About Georgia courier. (Augusta, Ga.) 1826-1837 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 12, 1835)
2 THE COUR I EK, By J . G. M’Whorlcr, TERMS. Tins Papnr is published every MONDAY, WEDNES DAY and FRIDAY afternoon, at $6 per annum, payable in advance. COUNTRY PAPER—Published every FRIDAY after-* nosr. at $3 per annum, in advance, or $ I at the expiration of the year. No Subscriptions received for less time than six months. I ADVERTISEMENTS, not exceeding a square will be I inserted the first time at 75 eta.per square and 371 for j each continuance. Advertisements of one square, published IPtekly, at 75 i cents for every insertion. Persons advertising by the year will be cha cedSOdol- , lars including subscription and will be enti led to one ■ square in each paper. When persons have standing advertisements of several squares, special contracts may be made. No deduction will be made ia future from these charges. ; A|l advertisements must have the number of ins rrions ; merited on them; otherwise they will be inserted till lor- ■ bid, and charged accordingly. SHERIFFS, CLERKS, and other public otlicers, will have 25 per cent deducted in their favor. —: From the Federal Union. THE NULLIFIERS AND THE ABOLITIONISTS. These two factions belong to the same class. They bear a strong resemblance to each other, in the professions which they make, in the feelings by which they are impelled, and in the results which will be the consummation of their efforts, should success crown their zealous la bours. The nullifiers profess that they are contending for liberty; that their only object is, to burst the chains of despotism, and to rescue the freedom of the American people. The abolitionists, not with less sincerity, nor with less zeal, nor with less vanity, and perhaps with more plausibility profess that they too are contending for liberty; that their only object’s to burst the chains by which the master holds his fellow man in slavery, and to rescue the freedom of the African race. Nei her faction resists in cold,philosophic specula tion, or the slow r and calm operations of reason, in accomplishing a purpose which it declares to be so b nificent; but each strives to kindle an enthusiastic passion, wherever its influence can be felt.—The nnllifiers, in public harrangues, in impas sioned addresses, endeavour to excite a degree of feverish hostility to the govern ment of our country, which in a free and prosperous people, borders on insanity. Knowing that this unnatural excitement can be sustained only by the constant ap plication of stimulants, in every part of the country in which they can muster a few partisans, they organize societies, through which they continue to blowup the dying coals, and to prevent the people from re lapsing into the sober conclusions of soli tary and calm reflection Witness their numberless clubs, called “State' Rights Associations.” The abolitionists in like manner - avail themselves of ail the arts of public and heated declamation on popular topics to excite an unjust hostility against the domestic institutions of society in the Southern States; labouring to kindle ab horrence against the master, however hu mane and virtuous; and a restless com passion for the slave, however contented and happy. They too endeavor to keep up this unnatural excitement, by means of clubs, which they call “abolition soci eties.” Should the abolitionists succeed in mad dening the people of the northern States, so far as to induce them to interfere in the condition of the slave at the South, then will this glorious Federal Union, so dear to every lover of liberty throughout the civilized world, be rent asunder. On this momentous subject, the people of the South are unalterably fixed; their united, immutable determination, firm, steadfast, impregnable, ought not to be misunder stood. We suppose that among the aboli tionists, are some ignorant enthusiasts, who sincerely wish to advance the cause of human freedom ; but as a party they are enemies to mankind. Whenever their influence can reach the heart of the slave, it will make him discontented with his lot, and provoke efforts, in which, in the brief and desperate career of insurrection, he may perhaps bathe his hands in the blood of his master, or his mistress or their innocent children; but he will cer tainly expiate his fruitless crimes with his own blood. The abolitionists have partially succeeded in exciting an inso lent temper among the free negroes of New York and Philadelphia—and what is the consequence? The laws are not sufficiently strong to protect the degra ded caste against the scorn, the hatred,the execration of the whites. In these two cities, neither their persons nor their dwellings are safe from the uncontrollable violence ol’a people, who are insulted and shocked at the attempts of the abolitionists to raise the African race to an equality with them. Tear ofl’the thin disguise of these pretended philanthropists, and look at thenatural resultoftheir endeavors, and the inevitable consumamtion of their la bours should they attain the success for which they strive, and we shall find them to beenemies to the human race. Theirsuc cess would instantly rend the Southern