man besides, who has received these infamous pub lications. Wc ask again to point us to a single Union man, or Union Post Master, to whom these pamphlets have been sent. The thing is to* plain to be hid by any such false and flimsy coveringas the Chronicle, this morning,attempts to throw over its nakedness. The Nullifying tools have either furnished the fanatics at the North with the names of the right men, to whom to direct, or have done that honorable and patri otic service themselves with their own sign manu ual! It cannot be doubled for a moment. The people see, and the factionists shall be made to feel its truth. Since the above was in type, and late in the day, we received the following communication from the Post Master here, which, he says, was the amount of the answer, received by the lo cum tenens of the Chronicle, cn yesterday; and that the expression of “ altogether gratuit ous," was only' “ intended (in the Post Master’s words) to convey the idea that the accusation of the Courier xvas not bottomed upon any' infor mation receiv’d from the Post Office, and of course did not refer to any other sources of in formation possessed by the Courier." “ Dr. McWhorter : Sir—My attention has been called to a por tion of your Editorial remarks of 31st July to xvhich I had not before particularly' adverted. You say we have inves igatedthis matter and “with a single exception, in this county, have found those receiving them (abolition papers) all Nullifiers.” As the inference might naturally arise from this expression that the investigation made was by enquiry at the Post Office and as no such enquiry was made by you. I would thank you to make this explanation. At the same time, as you have been misinformed as to the fact, it will be no more than justice to correct the statement itself. The address of Incendiary papers, so far as it has been observed in the Post Office, has given no reason to suppose that they are sent to one party more than another. The most usual form of address is to the Clergyman at “ Clergyman ” and the denomination pt inted, the place written. The only instances that have been noticed for some time in this office of abolition papers addressed to individuals by name, have occurred within two or three weeks. No list of the names was preserved, but those which I enclose are recollected. The number was not more than 12 or 15, of which the enclo sed list are ten. Among those, if lam cor rectly informed,you will findymly three who are known to be nullifiers. W. C. MICOU, P M." W e have not authority to give the names re ferred to, to the public. The P. M. informs us that some oi these papers were immediately te turned to the office, and if a large proportion, it I may account for the paucity of the number, that our investigation discovered here. But this re- , suit does not invalidate the main charge. Our Post Master is not a.nulli.Jicr — of course, if our surmises have any truth for their foundation, i but few such publications would go through his I hands. And the very circumstance, that so few have been received at such a Post Office, is a further presumptive proof, that these incendia ries were apprized, in what quarter their pro ductionsjwould be most acceptable. We know, that 12 or 15, the number received here, as re membered by the Post Master, bears a very meagre proportion to the amount received else where. Give ns the result, where ire Jix the ac cusation : and if we have not the most plausible grounds for our charges, we will be the first to give the refutation to the public. The object of the Nullifiers,’ in keeping up such a hubbub about the powers of the General Government, its absorbing encroachments on the rights of the States, consolidation, &c. is very plain. It is not because they really scent danger in the wind from that quarter, but that public attention maybe withdrawn from the real danger of our country — Disunion. To keep us excited is their game, and they are not very particular as to the complexion of the subject, ! black or yellow, *so they keepshoving us along, gradually weakening every thing to which we ehng, to prevent our plunging into that abyss, of whose almost uncovered horrors we, now and then, get such appalling glimpses. Disunion ! V\ c might say, with Mr. Calhoun, it is our only danger, a.-, a. nation. The opposite is impossi ; ble. Consolidation is the bug-bear ofthe politi- ■ ca l hypocrite. Talk of the centripetal forces ; ol our Confederation, when every particle, of I which it is composed, has the wild tendencies of I a comet! Talk of consolidation, when we can I scarcely keep the parts together—whin some [crooked cog, in the great circle of its move ments, is forever rubbing so hard against sotnc part of the machinery it should not touch, that all well-tuned ears are stopped to avoid the cur sed discord ! Such has been the history ofour whole career—such the prophecy’, under which we launched on the sea of self-government, not j one ot whose evil forebodings tut has had re : luctant misgivings of their accomplishment, in | the consciousness of every patriot! And now, we prate about the danger of consolidation— the involuntary squeezing, into one homogeneous mass, a medley’ of such discordant materials as I cannot exist in