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Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, February 29, 1820, Image 1

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SOUTHERN RECORDE VOL. I. MILLEDGEVILLE, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 29, 1820. PUBLISHED WEEKLY, (on Tuesdays) BY S. GRANTLAND k R. M. ORME, AT THREE DOLLARS, IN ADVANCE, OR FOUR DOLLARS AT THE EXPIRATION OF THE YEAR. Advertisements conspicuously inser ted at the customary rates. DEBATE IN THE SENATE, O.Y THE UNION of MAINE A MISSOURI. ( Continued.) MONDAY, JANUARY 17. The Senate having resumed the consider ation of the bill from the House of Repre sentatives, for the admission of the state of Maine into the union, on an equal footing with the original slates, together with the amendment reported thereto, by the Judi ciary Committee, which amendment em braces provisions for authorising the people of the territory of Missouri, to form a Con stitution, he. preparatory to their admissi on into the union. Mr. Roberts, of Pennsylvania, moved to amend the said amendment, by adding there to the following: Provided, That the further introduction into the said state of persons to be held to slavery or involuntary servitude within the same, shall be absolutely and irrevocably prohibited, After Mr. Roberts had spoke at some length, in favor of the provision Mr. Elliott, of Georgia, said, with a know ledge of the talents which would be called forth on this occasion; in behalf of the rights of Missouri, it might seem unnecessary for one so unskilled in parliament debate, to ob trude his humble efforts on the attention of the Senate. But, said he, the magnitude of the consequences which may grow out of the decision about to be made, and the weight of responsibility resting upon every member charged with the consideration of the subject, urge me to rise, as I honestly conceive, in support of the constitution of my country, the faith of its government, and the future peace and harmony of the Union. As it is essentia! to a correct and liberal discussion, that the point at issue be clearly understood and dispassionately examined, all irreevlant matter, should be cautiously rejected, h the mind brought to the investi gation with its powers unembarrassed.— How much to be regretted, then, is the pub lic excitement which has been produced in anticipation of this debate? It is, 1 fear, not well calculated to ensure a decision of this question upon its merits. The voice of the people should be heard, and always heard with deep attention and due respect. But, when the feelings are thereby excited whieh do not belong to the subject under consider ation, you are bound, by the strongest obli gations of duty, to exclude them from these walls. Here the passions should be suffer ed to sleep, while to the unbiassed judge ment and the enlightened conscience are committed the decisions which may be re corded in your journals. What, then, sir, is the question wc arc cal led upon to decide? Does it involve the li berty or slavery of the black population of the United States? On this subject the constitution has wisely interdicted the inter ference of the genera) government. Does it seek a suspension of the law prohibiting the unhallowed trade to Africa, until the people of Missouri shall have accommodated them selves with slaves from that unfortunate country ? No such sacrifice of feeling or policy is asked at your hands ; on the con trary, the prayer of the people of Missouri, if granted, would not effect the liberty of a single freeman. Neither of these subjects being before the Senate, the arguments and feelings which grow out of them are alike foreign to the present discussion. But, the people of Missouri do ask of you to fulfil your solemn engagements in their behalf, and to admit them into the Union, “ ac cording to the principles of the federal con stitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States.” The question then is, W'll you thus admit them ? Indulge me, sir, with your attention for a few moments, while 1 briefly consider their claims to such admission: 1st. under the constitution; 2dly, from the obligations vo- luntariij assumed to the United States, in the treaty of CcssiP n > °f the 30th April, 1803; and, lastly, from'the Auctions of sound policy. In the 3d section of the 4tn (Article of the constitution, it is declared—“ New states may be admitted by the Congress in to the union;" and in the subsequent secti on of the same article, “ The United States shall guarantee to every state in this Union, a republican form of government.” By the first section Congress is obviously clothed with discretionary power to admit, or not a, lmit new states into this union. But whenever this power is exercised in the ad mission of anew state into this Union the United States become bound, by the second jeetion, to aid in the support of a republican lWefthUl e ^ mR 1 nt , w,t , hi " h ,V r limit3 7 ,r-'aimed by Congress to exact a constitution on repu,,; i . s as a condition to the admisMo^olTfc. ’ state into this Union. The condition is the necessary result of the obligation previously imposed upon the United States to guaran tee a republican form of government t* each state; and it is to be considered as' an evi- uence of the patronage of the constiUtion. rather, than as any authority to impoq: re strictions on the states. Tho 2d section of the 4th article decVres The citizens of each state shall be en- t;tied to all privileges and immunities ofei- ♦k’® m the several states.” A new a toe, men, when once admitted into this Union, Weenies possessed, by the very act of ao- mlssion, of all privileges and immunities of the old states. But the old states claim and exercise the privilege to alter and amend 'heir constitutions at pleasure. This is ac- f.