States from the Noithem,with the feelings of deep and implacable resentment at unprovoked and deadly injuries The glorious experience of a people, happy and prosperous, and growing, beyond any former example, still borne along on the full tide of their admirable system, with , immeasurable prospects before them, can give no adequate conception of the good which these wretched men are laboring to destroy. Imagination cannot paint the calamities with which they would wound, and afflict, and torture the American fam ily. Equally disastrous in its results would be the scheme ofthe nullifiers, could they accomplish their designs. With more di rect purpose than the abolitionists, they seek the destruction ofthe Federal Union. Their present object is a separation be tween the northern and southern States, and the formation of a southern confeder acy. This calamitous, and direful pur pose they cannot hope to accomplish by a direct, and unveiled proposition. They can succeed only by alienating one por tion of the I nion from another; by gene- rating in the hearts o( the southern peo pie, distrust, and suspicion, and hatred ol . the citizens ofthe northern States,and hos 1 tility to the common Go eminent which • unites them. The Federal Union is held i together only by the confidence and affec tion of the people, and their beliefthat it is the source of benefits to them; and the whole force and talent of the nullifiers are exerted in changing this confidence and affection into distrust and hatred; and this belief of ita beneficial tendency into a con viction that it brings, and will continue to bring to their, only oppression, slavery, and ruin. It matters little,whether the Federal Un ion be destroyed by the wicked machina tions ofthe abolitionists or the no less dan gerous intrigues of the nullifiers. What ever be the cause of this immeasurable calamity, and whoever may be the agents in accomplishing it, the consequence to human liberty, and peace, and happiness would be equally fatal. The nullifiers, although they form only a small taction, are far more numerous and talented than the abolitionists. They give : a striking proof of their superior adroit ness, in the use which they make ol their I rivals in the evil work of disunion. If a I Stupid and self-conceited abolitionist ex i press sentiments which are reprobated and abhorred by a vast majority of the north ern people, the nullifier seizes the occa ision to fix on that very majority the guilt and odium of entertaining evil de signs against the South, and to produce alarm and panic at the South and to lay the foundation for the belief, that we can not, without imminent hazard to our dear est interests, retain our connection with the northern States We believe that on this momentous subject, public sentiment at the north has never been more enlight ened, more sound, more virtuous, than it is at.thistime: A vast majority of the norfh ern people entertain a deep conviction, that any interference on their part with the domestic relations of the South, would be unjust, and unconstitutional and haz ardous. While the fanatics hold their meetings, and circulate their poisoned tracts at a distance from our borders, they are the objects of our mingled abhorrence and contempt. To be alarmed and ag itated at the distant outpouring of their folly and madness, would savour of timi dity, and weakness,and unworthy distrust of o u rsel ves. W ithi n our bo rde rs an un - ceasing vigilanceis required. For a rem edy against the evil referred to, we should rely on our own prudence,our own courage, and the stern execution of our laws. There are thouands of virtuous and pat riotic citizens who, in the blindness of their devotion to their leaders, and attach ment to their party, have espoused the doctrines of nullification, without under standing their real tendency Ah! how has the generous and comprehensive pat riotism of these men given place to a fac tious zeal for their party! How have their love for American honour, their affection for the Americen citizen, their attachment to the Federal Union, been supplanted by the malevolent sentiments of distrust, and jealousy, and hatred a gainst their fellow- citizens in thenorthern States, and a rankling and vindictive hos tility to the federal gover merit. We con jure such men to reflect on the changes which they have und, rgone; and to aban don a system, which scorches, and with ers, and blasts in their hearts, the pure and noble sentiment of patriotism. That can not be a good system of morals, which makes its disciples, the enemies of our ho ly religion : nor can that be a correct sys tem of politics, which makes its partizans the enemies of that frame of government which was established by the patriotic sa ges and heroes ofthe Revolution. Wellmont, near Augusta, Ga. 15th July, 1835. Dear Sir:—your friendly favor ofthe Bth inst. came to hand in due course of mail. I thank you for your kindness in informing me of the several slanderous re ports which you say have been circulated in the community in which you live, and which if uncontradicted, must produce to wards me and my friends results unfavora ble to a successful canvass for the office to which the unanimous voice of the con vention has nominated me. The charges against my political course and character as I understand them from your letter are these— -Ist; That I am a Federalist of the most odious stamp,and was opposed to the war from principle. 