Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, February 29, 1820, Image 1
SOUTHERN
RECORDE
VOL. I.
MILLEDGEVILLE, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 29, 1820.
PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
(on Tuesdays)
BY S. GRANTLAND k R. M. ORME,
AT THREE DOLLARS, IN ADVANCE, OR
FOUR DOLLARS AT THE EXPIRATION
OF THE YEAR.
Advertisements conspicuously inser
ted at the customary rates.
DEBATE IN THE SENATE,
O.Y THE UNION of MAINE A MISSOURI.
( Continued.)
MONDAY, JANUARY 17.
The Senate having resumed the consider
ation of the bill from the House of Repre
sentatives, for the admission of the state of
Maine into the union, on an equal footing
with the original slates, together with the
amendment reported thereto, by the Judi
ciary Committee, which amendment em
braces provisions for authorising the people
of the territory of Missouri, to form a Con
stitution, he. preparatory to their admissi
on into the union.
Mr. Roberts, of Pennsylvania, moved to
amend the said amendment, by adding there
to the following:
Provided, That the further introduction
into the said state of persons to be held to
slavery or involuntary servitude within the
same, shall be absolutely and irrevocably
prohibited,
After Mr. Roberts had spoke at some
length, in favor of the provision
Mr. Elliott, of Georgia, said, with a know
ledge of the talents which would be called
forth on this occasion; in behalf of the rights
of Missouri, it might seem unnecessary for
one so unskilled in parliament debate, to ob
trude his humble efforts on the attention of
the Senate. But, said he, the magnitude of
the consequences which may grow out of
the decision about to be made, and the
weight of responsibility resting upon every
member charged with the consideration of
the subject, urge me to rise, as I honestly
conceive, in support of the constitution of
my country, the faith of its government, and
the future peace and harmony of the Union.
As it is essentia! to a correct and liberal
discussion, that the point at issue be clearly
understood and dispassionately examined,
all irreevlant matter, should be cautiously
rejected, h the mind brought to the investi
gation with its powers unembarrassed.—
How much to be regretted, then, is the pub
lic excitement which has been produced in
anticipation of this debate? It is, 1 fear, not
well calculated to ensure a decision of this
question upon its merits. The voice of the
people should be heard, and always heard
with deep attention and due respect. But,
when the feelings are thereby excited whieh
do not belong to the subject under consider
ation, you are bound, by the strongest obli
gations of duty, to exclude them from these
walls. Here the passions should be suffer
ed to sleep, while to the unbiassed judge
ment and the enlightened conscience are
committed the decisions which may be re
corded in your journals.
What, then, sir, is the question wc arc cal
led upon to decide? Does it involve the li
berty or slavery of the black population of
the United States? On this subject the
constitution has wisely interdicted the inter
ference of the genera) government. Does it
seek a suspension of the law prohibiting the
unhallowed trade to Africa, until the people
of Missouri shall have accommodated them
selves with slaves from that unfortunate
country ? No such sacrifice of feeling or
policy is asked at your hands ; on the con
trary, the prayer of the people of Missouri,
if granted, would not effect the liberty of a
single freeman. Neither of these subjects
being before the Senate, the arguments and
feelings which grow out of them are alike
foreign to the present discussion. But, the
people of Missouri do ask of you to fulfil
your solemn engagements in their behalf,
and to admit them into the Union, “ ac
cording to the principles of the federal con
stitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights,
advantages, and immunities of citizens of
the United States.” The question then is,
W'll you thus admit them ?
Indulge me, sir, with your attention for a
few moments, while 1 briefly consider their
claims to such admission: 1st. under the
constitution; 2dly, from the obligations vo-
luntariij assumed to the United States, in
the treaty of CcssiP n > °f the 30th April, 1803;
and, lastly, from'the Auctions of sound
policy. In the 3d section of the 4tn (Article
of the constitution, it is declared—“ New
states may be admitted by the Congress in
to the union;" and in the subsequent secti
on of the same article, “ The United States
shall guarantee to every state in this Union,
a republican form of government.” By the
first section Congress is obviously clothed
with discretionary power to admit, or not
a, lmit new states into this union. But
whenever this power is exercised in the ad
mission of anew state into this Union the
United States become bound, by the second
jeetion, to aid in the support of a republican
lWefthUl e ^ mR 1 nt , w,t , hi " h ,V r limit3 7
,r-'aimed by Congress to
exact a constitution on repu,,; i . s
as a condition to the admisMo^olTfc. ’
state into this Union. The condition is the
necessary result of the obligation previously
imposed upon the United States to guaran
tee a republican form of government t* each
state; and it is to be considered as' an evi-
uence of the patronage of the constiUtion.
rather, than as any authority to impoq: re
strictions on the states.
