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VOL. I.
PUBLISHED WEE.
(on T UK SO ays)
by S. C.nAXTIJlXU II..U
AT THREE DOLLARS, IN ADVA.
TOUR DOLLARS AT TIIE EXIM.
OF THE YEAR.
Advertisements conspicuously
♦..(I ;it the customary rates.
DEBATE IN THE SENATE,
tf.V THE t/.Y/O.Y of HALVE S,-MISSOURI.'
(Continued.)
THURSDAY, JANUARY 13.
Mr. Burrill, of Rhode-Island, took the
floor, lit: commenced with some remarks
on the question of order involved i i the
amendment He apprehended the com
mittee had fallen into an error in reporting
it; at least it was without precedent, for a
committee to report on any subject referred
to them by way of amendment to abill from
the House of Representatives, embracing a
totally different object. It would be agreed
on all" hands, lie said, that un observance of
their own rules was necessary to the dignity
of this body, and to the order and dispatch
of business. He did not dwell long, how
ever, on the point of order, but proceeded to
consider the merits of the question, which
was a simple proposition to separate the two
subjects of Maine and Missouri.
It was conformable to the rules and prac
tice of the Senate, he said, to divide a ques
tion, when asked by any member, where it
was susceptible of division. Now, lie asked,
was not this question susceptible of the pro
posed division? It was not only susceptible
of division, he said, but the. cases embraced
byitwere essentially dissimilar. With regard
to the state of Maine, the territory embrac
ed by it had, from the adoption of the con
stitution, been known as the District of
Maine; its limits were known and accurate
ly defined. The question on the admission
of Maine was a question respecting the di
vision of one of the original states. And
would any one say, that the division of an
old state was a question of the same nature
as that of the erection of a state out of an
acquired territory? There were cases he
euid, in which Congress were under an obli
gation to erect new states in the territoiies
of the United States; but they were not
obliged to admit into the union a state funn
ed out of an old state. He agreed with
gentlemen on the other side in some of their
premises, though he dissented from their
conclusions. He agreed thatthe question of
consenting to the division of a new state
-r ....i: .. which
yvus a question of policy; a question on
the Congress was to exercise a sound dis
cretion. For example, it the state ol which
he was a Representative on this lloor, were
to ask to be divided, though the people com
posing it should lie unanimously agreed on
the subject, lie doubted whether Congress
would assent to it. The question, therefore,
embraced by the bill, was about the division
of a state, which Congress was to decide as
it should deem most wisely in regard t'> the
general interests of the union; whilst the
question involved in the amendment regard
ed the erection of a new state in a territory,-
which Congress were under an obligation,
arising not onlv from the colonial condition
of the territory, hut by the force ot a treaty
with a foreign power, os had been contended,
and as he admitted In a certain sense, to es
tablish. There was no connection between
questions so distinct in their nature, and
they ought not to he united in ihe same. bill.
Looking at this question in another point
of view, after it was agreed that Massachu
setts should be divided as proposed, on which
lie. had never heard of any difference ot
opinion—he asked what objection there was
to giving the simple assent ot Congress to
the admission of Maine, into the union ? We
have, said he, no compact to make with her:
whilst, if gentlemen will look at the provis
ions for the admission of Missouri, reported
by way of amendment to this bill, they will
Bee fiat there are many conditions and re
strictions to bo imposed on it, and some of
them of much importance, and admitting of
much difference of opinion. The one ques
tion is a simple one, on which the mind of
every man is made up; the other is complex
including a variety of regulations relative to
bounty lands, the right of taxation, &,e. tec.
questions which require deliberate consider
ation, great attention, and a knowledge of
details, with which tile Senate was not yet
supplied. lie must be allowed further to
say, thatthe committee of the Senate which
had reported this timcudm nit had not fur
nished the necessary evidence in respect to
these details. It had been stated that there
were in the territory of Missouri 100,000 in
habitants. It would appear, Mr. II. said,
twin a careful perusal of life memorial, that
it did not state this fact. ; ‘lt stated that the j
ry ,
but i
Scnat,
snbjec
enable t.
There w.
Congress;.
(lured, at the
plication from ■.
verning author'd
territory container
he was willing it sho
with a sufficiently ext
perhaps some gentium,
niation sufficient to sati
Senate on that point.