™ to them as an unalienable, indefeas ible right, essential to self government— find in the use of this right they are unre strained, provided they preserve the form of 'he government and do not violate the Fe deral Constitution. But, tbe admission of involuntary servitude into a state does noi effect the form of the government, nor vi olate the Federal Constitution; for one half of the states in the Union allow of it, and the Federal Constitution expressly recog nizes and sanctions it. Under the Constitu tion then, any state in the Union may admit involuntary servitude within its limits, in the exercise of its unquestionable right of self- government ; and Congress cannot be sup posed to have power to impose a restriction, which the state has authority to abrogate at pleasure. But it is contended by the honorable gen tleman from Pennsylvania, Mr. Roberts, that, since the year 1808, Congress has ac quired authority, under the 9th section ofthe 1st article, to impose the contemplated re striction. This section reads—“ The mi gration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1818, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such impor tation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.” The terms migration and impor tation are not synonymous : migration im plies volition, choice, self discretion—but fhese belong not to a slave. He may be carried or imported, or lie may abscond; but he never can migrate. The Irish, tile Scotch and the Dutch, migrate to this coun try ; and it was probably to prevent Con gress, until after the year 1808, from inter dicting tlio.practice, under the authority giv en to that body to establish an uniform rule of naturalization,” that the word migration was introduced in this section. But impor tation applies to slaves. They were import ed, and tiie last, clause of this section is con clusive as to the correctness of this expositi on—“ but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.” The subjects of this Lax or duty were persons imported, while those who migrated were suffered to enter our ports without the imposition of any duty.— This soction is restrictive, and restrains the power of Congress to prohibit the importa tion of slaves or the irrigation of foreigners, prior to the year 1808. Since that period, Congress has very wisely acted upon the subject of the slave trade, and under the au thority imparted by tho constitution, “ to regulate commerce with foreign nations,” such laws have hc.cn passed as promise, at no distant period, its entire suppression.— But Congress Ins never attempted to pre vent the transfer or removal of slaves from one state to another at the will of their own- The section restrains no such rower, for no such is given in the Constitution The truth is, it is a right claimed &. exercis ed by the states, and they will never surren der it. Congress has no authority to claim it. But the latter part of the 3d section of the 4th article, it is supposed, gives to Congress competent authority on this subject. It reads, “ The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United Stales.”— Under the authority here given, Congress may lay out and dispose of the lands of the United States; and, when inhabited, make such rules and regulations as may be need ful for the civil government of the territory. But the question before the Senate is not what rules and regulations Congress may make for the government of a territory.— It is I conceive, sir, entirely a distinct sub ject of enquiry, and, therefore, cannot de pend for its decision upon any authority drawn from this clause. Whenever the question respecting the powers of Con gress to impose restrictions in the territo ries shall come up, it will be time enough to argue it; at present, it ought not to lie per mitted to embarrass the point at issue before the Senate. To me, then, the Constitution does not seem to countenance the inhibition sought to be imposed by the amendment. But sir, the treaty of cession ofSOth April, 1808, is still more explicit on this subject.