About Georgia courier. (Augusta, Ga.) 1826-1837 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 17, 1835)
2 TH EC OU K I EK, By J. G. M’ W hor tcr. TERMS. This Paper is published every MONDAY, WEDNES DAY and FRIDAY afternoon, at $6 per annum, payable in advance. COUNTRY PAPER—Published every FRIDAY after nosi; at $3 per annum, in advance, or $4 at the expiration of the year. No Subscriptions received for less time than six months. ADVERTISEMENTS, not exceeding a square will be inserted the. first time at 75cts.per square and 37i for each continuance. Advertisements of one square, published Weekly, at 75 cents for every insertion. Persons advertising by the year will be charged 30 dol lars including subscription and will be enti led to one square in each paper. When persons hav • standing advertisements of several squares, special contracts may be made. No deduction will be made in future from those charges. Ail advertisements must have the number of insertions marked on them; otherwise they will be inserted till for bid, mid charged accordingly. SHERIFFS, CLERKS, and.other public officers, will have 25 per cent deducted in their favor. From the Boston Atlas of August 4. THE SLAVE QUESTION. We have expressed but a single opin ion on this agitating topic, from the time that it first became necessary to discuss it in the public journals. We have uniform ]y and decidedly condemned the violent movements, and still more violent lan guage, of the immediate .Abolitionists. The evil, great as it is, we shall only ag gravate by agitating. The sufferings of the slave— great as they may be—we shall only increase by our rash interference. 'Let Abolitionists ask themselves, In what manner can we interfere with the slaves of the South, with any reasonable expectation of bettering their condition? It must be either with or without the con sent of their masters. It you propose to adopt your measures with the con-ent of their masters, go among them and pro mulgate your doctrines. If they will con sent to their adoption, they will certainly consentto listen tothem. If you mean to force your opinions on them— to compel them to a manumission of their slaves— you at once light up the flames of civil war. The whole question resolves itself into this—and can be < onsidered only in this point of view. If this is then your intention, avow it. Proclaim that you are agitating in New- England, and are preparing to agitate in Europe, for the purpose of compelling a release of all slave property —avow this intention—snd this must be your intention if you mean anything—and see how many of your deluded followers would still cling to you. We abhor slavery as hear tily as we hate any thing else that is op pressive, unjust, and odious. But there is no more reason fora movement in New England, to reduce the Southern States, and compel them to release their slaves, than there would have been for our join ing Poland in her struggle against the Autocrat of the North—or in exciting the serfs of Russia to a rebellion against their legitimate Government. As far as this question is concerned, the slave States are, to all intents and purpo ses, a Foreign Nation. We have no more right, and no more power to meddle with the slaves of South Carolina, than we have to meddle with those of the West India islands. And if we attempt it, it can only be through battle and bloodshed that we shall succeed in such a plan of emancipation. We regret to learn that there is to be more American agitation on this subject m England. The Abolition Society is sending on, agents to work for them there —how, and to what end? To raise funds for the purchase of the slaves? or to pay itinerants for preaching up an excitement iijNew England and New York? It is of the greatest importance that pub lic meetings should be held throughout New Isngland, to declare the sentiments of the People at large with reference to the movements of the fanatics and aboli tionists—those who profess themselves ready to go through the double horrors of a servile and a civil war for the remote chance of succeeding in a compulsory emancipation. From the N. Y. Journal of Commerce, Atrocious Conspiracy.— The time has arrived when it is necessary for everyAm erican, for every citizen more especially of the non-slave holding states north of the Potomac, who value this union and its institutions, to speak out boldly, and to dis claim in the most unequivocal manner, all connexion with the horrid conspiracy which there can now be no longer a doubt the Abolition fanatics of the north are plotting against the peace and lives ofour southern neighbors. The late extorsive, plans developed thecargoes of seditious and treasonable tracts and pamphlets, a few days since noticed as ar riving at Norfolk and Charleston, incon sequence of the enormous quantity ofthese publications brought in the Columbia, steamer, from New York, in the public ; mail, clearly demonstrate a preconcerted and most atrocious conspiracy set on ! foot by the incendiaries of the Tappan and Garrison School, to light up the torch of civil war over every part of the Southern States. We have hitherto, from a reluctance to intermeddle with the freedom of discus sion abstained, as much as possible, from touching on this exciting subject, hoping and trusting that the impressive lessons which the abolitionists received in New York, a year since and in the general sense of indignation wh ch every honest citizen of the north have expressed against their revolting doctrines, would have de terred them from proceeding farther, and brought them back to a returning sense of propriety. We had fondly cherished the expectation thatthe subject would have gradually died away, and been abandon ed by the madmen who had agitated it, We have been most grievously disappoint ed; and we are now convinced that they are determined to proceed in their crimin al designs, be the consequences what they may. It therefore behoves our fellow citi zens,and|our municipal & state authorities, to adopt at once, such public measures as may enable us to operate with our friends at the south against the base wretches who are the authors ofthese treasonable schemes. As wi possess the power and the means,it is our imperious duty to make I common cause against, and to apprehend ’ these incendiaries, wherever the}’ may be ; found, as the enemies and traitors to our ■ country. Their vile pamphlets should be seized upon as common nuisances a gainst the morality and peace of the com munity, and such proceedings be immedi ately put into execution, as will effectually secure the public from being contamined or exasperated by their inflammatory doc trines, either through the pressor post of fice, or any other medium by which they can be circulated or disseminated among our citizens. The time has arrived when these excesses must be promptly put down if we wish to save our country, our liber ties and our laws, and prevent a scene of carnage and massacre, and of civil war, such as ought to make every man who reveres the land of his fathers and the sa cred compact which binds us together, tremble and shudder to think of it. But if the case of right were never so plain, how is a separation of the States to be a remedy for the wrongs of which the the South complains? How would that check the effect of incendiary meetings, and speeches, and books? In the case of the Tariff, we could see how a dissolution of the Union would dissolve the Tariff But in the present case we do not see what possible relationship there is betweinthe disease and the remedy. If the Union were severed,no territory would beannihi lated The country North of Mason’s and Dixon’s line would still exist, and Ab olitionists would he as thick in it as be fore. Ths necessities of communication by mail would not be lessened, nor do we see that in any way any thing would be accomplished for the security of the South, On the contrary, we can see that much of the security they now possess would be taken away. In the first place, the dispo sition to stand by the South, and by all proper means to discountenance and op pose the violent measures of which she complains, would be cooled by the con sci usness, that by separation she had grossly violated her duty and her consti tutional obligations. The constitutional pledge by which all the States are bound to assist in the suppression of insurrection whenever it may occur, and to restore fu gitives, would be at an end. Indeed, we see nothing but loss to the South by the desperate measure which we are sorry to hear sodreely talked of. It would be a loss irreparable to all the States, compen sated by no good,—no, not the smallest, to any one of them. Why then, in the ab sence of all motives but the restlessness of passion, should we talk so freely of pro ving ourselves unworthyofour birth-right —recreant to the mheritance which our fathers purchased for us with their blood? ****** If we may be left to the fair warfare of argument, Northern intelligence and in tegrity will soon frown them (the Aboli tionists) into silence. But alas for the poor negro! What is he to do in such a conflict? If the Abolitionists have any compassion where they pretend so much, we pray them pause in their cruel ca reer. The Post Office and Abolition Tracts. —The remedy for the uuworthy conduct of Abolitionists in sending their publica tions in cart loads by mail, is quite within the control of Congress, and we presume the laws now existing would be suffi cient if applied. If publications are for warded by mail to persons not subscribers, and so are taken out, on being returned to the office where they were first deposited, the depositor is bound to redeem them with double postage. If this is not suffi cient, Congress could amend the lawsoas to compel the editors of periodical or news papers, and the depositors of phamplets, wnenever required by the Postmaster to pay the postage at the time of making the deposit, and to give security to treble or quadruple postage, in case they should be returned. Such a law would be no a bridgoment of private rights. Under it letabolitionists lumber the Southern mails with tomes of inflammatory abuse; and let the South send them back. It is easy to see that the game could not last long. From the New York Journal of Com. 7th inst. Excitement a t the North and at the South.