But, in respect to Main
question, whatever, hut that
wise, is it consistent with the
estsof the United States, that
be admitted into the union? If
and pass the bill as it came from
of Representatives, with the single,
for the admission of Maine into the
we shall acquit ourselves of a duty whit,
owe to an intelligent population of tin
hundred thousand souls; of a duty which we
owe to Massachusetts, who will be thrown
into great embarrassment, r.ot to sav con
fusion, if the act do not pass. When that
should have passed, Mr. 11.said, he should lx-
willing to take up the case of Missouri, and
he hoped with that good temper which
ought to prevail in the deliberations of this
assembly.
The honorable Chairman of the commit
tee (Mr. Smith j had stated that he had some
difficulties to encounter, in regard to he ad
mission of Maine. This was the first sug
gestion of the sort, Mr. 11. said, that he bad
heard* But are we, said he, who entertain
en this question r.n opinion different from
him, to be required to agree to do what we
believe wrong, in order to carry aitotiier
measure which we believe, and which gen
tlemen ihcrnscives do not deny, tube right r
He hoped not. He believed the separation
of these subjects to be due to the magnanimi
ty with which the Senate had always con-
"ucted, and moreover required by the spirit
of the rules established for the government
of its proceedings,
Mr. Macon, of North Carolina next fol
lowed in debate. \V ith regard to the order ol
proceeding, lie said, it never had been the
practice to refer back a subject to a commit
tee, but fur the purpose of obtaining details,
to make that which was doubtful plain. In
the present case there was no occasion for
such a reference, the. object being to separate
two subjects proposed to be united, which
could be directly effected by a disagreement
to the proposed amendment. There w.u
no necessity, therefore, in bis opinion, to re
commit the bill on that ground.
This, said he, is a pretty important ques-
' i what light you will. Thy ap-
tion, view it in
pearance of the. ''••".ie to-day is ditlerent
from any tiling 1 have seen since 1 have been
a member of it. It is the greatness of the
question which lias produced it. So inter
esting is it, that, on this incidental question,
all the members have gone into thequesti
which is n it but is expected to be, before the
Senate.
With regard to the question immediately
before the Senate, Mr. M. said belaid hardly
expected that the gentleman from Pennsyl
vania would have forbidden the banns el
this marriage: he thought the opposition to
it would have come from some one more in
terested, more nearly allied to the parlies.—
Allusion bad been made to the ease of \ tu
rnout and Kentucky'. And why, lie asked
were there given, in the same bill, to \ er-
moot two Representatives, and Kentucky
two ? Their population was not known
but their representation was made equal, in
order to keep up the proportion which the
National Convention had given to the In
sertions of the union.
It had been said that the law of Mass*
chusetts, sanctioning the independence u
Maine, would expire pu the 3d day of March
and it was therefore-proper to hasten the
passage of the bill from the 1 louse of Uepre
sentatives, without amendment. But, Ml
31, said, Massachusetts would not, afte
she had consented to her daughter setting
ip fi,r herself, play the step-mother, and say,
ou have not done, tins to-day, you
whole territory contained that number,jind (1(| u lo . mt>rr0W . Massacliusett
prayed for a division of the territory. ' That
part of the prayer of the petition had been
granted at the last session by the erection of
Arkansaw. Mr. 13. said, he should be glad
to know, therefore, what was the amount of
the present population of Missouri territory.
Gentlemenmight say that, ii
HHPHK in their opinion,
the population of the territory is forty', fifty,
or sixty thousand: but, Mr. B. asked, where
wns the evidence of the fact, in such shape
*vs Congress ought to legislate ou? There
bail not been before the committee, nor was
there now before, the Senate, a single docu
ment on the subject,lint the petition present
ed at Urn last session, from the legislature, of
Missouri, a part of which had been granted.
There was, in fact, lie said, no application
from Missouri, at the present session, to be
admitted into the union. If there was such
an application, ho wished to see it; and Ii
Wished, before hearted on the subject, to
ci pave a precise estimate, not of the whole
■lumber of inhabitants in the vast territory
between the present states and the Rocky
Mountains, Imt within the limits of tin 1 pro
posed state of Missouri. And, with respect
to the boundaries of the new stale, be w as
abo desirous of definite information. Cer-
*on limits were indeed proposed by the
,. : t in uieii repon; mil, oy a cerium
. "jiich had been laid on their desks by
had no doubt, wh
would do hereafter, I
she had already dom
With respect to the alledgcd impropriety
of connecting the two subjects in one hi! 1
Mr. M. asked if there was any thing mor
common than for Congress to pass Dills fi
particular objects, “and(brother purposes?”
