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2 T u E C ° v HIE R, By <J. G. M’W liorter. TEK M S . This Paper is published every MONDAY, WEDNES DAY and FRIDAY afternoon, ul jti per annum, payable in advance. COUNTRY PAPER. —Published every FRIDAY after noon at §3 per annum, in advance, or SI at the expiration of the year. •Xo Subscriptions received for less time than six mouths. ADVERTISEMENTS, not exceeding a square will be inserted the first time at 75cts.per square and 37J lor each conti..uunco. Advertisements of one square, published Weekly, n‘ 7.> Cents for every insertion. Persons advertising by the year will be changed 30 dol lars including subscription and will be entitled to one square iu each paper. When persons hav • standing adve-tisements of several squares, specie! contracts may be made. No deduction will be made in future from these charges. A(l advertisements must have the number ol inscrriorts marked on them;otherwise they will be inserted till for bid, and charged accordingly. SHERIFFS, CLERKS, mid other public officers, will «v« ».'> per deducted ill their favor. “ CONGRESS Mr. Calhoun moved that so much of the President's message as refers to the transmission of incendiary publications by ihail be referred to a Special Commit tee. . <>u tin’s motion some debate took place, in which the affirmative of the proposition was sustained by Mr. Preston, Mr* Man gum, Mi. Ciayton, Mr. Goldsborough, Mr. Ligh, Mr. Ewing, and Mr. Davis, and Hie negative by Mr. King of Alabama, Mr. Grundy, Mr. Buchanan, and Mr. Brown. The motion of Mr. Calhoun was car ried in the affirmative—ayes 23. Un iim.ioa ol Mr. Calhoun, the com miitcv was order, d io consist of five St-na tois. The Senate proceeded to ballot for the committee, when the following Senators wer.-elected; Mr. Calhoun, Mr. King of Georgia, Mr, Mangum,Mr. Davis and Air. Linn. From the Secretary of the Treasury to the Col lector at New York. .Treasu r y Department, 19 h Dec. 1835. Dear Sir: Your letter of the 17ih in stant, communicating the disastrous in telligence cone ruing the iate fire in the city of York, has been received. I hardly need assure you that, under this great calamity,vour citizens shall have extended to them, Irom this Department, every indulgence which their misfortunes require, and which the laws and official duty will permit me to render. I theres re aporove your course in furn ishing temporary accommodations,for the Post office, and have sanctioned the pro posal of the Marshal to tender also for the same purpose the use of the rooms in the City Dall, now occupied by the United States Courts. in respect to delay in the collection of bonds, or to remissions or reductions of duties in certain c ses, they both deserve favorable consideration.' But as you re mark concerning your own power about the former,it may be added ns to my power about both, that the. acts of Congress now give me no control over the subject. Ido not doubt, however, that the subject will be taken up by Congress on monday, and some expression of its views soon given, and in the meantime, I do not hesitate to believe that you and the District Attorney would be sustained and justified if in the exercise of a sound discretion under this afflicting emergency, you did not press the collection of bonds in all cases, where the public secui ity would not be impaired by a short delay, and where the parties are in a situation which would probably cause Congress to ex’end to them some re lief. With much sympathy and regard, I am your ob’t serv’t. LEVI WOODBURY, Secretary of the Treasury. Samuel Swartwout, Esq. P. S. The Solicitor of the Treasury will be requested to write to a similar ef fectto-day to the District Attorney, in re gard to the bonds. The Secretary ofTreasury having trans mitted to the Committee of Ways and Means a letter from the Collector of the Port of N. York, giving an account of the late disastrous conflagration at that place, and representing the entire suspicion of cred itand prostration of trade, the Committee respectfully submit the following report: Deeply sympathizing with the immedi ate and several sufferers by a great calamity, the Committee of Ways and means lost no time in considering the com munication of the Secret , ry of the Treas ury. The disaster is of an unparalleled character, and its consequences must be fell by every interest and every quarter of the Union. An exercise of all the consti tutional powers of the Federal Govern ment is in this instance demanded, not on ly by the highest considerations of nation al policy and justice, but prompt measures are essentially necessary to the collection of the revenue of every part of the Union to the public interest in every branch of l he national expenditure, and to arrest, or at least to diminish, the calamitous effects ol the late conflagration on all interests, and in every section of the country. In consid. ring what measures were best calculated to moderate the shock up on the trade, revenue, and industry of the country, three positions were suggested, viz: the extension of the credit on bo-offs due from ttu.se who have suffered by the late fire, three, four and five years plac ing the vast surplus revenue of the coun try where they may be more actively and extensively employed, in our cities, in ex tending relief to the embarrassed and im poverished debtors of Government, and re mitting the duty on all merchandize des troyed in original packages. The Com mittee submit a bill embracing the two first propositions. The first provision is in accordance with the practice of Govern ment heretofore—the second while it will most extensively relieve the immediate wants of.trade and aid in reviving ts e en ergies of the commercial capital of the U nion, cannot diminish in any manner the I security of Government, or embrass the operations of the Treasury. The ques tion of remitting duties on property des troyed was also considered by the com mittee, but appearing to require previous examination and more deliberation, and not wishing to delay the proposed meas ures of relief, it was not finally acted up on. * // A Hill tor the relief of the sufferers'by fire in the city of New York: Whereas, various persons are indebted to the U. S. for duties on merchandize, for which bonds have been given, withone or | more sureties, payable to the collector for the Disfrict of New York, and the said persons have suffered a loss property by the late conflagration al this place. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Uniied States of America in Congress Assertibled, That the Collector oflhe port of New Y ork be and he is hereby authorised, as he may deem best calculated to secure the inter ests of the United States, to cause to be ex tended (with the asseMt of the sureties thereon) the time of payment of all bonds heretofore given for duties as aforesaid, to periods not exceeding an average of three four, and five years,or to allow the said bonds to be cancelled upon giving to the Collector new bonds, with one or more su reties, to the satisfaction of the said Col lector, for the sffins of the former bonds, respectively payable, in average periods of three, four, and five years, from and af ter the day of payment specified in the bonds to betaken uporcancelled as afore said. And the said collector is hereby authorized and directed to give up or can cell all such bonds upon the receipt of oth ers described in this act; which last men tioned bonds shall be proceeded with in all respects, like other bonds which are tak en by Collectors, for duties due, to the U nited States: Provided, however, that no thing in this act contained shall extend to bonds which had fallen due before the 7th day of the present month. Sec. 2 And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby author ized and directed to transfer to such Banks ar he may select any surplus moneys of the Government or any part thereof, which may not be required for the public service, and to permit the same to remain in such Banks for twelvemonths from the passage of this AcC' After the reading of the Bill, Wr. Cam berling said there was another subject be fore the Committee which was not de finitively acted on, viz: the remission of du ties on goods destroyed, which required moreexamination and deliberation. The subject was brought before the committee by the letter from the Secretary of the transmitting letters from the Collector ofthe port of New York. He would not detain the House by any re marks on the subject now and merely re marking that it was with infinite regret for the cause of it that he found himself called upon, asthe first act in his new sit uation, to bring in a bill of this description he would ask the indulgence of the House to take up the subject tomorrow. The bill was read twice., a: d commit ted to the Whole on the state ofthe Union. Fiom the Richmond Enquirer. LOOK BEFORE YOU LEAP. The Negroes—Fanatics— and Go vernor’s Message. It is a curious fact, that as soon as the dissecting knife is applied to the famous Message of Gov. Tazewell, and his scheme for a dissolution of the Union is exposed, the whole Nullifying party is thrown into const< rnation. A short tack is attempted upon the deliberations of the Legislature, by their leader, and the Fed eral Whigs, supposing the governor’s scheme, to be a master stroke against Martin Yan Buren, were easily whipped into the ranks. Although the whole of the Message, so far as relates to the Negroes and Fanatics, was referred last week to a Committee ; yet the Nullifiers feared to await a full and fair investiga tion of the subject, and proposed to-day to authorize the Governor to open the com munications reccoin mended. This, too, without any reccommendation from the Select Committee, and by a simple reso lution of the House of Delegates, without asking the concurrence of the Senate! Executive Dictation, gross and palpable. What can the Governor of South Car olina or of any other State, tell, ns about protecting ourselves against the Fanatics, unless it be by the interposition of a South ern Confederacy? Can any man in his