— The third article provides that, the inhabi tants of the ceded territory shall be incorpo rated into the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the federal constitution, to the enjoyment of all the. rights, advantag es, and immunities, of the citizens of the U. States; and in the mean time they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoy ment of their liberty, property, and the reli gion which they profess.” The only dilH- cnlty whieh presents itself here is, to adopt any train of reasoning, by whieh the right pf Missouri to an unconditional admission into tilfi Union, can he made more obvious than it is rendered by a bare recital of this section. It seems to rile not very unlike an attempt to prove a self-evident proposition. Under the Constitution, it is manifest Con- ujss may refuse admission" to a new state _ut here the general government stands pledged not only to admit Missouri into the Uirion, but to do so as soon as possible; that is, so soon as she shall be in possession of the legal requisites; and when admitted, to re ceive her “ according to the principles, of the federal constitution,” by which is intend ed, Sunder a republican form of govern ment,” guaranteed to her by the United vo-.ios, in .vity with the provisions of the 4th section of the 4th article ofthe, con stitution. And, sir, as it regards the pleni tude of tlie rights which arc to be ar*"^® 1 by this admission, it is decb:" J u< ! 1,1 the enjoyment of all th--*™*’ and immunity ’>< c > tlz{ '. lls L ,,f t ‘ ,e L n,t * d States.” «oW, all the rights, advantages, and immunities, of the citizens of the Unit ed States, is a phrase of the. most extensive latitude, and must necessarily include the momentous anti inalienable right of self-gov ernment, whig! appertains to all the states. But many ofi the states, in the exercise of the, rights of Sell-government, have estab lished and d; permit, involuntary servitude within tlieii limits. Missouri, then, when admitted, rky so amend her constitution, under the e^oymentof the same right, as to admi: slavy within her jurisdiction. And yet it i 9 j intended that Congress can ii.v posi a reliction which the state, at the mo ment of |e admisrionin to the Union, will huve a rigt to annul! Again—in the last clause of this section it is expresslv agreed that, “in the mean time, they shall fie main tained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the'religion which they profess. But n part of this pro perty, for the protection of which the Unit ed States stand thus solemnly pledged, was unquestionably slaves. The Congress, thus, not only has no power to impose the con templated restriction on the state of Missou ri, when admitted into the Union ; but hav ing guaranteed to the owners of slaves, in the. ceded territory, the free enjoyment of their property, that body could not, under any territorial regulation, have imposed surh u restriction. That the general govern ment thus understood the obligations of tin- treaty, may be fairly inferred from its prac tice under it. Since the acquisition of Lou isiana from France, no attempt lias been made by Congress to legislate on this subject —Sc the inhabitants have been left to the un controlled management Sc direction of this species of property. In the year 1812, when a part of tins territory, under the name of Louisiana, was admitted into the Union, the admission was unconditional as to this subject, and that part of the territory was received oil the footing of the original states. It is evident, then, before the last session of Congress, the general government never believed itself possessed of any authority to interfere with involuntary servitude with in the territory acquired by the treaty of the 30th April, 1803. And no competent autho rity, I really believe, can be produced for such interference at this time. Sound poli cy, also, Mr. President, forbids the imposi tion of tbe contemplated restriction. Slavery was an evil found in this country at the formation of the pis-sent government; and it was tolerated because it could not be re medied. And how is it ever to be remedi ed? Surely not by circumscribing the slave population within narrow limits, and there by rendering their numbers equal or superi or to the free population of the states to which you would confine, them. This would be to ensure their perpetual servitude, or their extirpation by tin- sword. Tbe color of this people must forever prevent their amalgamation into the common mass of the population by intermarriage, and their num bers, in such a state of society, would threat en an influence in a political point of view, which would always prevent (heir emancipa tion. As to the idea of their being removed from this country, and settled at a colony in some other, t fear it is too visionary for practical men to rely on. While we accord to the benevolent society formed for this purpose the most pure and exalted motives, la it at ail probable their means will ever be adequate to the end they have in view ?— Rut disperse this people, who would be so formidable when confined to narrow limits; suffer them to spread over an extensive country, and they would be. lost amidst the great body of the white population which Would surround them on every side. In this situation, they might be gradually eman cipated without endangering the safety of the state governments; and, when emanci pated, they could be supported on hire, at voluntary servitude., without greatly lessen ing the productive labor of the country.