It was the practice of ev cry day ; and those
“other purposes" were frequently not pur
poses connected with the main subject of
the bill. The Senate, the gentleman might
recollect, had at times been to tenacious
of their bills, as not to allow them to be
amended even by' a dot over an i, or a cro. ■
on a t. Yet the Senate had, before now. in
more instances than one, tacked one bill to
another of a different nature. Mr. M. quot
ed an instance, bring an act to establish a
Board of Commissioners for the City <d
Washington, and for other pv.rpt.sex, passed
several y ears ago. After the bill came from
tile House of Representatives to the Senate,
as the Journal would shew, it was amended
bv tins addition of provisions for authorizing
the making u canal from the Potomac to the
Eastern Branch; which provision was cer
tainly not analogous to the main object ot
the bill. Mr. M. said lie qui .-turned whether
n bill ever passed with a great many sec
tions, but those who wted for it objected t»
|id,'w^
of new si
and. Tb
he prompt
principle to
nd which in
doors, lie.Ci
te had felt mol
question lately
may, said he, be
ibsLraction will
but it is a difi
ay pliilosopW*
as much list,
ubtnission, Sir, they
the question.
The proposition now l.i ior.
was, to recommit—for what? \.-
wliut the Senate could do as well us a com
mittee. Judging from the arguments,itap-
peared to him that one side was belter pre
pared than tin: other for the discussion.—
If the Senate was ready for the discussion,
it mattered little what the. precise form of
the question was. There vas no impropri-
ty, lie conceivid, in the proposed eon nee-
l of tile two subjects of .Maine and Mis
souri; nor did it appear to him of any im
portance w but the shape of the question was,
t'ii was substantially' before the Senate.—
The question to agree or disagree to the. re
port of the committee, took w ithin its scope
very other question connected with the
subject, .tlld would admit of the freest debate.
He was therefore opposed to the recommit
ment.
Mr. Morriii., of New-llampsliire, said it
was not his intention to enter into a discus
sion of the merits of t.iese two subjects, at.
this timet; tie thought it w as improper.—I
in, said he, in favor of the motion, because
( am unwilling to consider tile subjects, and
act upon them, in tins unnatural conm-iTinn.
Gentlemen say there is such a similarity,
they may be considered with the greatest
propriety in this near alliance. Sir, I think
otherwise. To me, there appears a striking
incongruity. One object is, to admit Maine
into the Union: tin other is, to authorise the
ilory of Missouri to form a. constitution,
that she may be admitted at some future pe-
Where then is ihe. likeness? hir,
tDis is not all. 1 wish each In stand upon
its ow n basis. To effect tins, they must be
onside.rcd separately. One. gentleman may
have doubts with respect to the expiuiency
.f admitting Maine; another may hare com
plete conviction tiiuf il would be extremely
wrong to admit Missouri v ithou'. restrictions.
Now, sir, you couple these together, and,
o:i the final question, you cmnpll gentlemen
to vote for both, or neither. And what is the
result r I am fully satisfied it is politically
and morally right to admit Maine, and wish
to give my aye : but I am equally satisfied,
it is politically and morally wrong, to admit
Missouri, without prohibitions. Oilier geulli -
men believe, it is politically and morally
correct to admit both without restrictions.
Then, sir, you senil e dilemma, in which
some are placed, b\ this strange connexion.
\Ye are compelled to vote against Maine,
which we think wc ought not to do, or vote
in favor of both, and do that which we
conscientiously believe is politically and
morally w rong: while gentlemen on the
other hand, are only asked to do that which
they declare is politically and morally light.
Sir," I protest against "the connexion ; not
because 1 cm unwilling oi unprepared to
meet the subject, properly and distinctly,
each on its owji merits; but on account of tlu*
dilemma into which we are necessarily
thrown if they art considered as now presen
ted. Sir; 1 am willing Maine should be
admitted: and 1 am equally w illing Missouri
Mould be admitted, on such principles as
sla.l! hamimii/.V with the national tranquility
and interest; and I am perfectly willing to
meet 1)0III subjects distinctly, when they
shall he so presented to.tlic consideration of
the Senate, and in no other way. Lctcach
stand upon its own merits.