2d. That I refused to illuminate m house at the rejoicing had at Louisville (where I then resided) for the great and glorious victory at Orleans. 3d. That I sustained the Indian Tas sels in the citation case in direct controven tion of the rights,the dignity and sovereign ty ofthe state, of Georgia. 4th. That I advocated the right and power of the Gen. Government, to make roads and canals, and lay excessive duties for protection, &c. To these charges you ask me to reply and plead “guilty” or “not guilty.” Charge Ist. This charge as made, I do most positively deny. 1 never was a fed eralist, in the vulgar acceptation of the term. I never held the doctrines attribu ted to that party, in regard to the construe tion of the constitution. I never approved the conduct ofthat party in their opposi tion to the war after it was declared. I considered the conduct ofthat party in the Hartford convention as moral treason. I obtained the name of federalist, because I was opposed to the restrictive system in troduced by Mr - Jefferson, viz. Embargo, non intercourse and non importation acts. I believed them wrong and injurious to the country when they were in operation, and I believe so now. I was opposed to the declaration of war, be fore that declara tion was made,not upon principle, because I always said that we had abundance of cause of war against Engl ind, but upon the ground of expediency, and for this I first reason the country and public treas ury had been much embarrassed and em poverished by the embargo, &c.—and sec- j ond,that the people were too much divided upon the question to risk state a of war with a powerful nation. The act of declaring war was passed the house of Congress, if I am j I not mistaken, by a single vote. I do most ; I positively deny therefore that 1 was oppos I led to the war, “on principle"— After the) [war was declared, 1 said publicly that I i had been opposed to the passage of the act ; declaring war whilst the bill was before congress, but that now, as war had been I declared by the con-tituted authorities of j the nation, it was the duty of every good j citizen and patriot to support it.toan honor able termination, by all the means in his ! power. But I am, and always have been ’ j a federalist, in the proper acceptation of I the word, i. e. a friend to the federal consti- 1 tution and federal union, and therefore I never have denied (and never will) being a federalist.—lfbeing opposed to the Em bargo and the declaration of war, make ■me a federalist, then John Randolph, of i Roanoke; was also one, for he was alike 1 opposed to these measures—and yet,he es caped the charge. 2d. charge. This is a most barefaced falsehood, fabricated by some vile slander er to create a prejudice against me. On all occasions of rejoicing at the victories ofour Army and Navy, I and all my re lations joined and illuminated our houses, whenever that mode of rejoicing, at the glorious victories obtained over our ene mies, was adopted by the citizens. I re joiced, at heart, at every victory obtained by us over the enemy, and I always aided in an}’ and every means of manifesting my joy. and that of all the people at large.— 3d. charge. This is also false; In the legislature of 1830,0 f which 1 was a mem her, 1 drew up the report upon the Cher okee question, and in that report expressly claimed forGeorgia.the right ofjurisdiction over that country. And as it regards the case of Tassels, I voted for and advocated Mr. Turner’s resolution which said, in substance, that we had confidence in the Executive and Judiciary of Georgia, and therefore the. action of the general assem bly was deemed unnecessary in the case of Tassels; see Journal of the House of Representatives of 1830, page 448.—8ut the question of the corflict of jurisdiction was not directly before the house, and if it was,it wastoo grave a questionto be decided upon a few hours notice, and only a few wereallowed in that case. 1 believed that thelegislature would be doing wrong, and lessening its own dignity,by undertaking to pass resolutions censuring the supreme court before the court had acted on the sub ject; for the'citation was a mere notice to appear, and no decision, either for or a gainst our right of jurisdiction, had been made. I held on that occasion, that it would be time enough to express an o pinion on the subject, after the court had acted (if indeed it ever should act) and I and ten other persons were unwilling to decide so great a question without time for deliberation, and when there was no necessity foe doing so; we thought, “suffi cient for the day is the evil thereof.” The court had passed sentence of death on Tas seis, and the sheriff was ordered to execute him. The legislature was bound to pre sume that the sheriff would do his duty and they had no legal or constitutional control over him; and for this reason also 1 voted lor Mr. Turner’s resolution de claring that we had confidence in the exe cutive and judicial