— But should they never be emancipated, it is unquestionably the duty of those who hold them in bondage, and of the nation which tolerates the act, to unite in the adoption of such measures as shall ameliorate their con dition, and render their servitude not more burdensome than that of the laboring class of any other section of the nation. The comforts and privileges of this people being generally in an inverse ratio to the numbers placed on any one plantation, the wider their dispersion, the greater will lie their comforts and the less burdensome their ser vitude. If (lie voice of humanity, then, is to decide the question, it will be found against the. restriction, as cutting oil - the only hope of eventual emancipation, while it les sens the comforts and increases the labors of the servitude which it renders inevitable. But sir, there is yet another view in whieh this restriction is condemned by the sound est policy. The union of these states is the foundation of our individual happiness and national prosperity. Whatever has a ten dency, however remotely to put at hazard this inestimable blessing, should excite our warmest opposition. But the strength of this Union must depend upon the sameness of the political institutions ; and the equali ty of the rights which are secured to the states that compose it No confederation can long outlive the occasion which gave birth to it, unless it is the interest of all the parts to continue united. The Roman and Grecian confederacies, formed for exter nal defence, were powerful for that purpose w hile the causes w hich produced them were in operation. But no sooner was the out ward pressue withdrawn, by which like a spell, their component parts had been bound together, than the discordancy of the. politi cal materials with which they were compos ed began to appear ; and they became the unhappy victims of disunion and civil w ar! The confederacies of Germany, Holland, and tlie Swiss Cantons, promised at one time to be perpetual. But that of Germany being constructed of free cities and uet‘x states, govern*'' 1 p- princes, could not to-* withstand this serious lmperfeeti- in its internal organization. While the states which formed the others, estranged from the general government by' the inequa lity ofthe rights which they enjoyed, be came a prey to the. policy of their ambitious neighbors. But the wise framers of our ad mirable constitution, with a forecast as to consequences w hich does infinite honor to them, have taken care to ensure to ail these states the same form of government, by making it the duty of the United States to guarantee to every state in this Union a re publican form of government. This ( t eat provision so essential to the. soundness and duration of a confederacy, is thus secured to us. And I have no doubt it was believed the other great principle of equality of state rights, was also settled by the same instru ment. Is it then politic in Congress, by a constructive legislation, to impose restricti ons upon the states hereafter to lie adnrittt d into the Union; thereby producing an invi dious equality in the rights and privileges of the states ? Will not this be to sow the seeds of jealousy and distrust ? Whose baneful fruits, I fear, may be disaffection,op position, and disunion. Shall the fair pros pects of this young and rising nation be shrouded in darkness, that the sickly sugges tions of a visionary humanity may be indulg ed ? Nor, sir, let it be imagined that I magnify the evils which may grow out of this amendment. Causes, apparently inconsiderable, have often produced consequences highly mo mentous. The exactions of the Biilith par liament against the rights of the then colo nies of this western hemisphere, trifling in degree, but important in principle, a.\ Ren t'd that spirit of resistance, which leu 11 the revolutionary war; and finally consummat ed the independence of this nation ? The gentle stream which rises almost unperceiv- ed from beneath your feet, increased and strengthened in its course, by others equal ly contemptible in their origin, swells at length into a resistless torrent; and the kind ling of a spark, often ends in the conflagrati on of a city. Imnose this restriction, sir, and it will lead to others. Every interest in the nation, when it shall become strong enough to pur sue its favorite object, will plead this as a precedent, and, in the exercise of the power it may have acquired, will not hesitate to exact such further conditions from the new states, as shall suit its purpose—until the states hereafter to be admitted, will not be so much distinguished by the dates of their admission, ns the inequality of tlie rights whieh they may lie permitted to enjoy un der the confederation. Under such a course of policy, I do not say the Union must ine vitably tie dissolved. But, 1 must be per mitted to say, any Union which can subsist under such circumstances, will be scarcely worth maintaining. The contemplated re striction, then, sir, is, in my humble view of the question, unauthorized by the constitu tion ; is in contravention of the provisions of a solemn treat}'; and opposed by the sug gestions of sound policy. (Delate to Ic continued.) HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FRIDAY, FEBRUAY 4. The House lookup tlie resolution submit ted by Mr. Butler, ot N. H. on the. 26th ult. to fix the daily hour of meeting of the house at eleven, instead of twelve o’clock; and the resolution was agreed 10, after some remarks in its favor from 3Ir. Simkins, of South Carolina. Mr. Ran nor, art rose to offer a motion having for its object an enquiry respecting the enforcing a stricteraccounlability for the public moneys, &c. The United States re minded him, he said, of those generous and gallant young fellows, ready to do justice, at all times, to every body but themsehes.