Tho 2d section of the 4th article decVres
The citizens of each state shall be en-
t;tied to all privileges and immunities ofei-
♦k’® m the several states.” A new a toe,
men, when once admitted into this Union,
Weenies possessed, by the very act of ao-
mlssion, of all privileges and immunities of
the old states. But the old states claim and
exercise the privilege to alter and amend
'heir constitutions at pleasure. This is ac-
f.™ to them as an unalienable, indefeas
ible right, essential to self government—
find in the use of this right they are unre
strained, provided they preserve the form of
'he government and do not violate the Fe
deral Constitution. But, tbe admission of
involuntary servitude into a state does noi
effect the form of the government, nor vi
olate the Federal Constitution; for one half
of the states in the Union allow of it, and
the Federal Constitution expressly recog
nizes and sanctions it. Under the Constitu
tion then, any state in the Union may admit
involuntary servitude within its limits, in the
exercise of its unquestionable right of self-
government ; and Congress cannot be sup
posed to have power to impose a restriction,
which the state has authority to abrogate
at pleasure.
But it is contended by the honorable gen
tleman from Pennsylvania, Mr. Roberts,
that, since the year 1808, Congress has ac
quired authority, under the 9th section ofthe
1st article, to impose the contemplated re
striction. This section reads—“ The mi
gration or importation of such persons as
any of the states now existing shall think
proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by
the Congress prior to the year 1818, but a
tax or duty may be imposed on such impor
tation, not exceeding ten dollars for each
person.” The terms migration and impor
tation are not synonymous : migration im
plies volition, choice, self discretion—but
fhese belong not to a slave. He may be
carried or imported, or lie may abscond;
but he never can migrate. The Irish, tile
Scotch and the Dutch, migrate to this coun
try ; and it was probably to prevent Con
gress, until after the year 1808, from inter
dicting tlio.practice, under the authority giv
en to that body to establish an uniform rule
of naturalization,” that the word migration
was introduced in this section. But impor
tation applies to slaves. They were import
ed, and tiie last, clause of this section is con
clusive as to the correctness of this expositi
on—“ but a tax or duty may be imposed on
such importation, not exceeding ten dollars
for each person.” The subjects of this Lax
or duty were persons imported, while those
who migrated were suffered to enter our
ports without the imposition of any duty.—
This soction is restrictive, and restrains the
power of Congress to prohibit the importa
tion of slaves or the irrigation of foreigners,
prior to the year 1808. Since that period,
Congress has very wisely acted upon the
subject of the slave trade, and under the au
thority imparted by tho constitution, “ to
regulate commerce with foreign nations,”
such laws have hc.cn passed as promise, at
no distant period, its entire suppression.—
But Congress Ins never attempted to pre
vent the transfer or removal of slaves from
one state to another at the will of their own-
The section restrains no such rower,
for no such is given in the Constitution
The truth is, it is a right claimed &. exercis
ed by the states, and they will never surren
der it. Congress has no authority to claim
it.
But the latter part of the 3d section of the
4th article, it is supposed, gives to Congress
competent authority on this subject. It
reads, “ The Congress shall have power to
dispose of, and make all needful rules and
regulations respecting the territory or other
property belonging to the United Stales.”—
Under the authority here given, Congress
may lay out and dispose of the lands of the
United States; and, when inhabited, make
such rules and regulations as may be need
ful for the civil government of the territory.
But the question before the Senate is not
what rules and regulations Congress may
make for the government of a territory.—
It is I conceive, sir, entirely a distinct sub
ject of enquiry, and, therefore, cannot de
pend for its decision upon any authority
drawn from this clause. Whenever the
question respecting the powers of Con
gress to impose restrictions in the territo
ries shall come up, it will be time enough to
argue it; at present, it ought not to lie per
mitted to embarrass the point at issue before
the Senate. To me, then, the Constitution
does not seem to countenance the inhibition
sought to be imposed by the amendment.