—\\ hile the better discretion of the North is engaged in counteracting the vi olent eflo ts of fanatics here, we find our selves assailed by fanatics at the South, not less deserving of rebuke. The threat of separating the Union, which had scarce ly died away since the settlement of the tariff question, is revived, and made again to stalk abroad to affright us. It is a cry we always dislike, come whence it will. 1 o our ears it speaks ill of the patriotism ofthose who make it, and their readiness to adhere in good faith to the compact of the Constitution, d’hat the instrument was not drawn up with the understanding that each State should either have its own way in rill things, or throw up the bar gain. 1 fiat would have been childish, Cur lathers agreed to trust themselves to thc working of- ie great instrument they at famed,and abide the result. To sound the cry of dissolution as the grand argu ment on all occasions of dissatisfaction? is ,m i er just nor manlv. Something like a dissolution of the Union has been at tempted once by the Nullifies, and it was found to be an exceedingly awkward busi ness Politicians were never more puz zled than were those of S, Carol ini in framing a nullifying system. The reme dy, though pretty enough on paper, was I found far from “peaceable” in practice In the present case there is no pretence for {separation which has the semblance of I soundness. The movements of which I the South complains are made by a por | lion ol the community too small to impli i cate the whole, especially as a great ma- jority think with the South that the course of the Northern fanatics is wrong, and are doing not a little to counteract it. ‘ The Richmond Whig says the South is enti tled to legislative interference for prevent ing the manufacture in the Northern cit ies of those missiles which assail its tran quility. Is it possible (asks the Whig) thatthe power of the States is not adequate to the suppression of cases of offence a gainst a sister State, which between for eign States, would be just cause of war?” We shall adopt no such measure as the Whig recommends. The thing is as im practicable as the plans oft he Abolitionists. We reason errors down in this part of the country, except that now and then of late years we have tried a mob" But by the process of reasoning, we have brought the Abolitionists to a stand, and by tire same process, with the favor of Provider ce, (if the South will let us alone) will weentire ly deprive them of any power to do mis chief. It is about two years since the Gar rison sect assumed consequence enough to attract the public attention, and we dare engage its race is full half run. We ac knowledge that we think the South has reason to complain loudly, and to be in some measure alarmed for the effects of t h e i n flam ma to r y con d u c I of the fu riou s Ab olitionists; and iftbeir course should ever come to be pursued by the great mass of A orthern men, the South would have rea on to look about for remedies, perhaps e ven forthose which are violent. But why should the South be separated from its friends] from a community, an immense majority of whom are for repressing all violence, why take such a course mere ly to revenge the doings of a small minor ity? From the New York Spirit of the Times. THE ABOLITIONISTS. We cannot refrain from the earnest and sober expression of our feelings in regard to the excitement which has been raised at the South by the infamous and insur rectionary movements of our Northern abolitionists.—That a small band of igno rant and fanatical, though influential and wealthy men, urged on by the cheersand bowlings of mercenary and wicked quack philanthropists, and foreign, travelling missionaries of evil, should be allowed to jeopardize our national Union, and put at hazard the lives and property of our Southern citizens by the circulation of in flammatory writings in the slave holding States, is wicked and monstrous beyond endurance. The number of abolitionists in our immediate vicinity must be small— for we do not recollect having ever yet met one—a solitary one in private life; but that, small as their number is, they are doing incalculable mischief at the present time, no one pretends to doubt. There are certain interests of men, a bout which, when placed in jeopardy, we do not stop to deliberate or to consult the tedious and uncertain forms of law ; but we act from natural impulse,—the instinct of self-preservation, which is earlier than all written law. Precisely such an inter est is that ofour southern fellow citizens in the slave question. Their personal safety and