branches of the gov ernment of Georgia, and that therefore no legislative action was necessary;! thought so then; I think so now; and I should now give a similar vote under similar circum stances. And in doing so, I was not guil ty of doing an act “in direct contraven tion of the right the dignity and sovereignty of the state of Georgia, on the contrary, I thought my vote on Mr. Turner’s resolution was calculated to sustain and support the “right,the dignity and the sovereignty ofthe state of Geor gia.” 4th. charge. The fourth and lastchargehas not an inch of ground to stand on. There is no act of political life, nor expression of political opinion from which such inter ference can be drawn and therefore the author of this falsehood is without even an excuse for it. In every opinion 1 have given, I have manifested my opposition toa latitudiuarian construction ofthe feder al constitution. In proof of this assertion I refer you to my Digest of the English ; Statutes, pages 57 & 58, in which I repro- bate the extent to which the doctrine of I constructive powers is carried by some i politicians—and this article was written ; by me as long ago as the year 1823, long I before 1 had any public office, or had a i thought of entering political life. And 1 in further proof of my opinions, I send you ; a c°py of my speech in congress, on the • desposit question. I say then that I nev- I er held the doctrines ascribed to me but always have been opposed to them. 1 I have marked the passages in the speech ; which apply to this point. I have now, my dear sir. answered all , charges you have mentioned, and endeav : ored to prove to you, that they are all, as 1 i know them to be, false. For the Ist. and 3d.charges,the authors may have some excuse,because, ever since 1807, when Mr. Jefferson commenced his restrictive system, I have been called a fe deralist; though, in fact, I never have been one, in the sense in which it has been ap plied—And as I voted against any legisla tive action in the case of Tassels, it has been supposed by some who do not under stand the question, that I was opposed to the right of jurisdiction on the part of Georgia, over the Cherokee country. But as I have said above, the report I drew up and madeto the same legislature,in which I expressly claimed our right of jusrisdic- ! tion, will prove conclusively that my vote : in the I assels case h-;s been misunderstood ; or purposely misr presented for party po- litical effect. But the authors ofthe 2d A, 4th, chargeshave no excuse; no circum stance to redeem them fromthe imputation of wilful misrepresentation. With great respect, I am your ob’t serv’t. WM. SCHLEY. G. Hol sey, Esq. Sparta Georgia., ... ■wTn-ai-z rr mi 33 - VV EDN ES D AY, AUG tS T I 2 , “ You assert that if any conflict shall occur between the State and General Governments, ‘each party has the right to judge for itself.’ I confess I am at a loss to know how such a proposition should be treated. No climax of ' political heresies can be imagined, in which this might not fairly claim the most prominent place. It resolves the Government at once into the elements of physical force, and intro duces us directly into anarchy and blood.— There is not a single power delegated to the General Government, which it would not be I in the power of every State Government to destroy, under the authority of this licentious principle.” GEORGE M’DUFFIEi FOR GOVERNOR, WILLIAM SCHLEY. FOR CONGRESS, JABEZ JACKSON. JESSE F. CLEVELAND. One object, among the obvious ones, in our enquiries ofthe Post Master, and remarks on the subject, was to elicit and establish'facts in regard to newspaper distribution, which should bear on the remedial process we suggested on Friday last. As newspaper packages are put up, it is impossible for Post Masters to know, what are enclosed within their envelopes, ex cept that they appear t<, be newspapers. So that packages of incendiary ones are as likely to be given out as any other. This cannot be ascer tained without demolishing the packet under the present system. The means we suggested of preventing the evil complained of, we sub join, that they maybe reconsidered and digested. We invite reflections having this tendency. Our plan is mainly intended for the Post Mas ter, who stands at the gate of admission, and should be furnished, by law, with such guards asshall rarely, if ever, make him a false report. Render him responsible, and punish severely publishers, or any others, who, by hanging out false colors, continue to deceive either the dis tributor, or recipients, contrary to the plain in tention of the law. Under so simple an opera tion as the endorsement of their titles on their newspapers, with the enactment of Slate laws according to the exigency of each, may all this prejudice and clamor be prevented, the designs of mischief-makers, either at home or abroad, blasted, and the United States Mail, the com mon means of common benefit, no longer pros tituted to the unholy purpose of fostering the prejudices and inflaming the passions of one portion of our country against another. We made the following suggestions on Fri day last: Congress alone can pass a general law on this, or any other subject, operating