senses doubt that such would be the weighland the burthen ofthe Governor’s song? \\ hat friend of the. Union would entrust him with a correspondence, that! could promise nothing but danger to our! unexampled happiness and prosperity? The Federal Whigs may attempt to shelter j themselves under the supposition of the Governor’s scheme being a mere stroke at Van Buren; but they will find that such experiment will reach the integrity of the Union, if entrusted to the discretion of his exciting mind. The people ofthe State are not blind, nor can they be blind ed by the whippets in of factious partizans. j 1 his scheme in relation to the .South ern States, is only another form ofl ffn was proposed by the Committee of; ■igilance. of this city, last summer. The ‘*'<ts of that body pressed upon us a . ftotnlie-, n Mercantile Convention; but it w; s defeat’d by the good sense of thenier chants of Kicv-uvrid. Now the Governor proposes a joint Hnd scctiona] concert a . mong all th.e slave-holding States.— Both ol these schemes are perilous to the Un ion ; and neither is required by the emer gencies ofthe case. Now, take the other aspect ofthe Gov ernor’s scheme and of the proposed reso lution, to wit; the application to the Gov ernors of the non-slave-holding States How can their Governors know what their respective Legislatures intend to do? Suppose Governor Marcy were to write to Governor Tazewell about the intentions of otirown Legislature, could Gov. T. in fo/m him? Would he not rather say, “Sir, lam not the Legislature of my State; And how can I undertake to say what they mean to do on any given proposition?” Gov. Marcy might belter be able to in form him, what was the number and strength of the Abolitionists: But this is precisely what we all wish to know, and what the resolution does not call for. It is much more in Gov. M’s power to tell us this than the other, inasmuch as it is easi er to tell what has been, or what is, than what is to come.—Yet this is precisely the point which we are most anxious to as certain, inasmuch as a knowledge of the magnitude of the evil ought always to pre cede and direct the species of remedy to be applied. But, if the emergency were so great as to require such a State interposition, I would not give it in this form.—l would not employ Gov. Tazewell as my agent; for, I have no confidence in his calmness, discretion, or thorough devotion to this Union. If need be, I had rather employ a special commission of cool, impartial and enlightened citizens to see for them selves and report the facts to the Legisla ture. We employ Benjamin Watkins Leigh, as our Commissioner to South Carolina. Why should we not resort to the same measure now, if the emergency be great enougfftd require the acquisition of facts not now before the public? But who can help doubting the necessity of , such a measure wh» has witnessed the no-' ble conduct oflhe North against the Abo litionists? For one, I propose to state in the form of a report and resolutions frank ly and respectfully, the rightful claims which we may have upon the non-slave holding States. Lay down the great principles which may, in a great emer gency, call for legislative enactments. Pursue the same course in relation to the movements of Congress. And if the evil should unfortunately grow to that gigan tic magnitude which may render it neces sary, then stand by our rights and follow out our principles. Let us save the South from the violence and passions ofthe Nullifiers, as well as from the mischiefs of the Fanatics—and stand upon the great and patriotic senti ment of Andrew Jackson—“ The Union, it must be preserved. A. B. Extract from the address delivered by Edward Everett, at South Deerfield, in commemoration of the battle fought at Bloody Brook, in King Philip’s war, Sept. 18, 1785. We select a passage which immediately follows an account of the manner in which that aboriginal monarch was killed, “Such was the fate of Philip, which was immediately followed by a termina tion ofthe war in every quarter, except the eastern frontier, It was a war of ex termination between h<s followers and the whites—happy, if the kindred tribes had learned wisdom from the fata 4 ! lesson. Thus fell King Philip! The ground on which we stand is wet with the blood that flowed from the Tomahawk ofhis young menjand thedarkness of night in these peac fill vales was often lightened up, in days of yore by the flames of burning villages, kiniled by his ruthless warriors. But that blood his sunk not forgotten but for given, into the ground. Havoc and dis may no longer stalk through these happy fields: and as we meet to day to perform the simple and affecting rites of conitueni oration over the grave of the gallant vic tim of the struggle, let us dcop a compas sionate tear also for these the children of the forest—the orphans of Providence— whose cruelties have long since been ex piated by their fate. It could not be ex pected of them to enter into the high counsels of heaven. It was not for them —dark and uninstructed even in the wis dom of