their fortunes are ata stake in the matter, and no one demands or expects them to act otherwise on this subject than to put down, at any hazard, summarily and decisively, the slightest attempt to in terfere with them. Knowing this as we all do, we must regard the efforts of our Abolitionists to excite disturbance at the south as wicked and outrageous. But Southerners ought to be made to know that the number of this fanatical crew is small, and that they are universal ly regarded in this city and state, and in the northern states generally, as vain reck less and uncharitable bigots. It will be seen that the citizens of Charleston have committed the manage ment of the fanatics to the care of the most eminent of her citizens, and what has al ready occurred, gives us the firmest assu rance that the whole business will be man aged with a dignity and discretion which the occasion demands. On Monday afternoon tin? store-keepers of Charleston met, and resolved to have no dealings with any northern merchant or other person who is engaged in the cause of abolition. This is but sheer jus tice, The miscreant who would seek to shed the blood of a brother in violation of law, justice and humanity—and without the slightest provocation, is not only un worthy of being dealt with, but deserves to be hurried from human society. We fear, however, that this resolution will not bear heavily upon the abolitionisfs, as the ! mass of them are a set of unprincipled fa-1 natics and beggarly wretches. But so far I as this resolution operates, it will do good. We cannot refrain from expressing our satisfaction at the absence of any unkind allusion to the people of New England, i in the late proceedings of the citizens of j Charleston. We had feared a terrible ' explosion of popular feeling, which would 1 have visited with vengeance the entire people from whom the incendiary pamph lets have issued. But the utmost dignity and judgment have characterised "their deliberations. Indeed it seems to us high- ' ly important that a clear discrimination I should at all times be drawn between the abolitionists and the great body of the Northern people who frown upon them with as much austerity as we do ourselves. We acknowledge the patriotism of such a course, and we are anxious that popular resentment should fix itself only on those who deserve it.— Norfolk Beacon. Crops.— Never have known them bet ter at this season of the year. Our corn fields resemble canebreaks,—and our Cot ton, fields look well. Should the season continue favorable, the harvest will be great and the husbandman amply reward ed for his labor.— Montgomery [,l/al : ver/iser. J ! From the Constitutionalist of Friday. We give in this day’s paper the proceed ings of the meeting held in Charleston on Monday last. The resolutions adopted express, in a language that cannot be mis taken, the sentiments of every Southerner. The 7th resolution recommending a Convention, in order to express the feel ings of the South, we object to, as un necessary. TheSouth doesnot require a convention to make known her sentimmts ! —on this subject there is but one senti-' meat —under the constitution of the United States our rights are secured to us— should an attempt be made to deprive us of our rights, is there a southerner that will not lay down bis life in defence of those rights? To v horn is the convention to make known the truth, “that however I we may differ on other points, we are on 1 this subject united as one man, in the fixed land unalterable determination tomainiain ; our rights and defend our property against all attacks —be the consequences what I they may?”To our noithern friends? Have our northern brethren attempted to de , prive us ofour property? Do our norlh | ern brethren encourage the few fanatics I among them in their diabolical schemes? ■ No. They have too much veneration and | love of country to be instrumental in vio lating the constitution of their common country —they know’ that under that con stitution we hold our rights—and they would be the last in the world to assist in unlawfully depriving us cf those rights. Who are the people of the non slave hold ing states, thatthe south should hold a convention, for the purpose of making an earnest appeal tothem? Are they foreign ers or enemies to the south? No, they • are our brothers-bound to us by every tic I that can bind the human heart to country —is there any stronger tie than this? Did not their forefathers leave mothers, wives and home, and laydown their lives in the cause of their country —did they not 'march poorly clad and barely shod from the north to the South, to assist us in dri ving from our shores the enemies of our common country? And have the sons of the north become so recreant, that it be comes necessary for the south to hold a convention in order to appeal to them to secure to us our rights guaranteed by the constitution? We are opposed to a south ern convention, we hope we may never i live to see one held; there, is