peace, at a thousand miles dis- ■ tance! Ridiculous nonsense! Dishonest pre i tenee! False covering of wicked ends ! “ Get behind me, Satan.” * The Indian question, and the Tariff had many aspects and therefore could lie viewed differently—they,therefore, failed to answer the r purposes. The card they play now’ has but otic face, and that a d—d black one—notlu g else can bo seen in it—every body see but one thing—the whole South has but one eye. They thiaK, therefore, the agitation they are now endeavoring to create, must work all one way, and that in the direction they wish Rut, as the Rich- I inond Enquirer says, "the pistol will miss Cre," and" Nows I A'rrrons.” Jj” If the “State Rights” men, as they call themselves, take offence at our strictures, by in cluding themselves among the Nullifiers, let them shake oft'the “ Sarpcnts.” We say Nulli fiers — not “ State Rights" men. To call things, or men, by other than their right names, is a species oi politeness we have yet to learn. There have been public meetings relative to those incendiary publications with xvhich the U. S. Mail has been lately encumbered, in Nor folk, Richmond, Charleston, &c. In Charles ton was one of the “ Storekeepers,” to consider rhe propriety of declining to have any business connection with Northern Merchants, who were known to faY'or the schemesof the Abolitionists. They solemnly pledged themselves not to trade or traffic with such or have any' commercial in tercourse with them whatever. The lies, that our opponents are circulating relative to the political opinions of the late Gen James Jackson, to bolster up their cause, reminds us of similar fabrications by the Nulli fiers with tegard to Mr. Madison. As soon as the truth was demonstrated, beyond even their I impudence to deny, that his opinions were ; against their interpretation of that Constitution, ; ot which he was so distinguished a framer, he became, all of a sudden, a “driveller and a show, ’ as silly as old Swift in his dotage, and did not know, not what he used to think, but even what he thinks now. This is still their slang, although it has been repeatedly shewn, that his cultivated intellect has all its meridian i strength and splendor, and glories in the pros- I perily and fame his country enjoys under that Union, which the Constitution cemented and has preserved. They would also sully the character of the late Gen. Jackson, by ascribing to him principles he never thought of, except to spurn. But thank Heaven, if he unhappily did not live long enough to give ihc lie to their as sertions, be left those behind him, who hare both the ability and the spirit to protect his fame. Read the article under the signature of The Family of the late General Jackson. The Richmond Enquirer further remarks:— “ But we mean not to underrate the strength of the Anti-Slavery Fanatics. They seem to be increasing in number; but toamuch less alarm ing extent than the factious desperadoes are at tempting to pourtray. What say the impartial men upon the scene of action ? Wc lay before • our readers this morning, the procedings of I .>OO Southern Citizens in the'eity of New York. t 1 he current of evidence which is given in this meeting, goes to show, that though there is some excitement it has been designedly and greatly exaggerated. A respectable citizen of Massa chusetts declares, that the Fanatics have lied— : that they have not as many affiliated Societies ■ as they have reported— and that these Societies : are much thinner than have been represented. ; What say the jour, alists upon the spot ?” From Noah's Evening Star. “ When we read the first call, signed by citi zens of several states, we were exceedingly sor- • ry to see it, because it would have the tendency, ! as we believed, to give importance to a set of fanatics, who are So entirely harmless, and do not carry even a fraction of public opinion with : them. We have always considered these fead ' ing immediate abolitionists, who get up meet ings, and publish inflammatory handbills, as a set of knaves, whose sole object is to prey upoa the credulous and unwary, appeal to their sym pathies, and then filch money out of their pock ets, which is used, not to put down slavery, but to aid these idle vagrants and hypocrites to gel employment and bread. This, we believe, is the true secret of the whole humbug. Why should our southern friends give character and influence to these fanatics, by attaching impor tance to their proceedings ? How many Nor thern men can these fellows bind to their inter est and to their plans? Not any force worth naming. There are sufficient patriotic and honest men north of the Potomac to preserve the constitutional rights of their southern brethren, and if there were not, the south can protect it self. These meetings and resolutions are the very thing the pretended friends of the blacks require, for they add fuel to the flame, and ena ble them to trim more money out of the pockets of their credulous victims.” From the New York Times. The Meeting of gentlemen from the South at Tammany Hall.— The account of the Livings ton dinner excluded from our columns yester day, 'he subjoined account of the meeting, held at Tammany Hall, on Monday evening.—The report is taken from the Journal of Commerce.