men; to comprehend the great de sign of Providence, of which their wild ness was the appointed theatre. It may well have exceeded their sagacity, us it baffles ours, th it this benign work should so often have moved forward through pathways dripping with blood; Yes, the savage for his native land; for the ground that covered the bones ofhis parents; fought for his squaw and papouse.no, I will not defraud them oflhe sacred name which our hearts understand; he fought for his wife and children. He would have been, not a savage, he would have been a thing whioh language has no name, for which neither human 'nor brute existence has a parallel, if he had not fought for them. Why the very wildcat would spring at tha throat of the hunter, that enters his den; the bear, the catamount, will fight for his hollow tree. The Indian was a man,a degraded ignor ant savage, but a human creature, aye and had the feelings of a man. President Ma ther in relation to the encounter of the Ist of August, 1676, the last but one of the war, says, “Philip hardly escaped with his life also: He had fled and left his peage behind him, also his squaw and his son were taken captive, and are now pris oners at Plymouth. Thus hath God brought that grand enemy into great mis ery, before he quite destroyed him.—lt must needs be bitter as death to him to lose his wife and only son, (for the Indians are marvellous fond and affectionate towards their children,) besides other relations and almost all his subjects, and country also.” And what was the fate of Philip’s wife and his son? This is a tale for husbands and wives, for parents and children.— Young men and women, you cannot un derstand it. What was the fate of Phil ip's wife and child? She is a woman, he is a lad. They did not surely bang them. No, that would have been a mercy. The boy is the grandson,his mother the daugh ter in-law of good Massassoit, the firstand the best friend the English ever had, in new Eng’and. Perhaps—now Philip is slain and his warriors scattered to the four winds, they will allow his wife and son to go back, — the widow and the orpti- It an, —to finish their days and sorrows in'lt their native'wildness. They were soldi' into slavery!—an Indian princess and her j i child, sold from the cold breezes of Mount 11 Hope, from the wild freedom of a New ’ England forest, to gasp under the lash h beneath the blazing sun of the torpics!* (i “Bitter as death;” aye, bitter as hell! Is i there any thing animated, that would not struggle against this? Is there, I do not. say a man, who lias ever looked in the, face of his sleeping child, a woman, That has given suck and knows How tender’tis lo love the babe who milks her; I is their a dumb beast, a brute creature, a thing wholly devoid of that mysterious in stinct which binds the generation of be ings together, that will not use the arms, which nature has given it, if you molest the spot where its fledglings nestle, where its cubs are cry ng for their meat? Then think of thecountr.y for which the Indians fought! Who can blame them? As Philip looked down from his seat on Mount Hope, that glorious eminence, that Throne of royal state, which far Outshone the wealth of Ormus or ol Ind, Or where the gorgeous east, with richest hand, Showers on her kings baibaricjximp and gold. As he looked down and beheld the love ly scene which spread beneath, at a sum mer sunset; all the distant hill tops blaz ing with gold, the slanting beams stream ingalong the waters, the broad plains, the broad plains, the island group, the majes tic forests, could he be blamed,if his heart I burned within him as he beheld it all passing by no tardy process, from beneath liis control into the hands ofthe stranger ? As the river chieftains; the lords of the waterfalls and the mountains ranged this lovely yalley, it cannot be wondered afif they beheld with bitterness th j forest dis appearing beneath the settler’s axe; the fishing place disturbed by his saw mills? Can you fancy the feelings with which some strong handed savage, the chief of the Pocumtuck Indians, who would have ascended the summit of the sugar loaf mountain, —(rising as it docs before us, at this moment in all its loveliness and gran deur,) in company with friendly settler, contemplating the process already made by the white man and marking the gigan tic strides, with which he was advancing into the wild wilderness, should fold his arms and say, ‘ White man, there is eter nal war between me and thee. I quit not the land of my fathers but with my life. In these woods where I bent my youth ful bow, I will still hunt the deer; over yonder waters 1 will still glide unre strained in my bark canoe. By those dashing water falls I. will still lay up my winters store of food ; on those fertile meadows I vvi.l still plant my corn.