already too ; much sectional distinction in our country, I and every American should endeavor to put it dowu—we are all brethren —Ame- ricans—out of our country, come we from the North or South, we are looked upon and feel proud of the name of American! We think no good can ever come from a southern convention—it would only be the means of drawing a line, which every A merican should endeavor to obliterate— our Union we compare to the bundle ol sticks given by the old man on his death bed to his sons to break; so long as they were closely tied together they could not be broken, but no sooner were they untied, than they could all easily be broken. So with our blessed union—while it is bound together by friendship and brotherly love —we can bid defiance to the world—and it should be the object of every American to strengthen these chords. As to the fanatics, the cause of this pub lic meeting, we think it is proper for the south to adopt measures to counteract their unhallowed schemes. But it is time enough to adopt a southern convention, when we seethe north disposed to uphold them—but not to appeal! Do the citizens j of the north uphold the fanatics in their mad schemes? Is there a press in the northern states, except those established by the abolitionists themselves, that up holds them? There is not one. And from the evidence we have before us, the day is not far distant when the citizens of the north will, in one body, demolish, not only their presses, but the abolitionists themselves. Post Office Department, ) August 4th, 1835. <j P. M. Charleston, S. C. Sir: In your letter of the 26th ult. just received, you inform me that by the steam boat mail from New York your office had been filled with pamphlets and tracts upon slavery; that the public mind was highly p excited upon the subject; that you doubt ed the safety of the mail itself out of vour possession; that you had determined as the wisest course to detain these papers; and you now ask instructions from the Department. Upon a careful examination of the law, I am satisfied that the Postmaster General has no legal authority to exclude newspa pers from the mail, nor prohibit their car riage or delivery on account of their char acter or tendency, real or supposed. Pro bably, it was not thought safe to confer on the head of an executive department a power over the press, which might be per verted and abused. But I am not prepared to direct you to forward or deliver the papers of which you speak. The Post Office Department was created to serve the people of each and of i the United States, and not to be used as the instrument of their destruction. None ; of the papers detained have been forward ed to me, and I cannot judge for myself of their character and tendency; but you inform me that they are, in character, “the most inflammatory and incendiary —and ' insurrectionary in the highest degree.” , By no act, or direction of mine, official i or private, could Ibe induced to aid, know- 1 ingly, in giving circulation to papers of ' this description, directly or indirectly.— . AVe owe an obligation to the laws, but a t higher one to the communities in which 1 we live, and if the former be perverted to 1 destroy the latter, it is patriotism to disre- • gard them. Entertaining these views, I i cannot sanction, and will not condemn the step you have taken. our justification must be looked for ■ in the character of the papers detained, ( and the circumstances by which you are ' surrounded, AMOS KENDALL ' 8 DAYS LATER FROM ENGLAND New York, Aug. 8. By’ the arrival,this morning, of the pack et Sheffield, Capt Allen, from Liverpool whence she sailed on the 9th July, the ed itors of the Commercial Advertiser have received their complete files of London pa pers to the Sth inclusive,and Liverpool to the 9th. Considering the present State of Europe, they are singularly barren of intelligence. i Capt. Allen informs us that on his day I of sailing, a telegraphic despatch was re ceived announcing that an attempt had been made to assassinate the King ol France; but, of course, there is no mention of it in the papers. ENGLAND. Mr. O’Connell, on the Ist July, announ- I cd his intention to bringing Lili for the re! ' lief of the Irish poor, if no other member ' should do so, but named no day, and the ! wording of his notice was such as to lead ■ to the beliefthat he should not fulfil it du- i ’ ring the present session. I Lord Brougham introduced his prom-! 