— The moneys-ofthe United States were scat tered over the country from Passamaquoddy to Yellow Stone—from Chicago to Mobile, in a manner which woidd fritter away the resources of any other nation in the world than this. Nothing, said he, but the rapid growth ofthe infant Hercules has enabled us to support this dilipidation ofthe public es tate. We are something like the Georgia and Virginia planters—cotton being at fifty cents, and tobacco at thirty dollars. Do you want a tooth pick? Takes hundred dollars ? Do vou want a tooth brush? Take a hun dred dollars. Do you want tooth-powder? Take a hundred dollars. And, sir, we want pens, paper and ink—and these different wants supply business for several individuals, to whom money is advanced, to he account ed for hereafter. /jit accounted for? V hat is the deficit now? It exceeds greatly the average annual revenue during the adminis tration of Washington. Let us see, said he, the aggregate receipts on which the Father of his Country, as li« has been over and over called, administered the government ofthe United States. From the 41h of March, 1780, to the 31st December, 1791, making almost half of his first term of service, the receipts into the treasury amounted to 54.400.000. For the year ensuing they were only 3,600,000; for the year following, 4.600.000. These were the receipts of the four years composing tlie first presidency.— In the first year of the next term, tbe revenue was JJ3,100,0U0; for the next, 5,900,000; and, for the last, seven millions. These farts, Mr. R. said were conclusive. They spoke to the understanding of every man who kept his eye on the receipts and expenditures of the government. I recollect, said he, when we thought, if we could get a receipt often millions of dollars—of which seven millions went to the sinking fund, and shortly after, on the purchase ofLouisiana, eight millions —we should he in the full tide of successful experiment. Was there no way, Mr. R. asked, to recover the public assets from the hands of those who were living on the pub lic funds ? This system w ould not answer— a system more simple might answer ui the case of the United States, as he. knew it would in that of this house, for what, said he is our situation? We meet in a room in whieh We can neither hearnor see—but even the blind can perceive what I wish to bring co the attention of the house—it is the uni versal dilapidation of the public funds. As for accommodation and adaptation to pub lic business, I should ns soon think of at tempting to be heard across the l’otomac in the fare of a north-wester, as to be heard here, where the physical triumphs over the intellectual power. Have gentlemen advert ed, Mr. R. asked, to how much of themoney of the public was in the hands ofthe Colum bia Banks, or howitgot there? And do ter, said lie, know any toing of tho Central Bank —the Patriotic Bank—and of the other Banks, so numerous that it would be in vain to attempt to repeat their titles ? For my part, continued Mr. It. 1 am not at all sorry for the effect which the public at this time experience, although perhaps 1 pay as dear ly for it as most of us—I lament the cause— but, sir, Tie are punished, if 1 may use the term, in the offending member. I trust it stable shall be cleansed—that the stream public treasure, compared to which the R’ souri itself is but n rill, shall not be damn up by speculators and defaulters. &ic. Mr. said lie would therefore move— t “ That the Secretary of the Treasury directed to report to this house such mi sure as, in his opinion, may be expedient enforce the more speedy payment of pulv monies, due from individuals and corpora bodies in the United States.” Mr. Tjoimdts said he bad no objectii whatever to the object of this motion. H w ould only remark that a part of it appea to him to lie comprehended in calls alread made on the Treasury Department, and part of it within the prescribed duties of committee of this House. With regard t the unaccounted-for monies of the Unitei States, Mr. L. conceived both the fact: and apprehensions of the gentleman Iron Va. to be exaggerated. In order to taki a correct view of tlie subject, he suggestet the propriety of so modifying the resolutioi as to call for an accurate statement of tin amount of public moneys out-standing am. unaccounted for, Sir. Mr. Randolph said he would readily agree ) modify bis motion in the manner