— Stranger, the land is mine 1 I understand not these paper rights. I gave not my consent, when, as thou sayeth, these broad regions were purchased for a few baubles, of my fathers. They could sell what was theirs; they could sell no more. How could my father sell that which the Great Spirit sent me into the world to Jive upon? They knew not what they did. The stranger came, a timid suppli ant—few and feeble, and asked to lie down on the red man’s bear skin, and warm himself at the red man’s fire, and have a j little piece of lnn<Lm raise corn fox his women and children—and now he has become strong, and mighty’ and bold, and spreads out his parchment over lie whole, and says it is mine. Stranger! there is no room for us both. The Great Spirit has not made us to live together. There is poison in the white man’s cup : the while man’s dog barks at the red man’s heels. If I should leave the land of my fathers, whither shall I fly? Shall I go to the South and dwell among the graves of the Pcquots? Shall I wander to the West— the fierce Mohawk—the man eater is my foe. Shall I fly to the East, the great water is before me. No, stranger, here I i have lived, and here will I die ; and if I thou abidest, there is eternal war between m 3 and thee. Thou has ttaught me thy I arts of destruction ; for that alone I thank j thee ; and now take heed to thy steps, the red man is thy foe. When thou goeth I forth by day, my bullet shall whistle by j thee; when thou liest down by night my knife is at thy throat. The noon day’s sun shall i ot discover thy enemy, and the I darkness of midnight shall not protect thy • rest. Thou shall plant in terror and I will reap in blood ; thou shalt sow the j earth with corn, and I will strew it with ashes ; thou shalt go forth with the sickle, i and 1 will foil ow after with the scalping knife; thou shalt build, and I will burn, till the white man or Indian shall cease , from the land. Go thy way for this time l in safety, but remember stranger, there is j eternal war between me and thee!” * Morton’s New England Memorial, Judge Davis’s edition, P. 353, &c. LEGISLATURE OF GEORGIA. The General Assembly adjourned on the 22d inst,. after a session of fifty-one 1 days. It passed many important acts ; a mong which are several for incorporating companies to construct rail-roads over some ofthe most thronged and commer cial routes in tlie state. If a sufficient number of individuals shall now be found, willing to embark a portion of their cap ital in these enterprizes, the face of the state will rapidly undergo a beautiful transformation ; and the members of this legislature will be remembered with hon or by a prosperous and grateful people.— i here is a feature of doubtful expedience in several of these charters—the grant of banking powers and privileges to the rail road corporations. There is no natural connexion between objects so different in ; their character,and in their mode of opera- , ( tion, as a bank and a rail-road ; and we ! < fear that, under the authority es these « charters, banking capital may be imprn- I dently increased, and an unjust monopoly i j improperly extended. There were pecu- 1 liar reasons dor granting such privileges I to the corporation which should construct 1 a rail-road from Savannah to Macon.} The withdrawal of the branch of the U nited States’ Bank from the former city, must leave a vacuum in its banking capital’, which, if suffered to remain, might prove unfavorable to its business, and injurious to its prosperity. It had also been ascer! tainod, by the experiment of a year, that I a sufficient amount of capital would not' be vested in the mere rail road stock. By the new charter, the banking capital will be supplied j and an inducement will be held out to subscribe for rail-road stbqk, by connecting withit an equal quantity of bank stock. And privileges granted to this corporation could not'be withheld from others. The General Assembly has consumma ted two very important changes in the constitution of the state—adding t o its ju dicial tribunals, a supreme court f or the correction of the errors of the courts be low, and abolishing that aristocratic prin ciple, which required a certain amount of property to qualify a citizen to represent bis fellow citizens in the legislature. The poor man is no longer disfranchised and degraded; and the people have the right to call talent and virtue to their ser vice, although clouded and tested by pov erty. It remains for future legislatures to carry on this democratic reform ; and to annul that odious provision, which de clares that a poor man is not qualified to discharge the duties of chief magistrate of the r public. The General Assembly re fused io organize the Supreme'couit, leav ing the amendment to the constitution which they had ordained, to lie as a dead letter in archives of the State,until a future legislature,fulfilling their constitutional du lies, shall call it into life. This delay a rises, not from any hostility on the part ' of the majority, to the creation of such a court; but from unfortunate discussions, in relation to its details and its officers, which sprang up after the constitution had been amended. The next legislature, by orgnniz ng the court, will divide with that which has just closed its session, the honor of creating this most impoitant tri bunal.