on all the States. We do not see at once, what may be the neces sary reqcisitions of such a law—perhaps, it may be sufficient to order the titles of all periodicals endorsed on their envelopes with their direction, so that the Post Masters may see at a glance, what kind of materials they are throwing into the bosom of society, rendering it unlawful and punishable by suitable penalties for the Post Master to give out packets without such endorse ments, and penal also in the publishers to falsi ly the titles eitheron the envelopes or elsewhere. The States, besides, may, as some of them do now, enact laws suitable to their emergencies, proscribing the circulation, by any body, of pub lications dangerous to the public safety and ie pose, rendering the Post Master liable, as a citi zen of the State, for a breach of its laws in al lowing prohibited publications to pass through his hands for distribution in the -State. Each S’ate may prohibit what it pleases, and publish at home what it pleases, the Press there being perfectly free to publish any thing under the laws and its accountability to them. For instance, Massachusetts may publish in Massachusetts what she pleases, and may prohibit from Geor gia any publication she pleases. Let Georgia have the same privileges. One State cannot complain—has no right to complain, concern ing what another publishes, provided it is kept at home, and is not sent abroad to disturb the peace and tranquility of other States. In some such way as this, may the evil we deprecate be remedied by general consent, in perfect confor mity to the Constitution and law’s and thegener al welfare of the whole. This is only a crude outline, is given as such, to awaken reflection and finally lead to the best digested system of measures for the prevention of the evil, of which we complain. A particular meeting, blazoned to the world, by the Chronicle, was the punctum salient of the iecent excitement, like Clayton’s toast in Lau rens District for the Nullification hurra in 1832. Y hat we stated, we did on the authority men tioned at the time, and should not have again alluded to thv subject, but that the little souls about the streets are constantly alluding to the subject in a manner not only unjust to ourselves (that we care nothing about) but to others, who have a right to have all malevolent misrepre sentation refuted. We confess, we do feel some reluctance to he under even the shade of suspi cion, from the false statements of such a creaft/.re as conducts xheChronicle in the Editor’s absence. Nor shall the hypocritical wire-drawers, who profit by his falsehoods, have the benefit of their subornation. I With the following certificate we close this matter forever: In regaid to the accounts of the meeting week before last, given at different times by the Chronicle, we see nothing true in them, except that there was a meeting. The Editor uses our names, but had no authority to do so. No one told us, as he states, that the meeting was of a suspected character, and we went of our own accord, for the chief purpose of catching a par ticular runaway, mentioned to us by the City Marshall. We knew, before we went, that a City Magistrate had authorized the Prayer Meeting, (it was in his own negro house) and did not sus pect that any one doubted its propriety. We found there between 70 and 100 colored persons, under the superintendence of Mr. Shavers, appointed to see that every thing was properly conducted, and about two thirds of that number were negro women. They were all decently en gaged in religious worship, and had, before the present occasion, held frequent meetings there for the same purpose under the same authority. CALEB HATFIELD, C. C. THOS. X TANT, C. C. Our “ Slate Rights” friends have started for the known vacancies in our congressional dele gation, R. 11. Wilde, R. L. Gamble and Thomas I<\ Rosier. We say State Rights ; but it seems un necessary for us to be so polite on any occasion ; for if we hit the Nullifiers on the side of the head, up start the State Rights f oiks from their drow’sy slumber, and ask, who the devil was that knocked them ? This sensitiveness is unaccounta ble to us on any physiological principle taught us by Richerand —and we know of only one fact similar to it, and that was the case of a fel low, who, when the musquitobit his leg, stoop ed down and scratched that of his neighbor. There seems to be some kind of Siamese-Twin connection between these two sets of folks—a fellow-feeling wondrous kind ! But gambling, we would tc-Il them, is getting into worse and worse odor with the public. No good cause can be so fostered. And their schemes, besides, ard too wild, to say the least of them. “ M’ Whorterism” is a great annoyance to the Nullies — it can’t be got over, nor round, that’s the reason. It haunts them day andnight. We believe, in their ptayers, if they ever pray at all, they ejaculate “ Gaod Lord, deliver us” from it. The Sentinel, or rather Yours tyc. of the Chronicle, for the Sentinel, has been trying to exorcise the readers of that paper, and inter pose the charms of his Yankee conciseness and punctuating preciseness between its influence and their empty noddles. Think not Mr. R