But sir, the treaty of cession ofSOth April,
1808, is still more explicit on this subject.—
The third article provides that, the inhabi
tants of the ceded territory shall be incorpo
rated into the Union of the United States,
and admitted as soon as possible, according
to the principles of the federal constitution,
to the enjoyment of all the. rights, advantag
es, and immunities, of the citizens of the U.
States; and in the mean time they shall be
maintained and protected in the free enjoy
ment of their liberty, property, and the reli
gion which they profess.” The only dilH-
cnlty whieh presents itself here is, to adopt
any train of reasoning, by whieh the right
pf Missouri to an unconditional admission
into tilfi Union, can he made more obvious
than it is rendered by a bare recital of this
section. It seems to rile not very unlike an
attempt to prove a self-evident proposition.
Under the Constitution, it is manifest Con-
ujss may refuse admission" to a new state
_ut here the general government stands
pledged not only to admit Missouri into the
Uirion, but to do so as soon as possible; that
is, so soon as she shall be in possession of the
legal requisites; and when admitted, to re
ceive her “ according to the principles, of
the federal constitution,” by which is intend
ed, Sunder a republican form of govern
ment,” guaranteed to her by the United
vo-.ios, in .vity with the provisions of
the 4th section of the 4th article ofthe, con
stitution. And, sir, as it regards the pleni
tude of tlie rights which arc to be ar*"^® 1
by this admission, it is decb:" J u< ! 1,1
the enjoyment of all th--*™*’
and immunity ’>< c > tlz{ '. lls L ,,f t ‘ ,e L n,t * d
States.” «oW, all the rights, advantages,
and immunities, of the citizens of the Unit
ed States, is a phrase of the. most extensive
latitude, and must necessarily include the
momentous anti inalienable right of self-gov
ernment, whig! appertains to all the states.
But many ofi the states, in the exercise of
the, rights of Sell-government, have estab
lished and d; permit, involuntary servitude
within tlieii limits. Missouri, then, when
admitted, rky so amend her constitution,
under the e^oymentof the same right, as to
admi: slavy within her jurisdiction. And
yet it i 9 j intended that Congress can ii.v
posi a reliction which the state, at the mo
ment of |e admisrionin to the Union, will
huve a rigt to annul! Again—in the last
clause of this section it is expresslv agreed
that, “in the mean time, they shall fie main
tained and protected in the free enjoyment
of their liberty, property, and the'religion
which they profess. But n part of this pro
perty, for the protection of which the Unit
ed States stand thus solemnly pledged, was
unquestionably slaves. The Congress, thus,
not only has no power to impose the con
templated restriction on the state of Missou
ri, when admitted into the Union ; but hav
ing guaranteed to the owners of slaves, in
the. ceded territory, the free enjoyment of
their property, that body could not, under
any territorial regulation, have imposed
surh u restriction. That the general govern
ment thus understood the obligations of tin-
treaty, may be fairly inferred from its prac
tice under it. Since the acquisition of Lou
isiana from France, no attempt lias been
made by Congress to legislate on this subject
—Sc the inhabitants have been left to the un
controlled management Sc direction of this
species of property. In the year 1812,
when a part of tins territory, under the
name of Louisiana, was admitted into the
Union, the admission was unconditional as
to this subject, and that part of the territory
was received oil the footing of the original
states.