—Federal Union. From the National Intelligencer. THE STETHESCOPE. When an important invention or dis covery is made irf any science, the public at large should be enlightened so far as to be able to comprehend its general nature and use. The recent publication of a work, “On the Diagnos s of Diseases of the Chest, by Dr. W. W. Gerhard,” of Pennsylvania Hospital, affords an oppor tunity of noticing the most valuable and memorable improvement which the art j of Medicine has received daring the pre sent age. This is the more proper, be cause the great majority of the profession have not qualified themselves for its ap plication; and when society discoversthat a most essential requisite for the treatment of disease has been neglected, self-interest will afford a motive to exertion, which ambition has failed to supply. Il is an awful fact, more than one-sixth of our population perish of consumption, which every well informed and candid physician acknowldge with pain and humiliation to be altogether incurable, except in its in cipient stage. Means, ‘hen, ty which tills foe to human iife’<rud happiness le.ny be delected in his first treacherous step, ere his relentless grasp is fixed, or, a test by which a dreadful suspicion of his ex islance may be removed, mustbeofiin mense value to the whole community.— These means, and this test, are found in Percussion and Auscultation, discovered by the immortal Lae: nee, and described and explained by Dr. Gerhard. Percussion is practised by striking with the tips of the fingers upon the Chest, and, Auscultation, by applying the ear I directly to the same part, or to a simple! cylinder of wood (the stethescope) inter posed. As these terms are frequently 1 heard in general conversation, a few ana ; tomical remarks necessary to their com-! prehension, may not be inappropriate, e-l j ven in a newspaper. The Chest, which is all that part em- ? ‘ braced by the ribs, may be represented as j a boxentiiely filled with the j heart, which do not however adhere to any part of its cavity, and are often push-! ed from its walls by fluids that may be effused by disease. The lungs consist of an infinite number of little cells, all com-: municatihg with each other and with ma ny tubes, which, like the branches of a tree, centre in one trunk, the windoipe. Du ring every inspiration aud expiration, the air passes in and out of these little cells, and a murmuring sound, dis | tinctly heard by applying the ear to any part ofthe Chest. By Auscultation, then, ! we can determine when and what part of the lungs has become solid, or excavated, or filled with fluid, or under any change : that may suppress or modify the natural •sound. To aid the car, an acoustic tube, called the Stethescope, is used, which col-! 1 lects and concentrates the various sounds. ■ Percussion determines the degree of! resonance in the chest, and depends on ! the same principle by which on striking 1 a barrel we know whether it be empty or . full. These signs of the condition and functions of the lungs are addressed to the ' senses, and are ascertain as the physical law, on which they depend. The values of the information thus gained is im mense; birt, in what way, it is not possible or proper to explainto the unprofessional reader/ Tlje wr'ter of this is not competent to venture a judgement on the work of Dr. Gerhard, but know) ng as he does, that he richly profited by the private instruction and lectures ot M. Louis, at the Hospital de la Pitie] that he has, since, aided by every advantage, devoted himself to this | subject, and that, in intelligence and tact, he is deemed second to none, an assur ance is felt that his labors will confer honor on American literature. MEDICUS. AUGUSTA, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 3 0. Cotton. — The business doing is very limited, and the quantity arriving second to none. The few sales at the ware houses are at an advance on the prices of last week. We quote ordinary al 10—good a 13| —prime 14. The river is again navigable for steam boats. Freights to Savannah $1 and scarce. We are informed and requested to say, that theie avill be a Fair, given by the juvenile La dies of Hamburg, on'the Evening of Friday next, at the house next above the Carolina Cof fee House, for the benefit of the Baptist, Pres byterian and Methodist Churches. I he Rev. Bazil Manly, has declined the Professorshp of sacred Literature, and Evident ces of Christianity, in the South Carolina Col lege, which had been tendered him. and the Rev. Stephen Elliott has been elected to fill the - vacancy. The Anti-Masonic Convention of Pennsylva nia have nominated Gen. Harrison iot Presi dent, and Francis Granger for Vice President. We learn that Dr. David fell down in New-York, on Friday morning 18th, inst in a fit of apoplexy ( and is not expected to sui vive. Shad— in time for Cristmas.