[To he continued.]
mistake, it appeared that certain other bouu- some oi them. Ue could l. u'- if reco’.k c
flEHATE
On the bill granting a donation of one Town
ship, (Ot! square miles! of the Public Land
to the Asylum for the Deaf and Dumb.
HOUSE OF REPRESEXTJTIUXS.
FRIDAY. JANUARY 7.
The House being iq committee of ihe
. olent
whether,
after the liberal endowment by Congress
of the Connecticut .Asylum, the wants of
ocicty required (which lie doubted) a-
notliti institution for the deaf and dumb ;
he must think that if we made any grant,
it w ould be better to make it directly in
money rather than land. It was desira
ble that Congress should retain-the mo
nopoly of the sale of the public lands,
because they could better regulate the
manner in which they should be brought
into tiie market, and could count with
more certainty upon the produce of the
revenue from that source. It was par
ticularly desirable to avoid the conq cti-
iion of large land-holders, whether cor
porations or individuals. This bill pro
poses a grant of a township, w ith certain
privileges' of selection andfloention. It
might lie fairly estimated, considering
those, privileges, as worth about one hun
dred thousand dollars. Tiny object no
doubt, of the New-York institution, was,
lu bring it into market ; and it would
onscquently tend to supply the demand
for public land to the amount of tiie grant.
It would abstract so much from the pub
lic revenue ; and ought therefore to be
considered, as in effect it was, a grant of
so much money. And lie hoped, if the
honorable gentleman pressed the passage
oftbe bill, that lie would move an amend
ment, to substitute money for land. Mr.
C. really thought that it was high lime
that we should begin to husband tiie pre
sent resources. With an empty exche
quer, we ought to review the causes
which have led to it, and examine if
there hiul been no extravagant profusion
on the pat t ofGovernment. lie thought
the House was imperiously called upon
to pause, lie repeated the expression
of sincere regret which lie felt in inter
posing any objection to the bill ; but lie
must move to strike out the first section
of it. ,
Air. Randolph observed, that he was
opposed to this bill for another reason
which bad great weight on his mind, and
ought to have on that of every member
from Virginia and Kentucky—it was
that the provisions of llio bill were op
posed to the letter and spirit of that con
tract to which the states of Virginia and
Kentucky (then attached to Virginia) and
the United States, were parlies inasmuch
as it permitted this location to. be made
on any of the public lands of the United
States. The state of Virginia, Mr. It
feared, stood on this lloor, as elscvvheie
not in the most enviable light—;is a tar
gut for the. shafts of political calumny
was for others to enjoy the bounty of this
House ; it was lor her to receive law
sheer law, when she could make out not
a colourable claim but a clear and indis
putable title. For one, Mr. K. said, be
most earnestly hoped she would never
appear at this bar, or ou this floor, in
ittitude of supplication ; though it
it
den» ..id dumb, mid to instruct others,
10 might carry the benefits of the art
into other parts of the Union—it was on
ibis account that the grant was made. In
the Hartford Asylum, too, not a thi'd
irtofthe pupils belonged to the state
fConneclicut; its benefits embraced the
lllictcd of many other states ; and it had
icculiar claims to the aid of the govern
ment.
Mr. Livermore, of New-Hampshire,
made a few remarks, against tiie bill, not
distinctly beard. He expressed great
respect for the object of the bill, but lie
did not feel himself at liberty to bestow
on it the property of the nation.
Mr. Warfield, of Maryland, was also
opposed to the bill, not being willing
to appropriate the public land to sucli
objects. If it wa3 proper to divert the
public funds to such a purpose, let it be
lone by a vote of money out of the trea
sury, and not in this way. 1 le respected
iusiilution for which this donation
was n-ked ; be rejoiced that the Asyluui
of Connecticut had succeeded even be-
oik! 1 ho expectation of its friends ; but
it was no reason lor going on and bestow
ing the property of the nation on all who
ked it.
Mr. Holmes, of Massachusetts, said,
that ir hen humanity called, it vvasacredit
to the House to listen ; but bis object
now was to enquire wliat was bis duty.