It is evident, then, before the last session
of Congress, the general government never
believed itself possessed of any authority
to interfere with involuntary servitude with
in the territory acquired by the treaty of the
30th April, 1803. And no competent autho
rity, I really believe, can be produced for
such interference at this time. Sound poli
cy, also, Mr. President, forbids the imposi
tion of tbe contemplated restriction. Slavery
was an evil found in this country at the
formation of the pis-sent government; and
it was tolerated because it could not be re
medied. And how is it ever to be remedi
ed? Surely not by circumscribing the slave
population within narrow limits, and there
by rendering their numbers equal or superi
or to the free population of the states to
which you would confine, them. This would
be to ensure their perpetual servitude, or
their extirpation by tin- sword. Tbe color
of this people must forever prevent their
amalgamation into the common mass of the
population by intermarriage, and their num
bers, in such a state of society, would threat
en an influence in a political point of view,
which would always prevent (heir emancipa
tion. As to the idea of their being removed
from this country, and settled at a colony
in some other, t fear it is too visionary for
practical men to rely on. While we accord
to the benevolent society formed for this
purpose the most pure and exalted motives,
la it at ail probable their means will ever be
adequate to the end they have in view ?—
Rut disperse this people, who would be so
formidable when confined to narrow limits;
suffer them to spread over an extensive
country, and they would be. lost amidst the
great body of the white population which
Would surround them on every side. In
this situation, they might be gradually eman
cipated without endangering the safety of
the state governments; and, when emanci
pated, they could be supported on hire, at
voluntary servitude., without greatly lessen
ing the productive labor of the country.—
But should they never be emancipated, it is
unquestionably the duty of those who hold
them in bondage, and of the nation which
tolerates the act, to unite in the adoption of
such measures as shall ameliorate their con
dition, and render their servitude not more
burdensome than that of the laboring class
of any other section of the nation. The
comforts and privileges of this people being
generally in an inverse ratio to the numbers
placed on any one plantation, the wider
their dispersion, the greater will lie their
comforts and the less burdensome their ser
vitude. If (lie voice of humanity, then, is
to decide the question, it will be found
against the. restriction, as cutting oil - the only
hope of eventual emancipation, while it les
sens the comforts and increases the labors of
the servitude which it renders inevitable.
But sir, there is yet another view in whieh
this restriction is condemned by the sound
est policy. The union of these states is the
foundation of our individual happiness and
national prosperity. Whatever has a ten
dency, however remotely to put at hazard
this inestimable blessing, should excite our
warmest opposition. But the strength of
this Union must depend upon the sameness
of the political institutions ; and the equali
ty of the rights which are secured to the
states that compose it No confederation
can long outlive the occasion which gave
birth to it, unless it is the interest of all the
parts to continue united. The Roman and
Grecian confederacies, formed for exter
nal defence, were powerful for that purpose
w hile the causes w hich produced them were
in operation. But no sooner was the out
ward pressue withdrawn, by which like a
spell, their component parts had been bound
together, than the discordancy of the. politi
cal materials with which they were compos
ed began to appear ; and they became the
unhappy victims of disunion and civil w ar!
The confederacies of Germany, Holland,
and tlie Swiss Cantons, promised at one
time to be perpetual. But that of Germany
being constructed of free cities and uet‘x
states, govern*'' 1 p- princes, could
not to-* withstand this serious lmperfeeti-
in its internal organization. While the
states which formed the others, estranged
from the general government by' the inequa
lity ofthe rights which they enjoyed, be
came a prey to the. policy of their ambitious
neighbors. But the wise framers of our ad
mirable constitution, with a forecast as to
consequences w hich does infinite honor to
them, have taken care to ensure to ail these
states the same form of government, by
making it the duty of the United States to
guarantee to every state in this Union a re
publican form of government. This ( t eat
provision so essential to the. soundness and
duration of a confederacy, is thus secured to
us. And I have no doubt it was believed
the other great principle of equality of state
rights, was also settled by the same instru
ment. Is it then politic in Congress, by a
constructive legislation, to impose restricti
ons upon the states hereafter to lie adnrittt d
into the Union; thereby producing an invi
dious equality in the rights and privileges of
the states ? Will not this be to sow the
seeds of jealousy and distrust ? Whose
baneful fruits, I fear, may be disaffection,op
position, and disunion. Shall the fair pros
pects of this young and rising nation be
shrouded in darkness, that the sickly sugges
tions of a visionary humanity may be indulg
ed ? Nor, sir, let it be imagined that I
magnify the evils which may grow out of
this amendment.
Causes, apparently inconsiderable, have
often produced consequences highly mo
mentous. The exactions of the Biilith par
liament against the rights of the then colo
nies of this western hemisphere, trifling in
degree, but important in principle, a.\ Ren
t'd that spirit of resistance, which leu 11 the
revolutionary war; and finally consummat
ed the independence of this nation ? The
gentle stream which rises almost unperceiv-
ed from beneath your feet, increased and
strengthened in its course, by others equal
ly contemptible in their origin, swells at
length into a resistless torrent; and the kind
ling of a spark, often ends in the conflagrati
on of a city.