— A shad, the first of the season, was sold in our market yesterday, says the Georgian of the 25th, for one dollar. Extract of a letter ~Saied~H^^nfft on City, December 2\st, 1835. You will have seen before this reaches you, through the papers that a memorial was pre sented a few days since, from sundry citizens of Maine praying the abolition of Slavery in this District, and that it Was laid on the table with out discussion by a vote of 180 to 31, and refus ed to be printed by a vote of more than 3 to 1. Yet, notwithstanding this, Mr. Jackson, of Mas sachusetts, presented on the next day, another memorial of the same character, but more ex ceptionable in its language, which induced Mr. Hammond to move its ‘rejection, upon which motion a most interesting debate took place. It may be attempted by some to insin uate, that some of the Northern men are dis posed to dodge the main question, as was in sinuated by Hammond and Wise of Virmni? and solely for political effect; but I can assure’ you it is not so, and I can confidently say, that there is scarcely a Northern Democrat in the House, who will not go with us against any in terference with slavery even in this District; but there is an honest difference of opinion as to the best course which ought to be pursued and many will vote against the rejection ofthe Petition from constitutional scruples alone, who aie heart and soul with us. J’he question is still open, and as the House adjourned from Friday until Monday, I suppose we shall have some cut and dried speeches, which I assure you are in bad odoi here, and generally not ■ well received. The remarks of the northern Gentlemen will speak for themselves, and from their open and frank avowals on the subject, it is to be regretted that their motives should be im pugned without any earthly ground to do so. Read the proceedings, however, and judge for yourself. Relative to a French war, every thing is in a state of uncertainty: my^own,opinion is, that . the money will be paid, and all difficulties adjusted, yet, many think differently from me. The course which the Editors of the Intelligen cer have pursued in relation to the Message, should be condemned by every American citi zen and esppciallj’ those who desire peace on honorable tcriM; their remarks are well calcu lated to keep alive the f“elir nn W exist on the part of France, and to prevent, if pu. ! ble, an adjustment .. c "’ir existing and I am truly fearful so inTggAgd. j i Judge Longstreet : Sir—N our severe, though good-humored and facetious, philippic against my brethren of the Turf in general, and myself in particular, de mands some reply. When I wrote my commu nication to the Courier, I really expected never to hear irom or of it again, but your remarks, , and those of your “ Subscriber,” shew that I I have been misunderstood, and, moreover, that ; you both a little misunderstood the subject,as well 1 asrny communication. I did not intend to repre sent the Sports of the Turf as a “religious amusement,’ neither did 1 intend to insinuate j that it was approved of or encouraged by pro fessing Christians generally. I did say, and . still maintain, that it has received the assent, ; ii riot the decided approbation, of many of that . class, and, in my opinion, it is equally clear that they therein show a spirit of liberality that is , worthy of the truly religious. It proves to me that they are disenthralled from that puritanical spirit which actuated our New England forefa thers, who prohibited ncarlyevery speciesof pas time, and even went so far as to make it crimi nal for a husband to amuse himself with kissing his wife on a Sabbath. Many intelligent men look upon the Turf as the only accurate test of the extreme powers of the horse ; and if that be the case, which I think none who are acquaint ed with the subject will deny, it must be the best mode of improving the animal; for unless you know which is the best to breed from, you are as likely to breed from the worst as the best. Your “Subscriber,” therefore, is mistaken when he says that it has not a tendency to improve the breed of horses,- which error, 1 presume, may be attributed to his want of any practical knowledge of breeding or running horses. I will candidl}' admit that the practice of ra cing on the Sabbath is reprehensible, and one in which I hope never to indulge. But Iby no means admit that the practice generally is crim inal. That there are evils attending it, I regret to say, is too true. The same, however, may be said of camp meetings. We all know that a camp meeting has a tendency to collect together the evil as vfell as the good. Not only nearly all religious persons in the neighborhood attend there, but the dissolute and abandoned also. I. can say with truth, and I presume you are ac quainted with the fact, that I have witnessed in the vicinity of the camp ground, such a scene of debauchery as I never heard of on the race ground. Although this is the fact with regard to camp meetings, I think it would be extreme ly illiberal to hold responsible those who visit them for pious purposes. Neither would I con sider it as conclusive proof that those meetings ought not to be held, or that the author of that discipline of worship was corrupt.