1 ised bill on the subject of general educa-l tion, on the third, when it was read a first ■ time. | On the same day a petition was presen ‘ted in the Commons, by Mr. H. L. Bul wer, from New South Wales—signed by six thousand persons.and praying for the adoption of a legislative assembly in that colony. The official tables on the revenue for the quarter ending on the sth of July, show a deficiency, both upon the financi al year and quarter, as compared with those of preceding year—upon the form er of 1,758,886/ — upon the quarter of 646,407/ The marriage of Ada Augusta Byron with lord King, is announced to take place on the 7th July. An election was going on to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of Mr. Cobbett. The candidates were Mr. John Cobbett, radical; Mr. Lees, conservative; and Mr. Fergus O’Connor of the O’Con nell faction. The latter retired from the contest after a short trial, and it was ex pected Mr- Lees would be elected. On the 6th July Sir Robert Peel gave notice of the course he intended to pur sue in relation to the Irish church bill It was in substance, to move an instruc tion to the committee to divide the bill, se parating that part which goes to the ap propriation of ecclesiastical property to other than ecclesiastical purposes, from that which goes to relieve the suffering clergy of Ireland. The former portion, he said he should ever oppose, while the latter properly’ modified; would receive his cordial support. The great battle up on this bill was expected to take place on the 17th or 21st, FRANCE. There is scarcely an item in the papers respecting this kingdom, worth noticing. The latest dates are of the 6th July, under which date a letter from Paris says, “No news afloat, save the statement of the Pure, a Bayonne paper, that Don Carlos has ordered the arrest of the physician who attended Zumalacarreguy, for havinggiven him too much laudanum. SPAIN. From this distracted country’, there are rumors in abundance, and statements which contradict each other as flatly as yes and no. The seige of Bilboa does not appearjto have been raised, but the following telegraphic despatch, dated Bay onne, Saturday, July 4th, had been receiv ed at Paris. ‘The Queen’s troops, to the number of 20,000 men entered Bilboa on the Ist inst at 2 o’clock, P. M. No fighting took place. Doo Carlos established his head quarters, the preceding day, at Onate.’ Thread Memorandum.- —The custom of tying thread about the finger byway of a visible memorandum, is a very’ ancient one, and seems to be derived from a Jew ish law—“thou shaltbmd them for a sign upon thine hand, and they shall be as frontlets between the eyes.”—Deut. 6, 8. An Irishman who was offering oranges for sale, was asked what they called them ,in Ireland? Says Paddy, “we don’t call them at all, when we want them, we go and fetch them.” DEWARE OF DECEPTION!!! A TTEMPTS have recent]}’ been made by a house in the City of New York, to prac tice one of the most unblushing impositions ever conceived by the most, designing. It is know that “Rowand’s Tonic Mixture,” after an extensive trial of its merits throughout the country, has proved its usefulness to such universal satisfaction as a thorough and radical cure for Fever and Ague, as to have become identified with the necessities of a great portion of the inhabitants of the United States. The unbounded popularity,therefore, that this medicine has secured to itself, has excited the cupidity of certain no strum-venders of notoriety who have dared to mix up a trash hoping to put it off upon the ignorant and unwary as the genu ine “Rowand’s Tonic Mixture.” For this pur pose they have substituted a fictitious name in sound and appearance very similar to the true “Rowand’s Tonic Mixture.” The border of the envelope has been very closely imitated, and one half of its reading matter purloined where by the copyright oi the author has been infring ed; and have without authority and fraudulent ly made use ol the namesand certificates of high ly respectable individuals, who have testified to the value and excellence ofthe true “Rowand’s Tonic Mixture,” attaching the same to the base and spurious imitation. This trick cannot suc ceed amongst the careful and intelligent part ol the community—but is calculated to deceive to a dangerous extent the ignorant and uncau tious. Legal proceedings, however, will be im mediately instituted to punish the fraud, and at the same time an appeal is earnestly made to all who may have an opportunity to expose the imposture, toextend their influence in order to protect distress and sufffering from such inhu man designs. N. B.—The genuine “Rowand’s Tonic Mix ture” may be had of Wm. J. Hobby, sole agent for Angusta and its vicinity. July 30 3t 91 FOUR months after date, application will be made to the Inferior Court of Richmond county, when sitting for ordinary purposes tor leave tosell a Tract of Land and Negro belong ing to Valentine W. Watkins, a minor. may 15 mlm R. A. WATKINS. Guard. AUGUSTA, MON D AY, AUGUST 17, 1835. for governor. WILLIAM SCHLEY. FOR CONGRESS, JABEZ JACKSON. JESSE F. CLEVELAND. An error occurred in our last, relative to the North Carolina elections. Hawkins is elected 1 —not Crudup —to Congress. We publish the judicious and excellent letter of the Post Mastei General to \he Post Master of Charleston, on the subject of Incendiary’ pub lications in the Mail. The same one was ad dressed also lathe Post Master here, who, we hope, will have no occasion in future to furnish us with the