Imnose this restriction, sir, and it will lead
to others. Every interest in the nation,
when it shall become strong enough to pur
sue its favorite object, will plead this as a
precedent, and, in the exercise of the power
it may have acquired, will not hesitate to
exact such further conditions from the new
states, as shall suit its purpose—until the
states hereafter to be admitted, will not be
so much distinguished by the dates of their
admission, ns the inequality of tlie rights
whieh they may lie permitted to enjoy un
der the confederation. Under such a course
of policy, I do not say the Union must ine
vitably tie dissolved. But, 1 must be per
mitted to say, any Union which can subsist
under such circumstances, will be scarcely
worth maintaining. The contemplated re
striction, then, sir, is, in my humble view of
the question, unauthorized by the constitu
tion ; is in contravention of the provisions of
a solemn treat}'; and opposed by the sug
gestions of sound policy.
(Delate to Ic continued.)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
FRIDAY, FEBRUAY 4.
The House lookup tlie resolution submit
ted by Mr. Butler, ot N. H. on the. 26th ult.
to fix the daily hour of meeting of the house
at eleven, instead of twelve o’clock; and the
resolution was agreed 10, after some remarks
in its favor from 3Ir. Simkins, of South
Carolina.
Mr. Ran nor, art rose to offer a motion
having for its object an enquiry respecting
the enforcing a stricteraccounlability for the
public moneys, &c. The United States re
minded him, he said, of those generous and
gallant young fellows, ready to do justice, at
all times, to every body but themsehes.—
The moneys-ofthe United States were scat
tered over the country from Passamaquoddy
to Yellow Stone—from Chicago to Mobile,
in a manner which woidd fritter away the
resources of any other nation in the world
than this. Nothing, said he, but the rapid
growth ofthe infant Hercules has enabled us
to support this dilipidation ofthe public es
tate. We are something like the Georgia
and Virginia planters—cotton being at fifty
cents, and tobacco at thirty dollars. Do you
want a tooth pick? Takes hundred dollars ?
Do vou want a tooth brush? Take a hun
dred dollars. Do you want tooth-powder?
Take a hundred dollars. And, sir, we want
pens, paper and ink—and these different
wants supply business for several individuals,
to whom money is advanced, to he account
ed for hereafter. /jit accounted for? V hat
is the deficit now? It exceeds greatly the
average annual revenue during the adminis
tration of Washington. Let us see, said he,
the aggregate receipts on which the Father
of his Country, as li« has been over and over
called, administered the government ofthe
United States. From the 41h of March,
1780, to the 31st December, 1791, making
almost half of his first term of service, the
receipts into the treasury amounted to
54.400.000. For the year ensuing they were
only 3,600,000; for the year following,
4.600.000. These were the receipts of the
four years composing tlie first presidency.—
In the first year of the next term, tbe revenue
was JJ3,100,0U0; for the next, 5,900,000;
and, for the last, seven millions. These farts,
Mr. R. said were conclusive. They spoke
to the understanding of every man who kept
his eye on the receipts and expenditures of
the government. I recollect, said he, when
we thought, if we could get a receipt often
millions of dollars—of which seven millions
went to the sinking fund, and shortly after,
on the purchase ofLouisiana, eight millions
—we should he in the full tide of successful
experiment. Was there no way, Mr. R.
asked, to recover the public assets from the
hands of those who were living on the pub
lic funds ? This system w ould not answer—
a system more simple might answer ui the
case of the United States, as he. knew it
would in that of this house, for what, said he
is our situation? We meet in a room in
whieh We can neither hearnor see—but even
the blind can perceive what I wish to bring
co the attention of the house—it is the uni
versal dilapidation of the public funds. As
for accommodation and adaptation to pub
lic business, I should ns soon think of at
tempting to be heard across the l’otomac in
the fare of a north-wester, as to be heard
here, where the physical triumphs over the
intellectual power. Have gentlemen advert
ed, Mr. R. asked, to how much of themoney
of the public was in the hands ofthe Colum
bia Banks, or howitgot there? And do ter,
said lie, know any toing of tho Central Bank
—the Patriotic Bank—and of the other
Banks, so numerous that it would be in vain
to attempt to repeat their titles ? For my
part, continued Mr. It. 1 am not at all sorry
for the effect which the public at this time
experience, although perhaps 1 pay as dear
ly for it as most of us—I lament the cause—
but, sir, Tie are punished, if 1 may use the
term, in the offending member. I trust it
stable shall be cleansed—that the stream
public treasure, compared to which the R’
souri itself is but n rill, shall not be damn
up by speculators and defaulters. &ic. Mr.
said lie would therefore move—
t “ That the Secretary of the Treasury
directed to report to this house such mi
sure as, in his opinion, may be expedient
enforce the more speedy payment of pulv
monies, due from individuals and corpora
bodies in the United States.”