D you are unknown—half the town see you—keep down your tail—it curls too high above your back. We had a correspond dent about this time last year, who told you, “of all political hypocrites, a Yankee Nullifier was the greatest.” Will the Sentinel enlighten the public, as to what Van Buren has to do in our elections to the State Legislature I We do not choose members of the Legislature to elect President of the United States. Electors of President of the U. S. are chosen in Georgia, my good felb w, by the People. Carry your issue there, on the proper occasion, and you will find us all at home. The Rev. Mr. Moderwel's Address to the Public, we perceive bj’ a notice in the last Sen tinel, will be answered. We presume, those, who have been censured in that publication will then make the necessary replies to the charges implicating them We must, therefore, decline making their defence by their friends, or their further accusation, topics for newspa per discussion. Our correspondent,a “Citizen," seems himself to have anticipated the propriety of such a course. We have only a single remark to make on the Report ofthe Charleston Committee.—We question the propriety of the Convention they intimate, and if there were no other reasons, they may themselves be considered as assign ing a sufficient one, the undoubted unanimity of the South against all aggression on their rights, such as contemplated by a few Northern fanatics, to whom it would also be giving an importance, which they do not deserve. Wa sustain the good sense of the late Meeting of Southern gentlemen in New York on this point. Besides, we shall have no further trouble with the Abo litionists. We shall be surprised, if they are not suppressed at home, with nearly Vicksburg justice. We expect, every mail, to hear of meetings at the North on that subject. GREAT AND IMPORTANT PUBLIC MEETING. One of the most imposing assemblages of Cit izens in respect of numbers, intelligence and respectability, that we have ever witnessed, says the Charleston Courier ofthe 11th, met yester day morning at the City Hall, to receive the Report of the Committee of Twenty-One, ap pointed by the meeting on the 4th inst, on the incendiary machination now in progress against the peace and welfare of the Southern States. The Clergy of all denominations, attended in a body, lending their sanction to the proceedings and adding, by their presence, to the impressive charactei of the scene. PREAMBLE. The Committee ofTwenty One,to whom was referred the important subject on which the citizens of Charleston were late ly convened, beg leave to Report—That they have had the matter referred to them under due deliberation, and recommend the adoption of the annexed Resolutions. The Committee have purposely abstained from any labored argument on the subject ot slavery, not from any inability to sus tain, on moral and scriptural grounds, its existence and toleration as now establish ed in South-Carolina,but from a deep con viction ofthe fixed resolution of the peo ple of this State, to permit no discussion within her limits, of rights, which she deems inherent and inseparable from the very existence oftheState—Rights which existed before the Union was formed, and which were guaranteed to her by the Fed eral Constitution, when, as a sovereign State, shebecamea memberofthe Confed eracy. The committee, therefore, submit the following Resolutions for the adoption ofthe Citizens, without further comment: 1. Resolved, That we hold it to be an unquestionable truth, that the subject of Slavery as it now exists in the Slave hold ing States of this Union, is, in its bearings, a domestic Question, belonging exclusive ly to the citizens ofthese States; that the’ people of no other State have any right to interfere therewith, in any manner what soever—and that such interference is ut terly inconsistent with the federal compact and cannot be submitted to. 2. Resolved, That we regard with the utmost indignation and abhorrence, the proceedings of those incendiaries in some of our sister States, who, under the name of “Anti-Slavery Societies,” and o ther specious appellations, are endeavor ing to undermine our Institutions, regard less of the fatal consequences which must inevitably result, from the prosecution of their nefarious schemes, which, if success ful, could not fail to involve the Southern States in ruin, and produce the utter de struction of those persons, for whose wel fare they pretend to be so solicitous. 1 he statements recently put forth ofthe existence at this time, of 250 of such Soci eties, in 13 States, and the weekly issue from a single press in the City of New York, of from 25 to 50,000 copies ofthese Incendiary Pamphlets and Papers, with which our Public Mail has been lately burdened, and which are now spreading their deleterious influence throughout the Southern Slates—admonish us of the abso lute necessity of taking prompt and decis ive measures, to avert the dire calamities which such proceedings are so well calcu lated to produce. i . That these proceedings have brought about a crisis, which makes an earnest, and we trust that it may prove an irresistible appeal to all such of our Fellow-Citizens in the non-Slave-holding States as may disapprove of these -Socie ties and their measures, calling upon them by every consideration of duty and patriot ism, to manifest that disapprobation, not merely by the expression of their opinion, but by the most active, zealous and perse vering efforts to put down these Associa tions, and to-suppress that fanatical spirit, which, in pursuing- an imaginary good, is regardless of the fatal consequences which are inseparable even from its con tinued prosecution, among which, not the least to be lamented, would be thl cer tain DESTRUCTION GF THE UNION. 