names of recipients, as he will cer tainly distribute no more moral poison in this City or State. Head the Extracts we make from leading' Noithern papers, and see how contemptible, in* either influence or numbers, those fanatics whose operations in the South our opponents would have turned, if they could, to political influence in their favor. GREAT MOB. Baltimore was agitated, on thisday week and the two preceding days and nights, by a dread tul Mob. It had not ceased when we heard I last. The Governor of the State had arrived and was endeavoring, we fear in vain, to reduce the public ferment to order and quiet. Several lives had been lost, and many persons had been wounded, some supposed mortally. The Mayor of the city was wounded, had resigned and fled —his house, with others of the wealthiest citi zens, demolished, and their rich furniture burnt in the streets. Among the houses attacked are Mr. John Glenn’s, Beverly Johnson’s, Jesse Hunt’s, (Mayor), John B. Morris’, Evan T. Ellicott’s, and Capt. Benzinger’s (of the Caval ry), and Job Smith’s and Hugh McElderry’s threatened. The Mob of 1812 was nothing to the representations of the late one. All this has grown out of the public discontent produced by the failure of the Bank of Maryland. That Bank failed under circumstances that gave rise to the belief that there had been foul play, and nosatisfactoiy explanation of its affairs had ever been made to the sufferers. Promises had been given, that there should eventually’ be little or no loss to the creditors of the Bank; but finding that these promises were delusive, the citizens became enraged, and adopted this dreadful mode of revenging themselves for their suppo sed injuries. An Englishman of the name of Robertson, had been, a short time since, detected in dis tributing abolition pamphlets in Petersburg— the citizens seized and slicked him. Shortly af terwards, however, the same individual was as certained to have been guilty- of the like crime, at Lynchburg, and the indignation of the people of that place was such, that they took him pris oner, and hunt! him on the spot. We learn that a sentiment of indignation, (says the Norfolk Herald,) has been aroused in N.York, with the aid of the press, at the late at tempts of the Abolitionists to stir up insurrec tion and anarchy in the Southern Slates, to a degree very' little short of that which prevails at the South. Rumor goes so far as to speak of a determination to break up the Tappan concern, by summary process. Gen. Sanfohd has resigned his seat in Con gress from this State., and rumor speaks of a similar act by Gen. Coffee froln loss of sight. II so, had we not better try the whole Congres sional election over again? Our opponents grumble, and think they have not been treated justly. May be, they could do better next time. We are willing—we love to beat them. The Hopewell Presbytery, lately sitting in Washington, Wilkes county, determined in fa vor of Midway, (near Milledgeville) instead of Washington, for the location of their College. The Moderator gave the casting vote. Wash ington had subscribed $15,000. The Montgomery Advertiser of the I tth,states, that there is no doubt of Judge Clav’s election as Governor of Alabama, “by a majority’ of at least 10,000 vote.- over Gen. Parsons, the While candidate. The degree of A. M. was conferred on the following gentlemen of this State, at the late Commencement at Athens: Philip C. Clayton, Athens. Stevens Thomas, jr. do. W. R. H. Moseley, do. Edward R. Harden, do. John T. Grant, do. H. C. Carter, do. Daniel Inglis, Walton county. T. F. Montgomery, DeKalb do. Bennet Harris, Putnam do. John B. Mallard, Liberty do. James J. Gresham, Burke do. Allen B. Means, Morgan do. C. R. Ketchum, Augusta. Wi’liatn Taylor, Sparta. Francis R. Goulding, Greenesboro’. Henry Sanders, James A. Nisbet, Macon. A. B. Powers, do. Rev. A. T. Holmes, do. It is a favorite argument with the Nullifiers t against the alleged secret agency and under standing of some of them with the Abolitionists, that they are interested, like other people at the South —are exposed to the same danger and would not be accessory to cutting their own throats. Not to urge, further, their utter reck lessness of all consequences, provided they could swim, we reply, that no set of men, than these same agents, know’ better the perfect security of the South from tl e alleged machinations of th? North against our peculiar property—they know perfectly well, that the fanatics are a mere hand ful of “vain, reckless, uncharitable, bigots,” as the New York Times has it, and that the great mass of the Not them population are as sound on this point as w’e could wish them. We say they knew it and know that there was no dan ger; but truth was not their object—they would icse their own falsehoods, and the fanaticism of the Abolition bigots, to build a Temple at the South, of which they would be Chief Priests. They are dirty materials, gentlemen, but they suit the house aml the workmen.