Mr. Tjoimdts said he bad no objectii
whatever to the object of this motion. H
w ould only remark that a part of it appea
to him to lie comprehended in calls alread
made on the Treasury Department, and
part of it within the prescribed duties of
committee of this House. With regard t
the unaccounted-for monies of the Unitei
States, Mr. L. conceived both the fact:
and apprehensions of the gentleman Iron
Va. to be exaggerated. In order to taki
a correct view of tlie subject, he suggestet
the propriety of so modifying the resolutioi
as to call for an accurate statement of tin
amount of public moneys out-standing am.
unaccounted for, Sir.
Mr. Randolph said he would readily agree
) modify bis motion in the manner whirli
the gentleman from South Carolina, or any
other gentleman, should deem expedient, to
effectuate the. object of it. If the gentleman
would prepare such an amendment, lie
would adopt it with pleasure. The resolu
tion, he said, must speak for itself. While
up, lie would observe, that, with regard to
the Banks of this District, while he had men
tioned one or two by name, lie did not know
that there was a pin to choose between them.
He had no idea, he said, of selling off the]
public lands, (increasing the balances alrea- j
dy due for them, and making up the present]
deficit by taxes on the people, when it could j
be made up merely by making these leech-1
es disgorge. The honorable gentleman had
mistaken ine, said Mr. R. if he suppose* J
have any hostility to the Secretary of the.
Treasury. I have none: but Mr. Speaker,
you know very Wfll—no man ought to know
better—wliat it is to disturb a hornet’s nest:
the Secretary of the Treasury is not going
to array himself against these individuals
without a call from this liousr. The present
system, Mr.R. said, would not work; and,
if it would not, wc must either go on v 'lb
it as it is, and continue to rncreuse the p
lie burthens, or we must endeavor to get o
of it. He wished that the present Scerr
ry of the Treasury, or the former Secret! )
of the Treasury—of whose intended rcti 1
to this country rumours were afloat—or
some one, of equal capacity with eltlun.
would devote himself to rectify the disord
ers in the public expenditures. The disord
er in the receipts was bad enough—no ot'r-
er government perhaps could go on wifir it
—but when to this was added the disorders
in the expenditures, Crirsus himself could
noi sustain it. The English, Mr. Ii. said,
were remarkable for having brought their
system of collection to the least possible ex-
pence—he would not say to perfection, but
certainly much nearer it than we have at
tained. * France, though her revenue b«
not so cheaply collected as that of England,
yet, as far as his information extended, In
tbe economy of its expenditures greatly sur
passed her. Tee English ore profuse in
their expenditure—he spoke, not ofthe gross
amount, or of the object, whether great ar
mies, the navy, he. but of tlie dollar for
dollar’s worth. But, he said, we arc more
profile in the expense of the collection of
revenue than cither of these powers, and
we outdo the outdoings of every former ge-
ner u m in tbe profusion of expenditure and
total want of responsibility in public agents.
Now, said he, into periculo, I undertake to
say, if you will rail in the balances due the
government from individuals; if you will
make the great corporations and men who
pass for rich with public monies in their
hands—if you will make those leeches dis-
gorge—if you will make them pay the peo
ple, it will cure your deficit: it will make it
unnecessary to lay taxes. They do not pay
interest on* the. money they hold; and very
likely if you authorize a loan they will take
p—and who are better able than men who
have their pockets Atnffcd with public mo
ney ? Mr. It. said, he hoped the secretary of
the Treasury would consider it a part of his
duty, in suggesting a remedy, to give the
house some little history of the nature of
the disease. If, however, it should he
thought necessary specially to require it, he
had no objection so to modify the resolu
tion.