4. Resolved, That under our political sjstem, where a number of Sovereign Slates are united together by a written compact in a Federal Union, for special purposes only—each member of such an Union has an unquestionable right to ex pect and require, (what is indeed the very basis of such a connexion) that no inter ference whatever, shall take place with her Domestic Policy, or peculiar Institu tions, either by the constituted authorities ofthe Federal or other State Governments, or by the people of other States, and it is the imperative duty of each State, to pre vent, by suitable penalties and provisions, their own citizens from being guilty of any such interference with the domestic policy of any other State. 5. Resolved, That the Post Office es tablishment cannot consistently with the Constitution of the United States, and the objects of such an Institution, be conver ted into an instrument for the dissemina tion of Incendiary publications, and that it is the duty of the Federal Government to provide that it shall not be so prostituted, which can easily be effected, by merely making it unlawful to transport by Public Mail, through the limits of any State, any seditious Papers, forbidden by the laws of such State, to be introduced or circulated therein, and by adopting the necessary regulations to effect the object. 6. Resolved, That in the event of no effectual measures being adopted either by the General or State Governments or by the people of the non-slaveholding States, for the suppression ofthe great and grow ing evil of which we complain, it will be come the solemn duty of all these States having a common interest with us on this subject, to adopt the most decisive and ef ficacious measures to protect themselves. 7. Resolved, That for the purpose of making such an earnest appeal to the peo ple ofthe non slave-holding States as may convince them of the true state of public feeling amongst us, it would in the opin ion of this meeting be desirable to bring about a cordial co-operation among all the States having a common interest with us, either through a Convention, or in any other way, best calculated to embody pub lic sentiment, so that the truth may be made known, that however we may differ among ourselves on other points, we are on this subject united as one man in the fixed and unalterable determination to maintain our rights, and defend our prop erty against all attacks—be the conse quences what they may. 8. Resolved, That we have no doubt of the right of each state to provide by law against the introduction of a moral pestilence, calculated to endanger its exis tence, and to give authority to their Courts adequate to the suppression of the evil, and we therefore respectfully submit to the Legislature of this State, the propriety of passing Laws (should those now in force not be adequate to the object) commensu rate with, the means now practised a gainst us, and especially giving authority to the Judges by proper warrants, to seize and destroy, and requiring all persons to deliver up to be destroyed, all incendiary publications which may be brought into this State, calculated to excite domestic in surrection or to disturb the tranquillity, happiness and safety ofthe people. 9. Resolved, That a copy ofthese Res olutions be transmitted by the Chairman of this Meeting to the Governor of this State with a request that the same may be laid before the Legislature in order that they may take such measures, as to them may seem proper. That copies be also transmitted to our fellow citizens in each Judicial District of this State, requesting their concurrence in thesi ntiments herein expressed. That the Hon. the City Coun cil be requested to cause to be printed at the public expense, 5,000 copies of the foregoing Resolutions, for general distri bu'ion, and that Elis Honor the Intendant, be requested officially to transmit to the Intendant or Mayor of each incorporated city or town in the United States, a copy thereof, and that a sufficient number of co pies be furnished to the Chairman of the Committee, to be transmitted in our behalf to such persons in different portions of the Union as may probably be disposed to concur with us in the sentiments herein expressed. 10. Resolved, That the Intendant and Waldens be earnestly requested to exert their utmost vigilance in detecting and bringing to punishment all persons who may be in any way engaged in furthering in this State, the dangerous schemes of the Anti-Slavery Society, or other evil disposed persons, and that, if necessary, they do call upon the Citizens to aid them in the performance of this duty; and the