At the last Congress, cither from grati-
ude for being sent’here, and from joy at
having got well out of a war, or from
some other impulse, we made a grant to
the surviving soldiers of the revolution ;
like sailors from a long voyage, ju<t paid
off, who give money to every otic they
meet—with this difference : they give
their own money—we, the money of the
people. He, like others, had been led
iway, and gave his vole to the relief of
the revolutionary soldiers. 11c had, how
ever, voted against, the grant to the Hart
ford Asylum, because, he saw it would
lead to other applications for similar
grant*. This was one of them. It v\ ould
be better, he thought, to attend to re
plenishing the Treasury than to vote a-
way the public funds on every object
that asks them. If we goon in this way,
said Mr. H.—if we are nut deaf to calls
like this, our constituents will be struck
dumb at such conduct.
And deaf, I hope to all our apologies
for it, said Mr. Randolph, who rose for
the purpose of extending a remark of
Mr. Holmes; and would take the liberty
to insinuate to Mr. Meigs, that it wrs
very easy to be wise and eloquent, as
well as generous at other people's ex
pcnsc. In reference to the afflicted be
ings for whose benefit this bill was ar
gued, Mr. R. said he should be sorry
any gentleman bad the misfortune to
possess the same experience as himself.
If there was any thing which he under
stood, it was their pitiable case. But he
asked if this case came within the con
stitution. The committee hadV
oopla.
probability that t
» uld have to borrow ir 1
pass this bill, aud it w ould
spectacle of u government
with one hand and giving away
other. By grunting the public
the institutions of one state, Air. *■
tained that it operated ap injustice on-lb*
other states, inasmuch as it diminished
their proportions iu the public lands*
which belonged equally to all. It- was
time to make a pause, a solemn pause,
in voting a way these gratuities. He re-
ferred to the immense expenditure which
had become necessary by yielding to
feeling, and passing the actfnrthe relief"
of the revolutionary soldiers thaLact
itG»
was the offspring of feeling, and it
volvcd the nation in an expense of three
millions of dollars a year—as much at
I he whole public debt was at one period.
That act, hot) ever, heavily as it pressed
on the treasury,-was the more justifiable
on account ol the important services and
the sufferings of the objepts of it. Should
the present grant be made to the New-
1 ork asylum, it must be given to chari
table institutions iu other states. If all
the states received equally, it would di
minish the proportion of all alike, in the
public lands, und it would be no peculiar
benefit to cither; the house must there
fore act unequally or act uselessly. Mr.
B. said feeling and sympathy were bad
guides in public conduct; but, wlieu they
legislated on the score of charity, they
ould act according to impulse j one
ongress would be guided by feeling^
and another perhaps by precedent, &c.
This was a dangerous mode of proceed-
But this grant was advocated in the
mg.
th.
would require all the art of a professor
in political classification and noinoocla- j 0 f armies, and the expense
ture to adduce any new term of reproach the pomp mid circuit'-
■against lie fj aud notwithstanding thcNufk- ^Kingat the cod**
name of knowledge, which is the basis
of liberty. If for the promotion of
knowledge, Mr. B. said, why did New-.
York apply to this house—why not rfely
on her own resources ? Virginia, with,
less resources than New-York, had es*
tablished a system of public education,
for which she might with as much pro
priety ask of this hous'd a similar dona
tion of public land. Mr. B. said he felt
as a man, for the unhappy class of beings
who were the objects of the bill; he
would drop tears for their affliction; but
lie could not give liis support to this bill;
it would be inconsistent with his ideas of
public duty—he could not give to one
what lie could not to all—it would not
be right to do so.
Mr. Meigs again arose. He had flat
tered himself, he suid.it would be utter
ly unnecessary for him to trouble the
committee again upon this occasion.—
Rut, wheu he found that this bill had had
the misfortune to caii forth the hostility
of such able and eloquent gent lenten
tiie Speaker of this house and thegeli
men from Virginia, it became hit f
feeble as it was, to speak for those ;
mouths God had shut. Would **
ven, said Mr. M. that this ne
no! exist! Would to Heaven,
of the silent innocents whose c$
thus called on to advocate,
speak in the fineaqd cotnmat
l of the honorable Speaker! S|?
’t.l b-ve no ho •; m to app,
n