Mr. TrimUe said lie should not oppose the
resolution, although, a special committee of
the House had the subject in charge ; he
should vote for it, because it would unques
tionably relieve him as one of that commit
tee from a portion of the duties he had to
perform. Attlie same time he begged leave,
to say, that the committee of whieh he wan
one had not been idle; and that, ns to tile
referrence to the secretary of the Treasury
for facts, all the information required had
been, or was in the way of being furnilhed
to the committee, of which he happened to
be chairman. In the course ofthe examina
tion which lu; had had an opportunity of
making into tills subject, lie had the satis
faction of finding that not a single d#llar had
been applied in malversation of tlie public
moneys. That the**: were sums of money
in tlie hands of Paymasters and Quarter
masters, and other public agents, to a large
amount, was certainly true. Many of their
accounts had not yet been settled, for the
want of time. Large sums might be lost to
the government by some of these agents, not
from the want of means or of disposition to
enforce the payment of them, but from the
insolvency of the individuals. But, with
respect to any moneys in the hands of pub
lic agents, Mr. T. said it must be evident they
constituted no available fund. 'Whether a
mode of enforcing a more speedy Collection
of the public debts could not be devised
was a question worthy of consideration.—
But be begged leave to say, that he believed
t to knock and no,
and not tq‘
fti* ti.
ir
jVnu ask. _
wav ** different tnnel
.afferent style l r.peat, safd M*
vhatever construction may bCipuFa,
notion, my object iatq ascertain-whet
i not possible to make ifmse.whu has*
loney give It up—fnr'I know that when
ive "their r. 'ncy we/ obHgr-riho gi<,.
them : whereas IviVi-fly* thought it ou*
ir to leech c as well as to gvf - -to give a*?>
Mr. Trimble said that, by J 1 supcjM'Iaji,
glance of the official statements,, :ve liiigYw
j’,o easily led into error on olie point. It
ought appear on the face of them, that there
i'wr* millions in tho hands of pvihlio agents,
Ivfcen in fact there were not as ay hund-
! ><! thousands .because the momvatkdvano >
il'd to he disbursed in the public service,
i v ,e charged U> the agents until the vouch*
4i - were transmitted, and their accounts set-
. r at the proper offices. The amount of
Ijsi.tUCia reported, therefore, was no criteri-
<i i whereby to judge of the amount due—
muclyWe largest part being expended and
re.- !y to be accounted for. On the subject
<jfrrottfbrizSng public, expenditures, Mr. T.
v , ho did not at all differ in sentiment from
hi i .eqd from Virginia.
! lu question was then taken on Mr. Ran*
fit,; ’« motion, and carried without a Ult ini-
on
ON EYESIGHT,
ref of a letter from a Physician to
gentleman in Washington.
“M dear Friend ; I lament to he
it ;cd, by your letter, that you*
i,i.-Jght is failing. I sympathize
with you sincerely, having experien
ced the same infirmity.
In the use of spectacles, which, I
fear, you will have to resort to, injury
will be done to the eyes, unless judi
ciously chosen. A friend harf furnish
ed me with an old newspaper, from
which I have extracted the following,
which, I hope, may contain hints use
ful to you:
“ To the editor of the Monthly Magazine.
“Sir; The late Mr. Baldwin, of
Prescot, in this county, well known
for his a*rial excursion from Chester,
used generally, when walking or go
ing on his ordinary business, to wea*
Concave Spectacles, which lie always
removed when he read, wrote, or did
sny thing which rcauired distinct vi
sion. The reason he assigned for a
custom so singular appeared to me so
ingenious and well-founded, tl u I ofi*
ten urged him to publish the discove
ry, which, I believe, he intended to
have done ; but, as I do not recollect
to have seen it in any periodical work,
and conceive that the idea deserves se
rious attention, I shall endeavor to
communicate it in as concise a man
ner as possible.
“It is well known that the eye
grows flatter as a person advances in
life; in consequence of which, the fo
cus falls past the retina, and produces
confused vision. To remedy the evil,
concave glasses are applied, which,*
by converging the rays, throw the im
age more directly on the retina. Mr.
Baldwin’s sight was naturally weak,
j and he had formerly, like other per-
every thing had been done by the Treasury sons a 8im j lar g> Jati wom ^
may bring u > to a sense not only of what is! ^2.' ttW noNVe ^ a C cn ^ , a( !S vex triages till it occurred Kim
best for our own selves, but of what is due of that Department to do ; and that he hud *£»•
to our constituents—that the sy
lat'.oa shall bo broken up; that
(•stem of pccu-1 not been able to find, nor had he any reasonl that, ii he accustomed himself to the
it tpi; Augean [to suppose, there existed auy negligence, onj use of concave glasses, the flatness of