whirli the gentleman from South Carolina, or any other gentleman, should deem expedient, to effectuate the. object of it. If the gentleman would prepare such an amendment, lie would adopt it with pleasure. The resolu tion, he said, must speak for itself. While up, lie would observe, that, with regard to the Banks of this District, while he had men tioned one or two by name, lie did not know that there was a pin to choose between them. He had no idea, he said, of selling off the] public lands, (increasing the balances alrea- j dy due for them, and making up the present] deficit by taxes on the people, when it could j be made up merely by making these leech-1 es disgorge. The honorable gentleman had mistaken ine, said Mr. R. if he suppose* J have any hostility to the Secretary of the. Treasury. I have none: but Mr. Speaker, you know very Wfll—no man ought to know better—wliat it is to disturb a hornet’s nest: the Secretary of the Treasury is not going to array himself against these individuals without a call from this liousr. The present system, Mr.R. said, would not work; and, if it would not, wc must either go on v 'lb it as it is, and continue to rncreuse the p lie burthens, or we must endeavor to get o of it. He wished that the present Scerr ry of the Treasury, or the former Secret! ) of the Treasury—of whose intended rcti 1 to this country rumours were afloat—or some one, of equal capacity with eltlun. would devote himself to rectify the disord ers in the public expenditures. The disord er in the receipts was bad enough—no ot'r- er government perhaps could go on wifir it —but when to this was added the disorders in the expenditures, Crirsus himself could noi sustain it. The English, Mr. Ii. said, were remarkable for having brought their system of collection to the least possible ex- pence—he would not say to perfection, but certainly much nearer it than we have at tained. * France, though her revenue b« not so cheaply collected as that of England, yet, as far as his information extended, In tbe economy of its expenditures greatly sur passed her. Tee English ore profuse in their expenditure—he spoke, not ofthe gross amount, or of the object, whether great ar mies, the navy, he. but of tlie dollar for dollar’s worth. But, he said, we arc more profile in the expense of the collection of revenue than cither of these powers, and we outdo the outdoings of every former ge- ner u m in tbe profusion of expenditure and total want of responsibility in public agents. Now, said he, into periculo, I undertake to say, if you will rail in the balances due the government from individuals; if you will make the great corporations and men who pass for rich with public monies in their hands—if you will make those leeches dis- gorge—if you will make them pay the peo ple, it will cure your deficit: it will make it unnecessary to lay taxes. They do not pay interest on* the. money they hold; and very likely if you authorize a loan they will take p—and who are better able than men who have their pockets Atnffcd with public mo ney ? Mr. It. said, he hoped the secretary of the Treasury would consider it a part of his duty, in suggesting a remedy, to give the house some little history of the nature of the disease. If, however, it should he thought necessary specially to require it, he had no objection so to modify the resolu tion. Mr. TrimUe said lie should not oppose the resolution, although, a special committee of the House had the subject in charge ; he should vote for it, because it would unques tionably relieve him as one of that commit tee from a portion of the duties he had to perform. Attlie same time he begged leave, to say, that the committee of whieh he wan one had not been idle; and that, ns to tile referrence to the secretary of the Treasury for facts, all the information required had been, or was in the way of being furnilhed to the committee, of which he happened to be chairman. In the course ofthe examina tion which lu; had had an opportunity of making into tills subject, lie had the satis faction of finding that not a single d#llar had been applied in malversation of tlie public moneys. That the**: were sums of money in tlie hands of Paymasters and Quarter masters, and other public agents, to a large amount, was certainly true. Many of their accounts had not yet been settled, for the want of time. Large sums might be lost to the government by some of these agents, not from the want of means or of disposition to enforce the payment of them, but from the insolvency of the individuals. But, with respect to any moneys in the hands of pub lic agents, Mr. T. said it must be evident they constituted no available fund. 'Whether a mode of enforcing a more speedy Collection of the public debts could not be devised was a question worthy of consideration.— But be begged leave to say, that he believed t to knock and no, and not tq‘ fti* ti. ir jVnu ask. _ wav ** different tnnel .afferent style l r.peat, safd M* vhatever construction may bCipuFa, notion, my object iatq ascertain-whet i not possible to make ifmse.whu has* loney give It up—fnr'I know that when ive "their r. 'ncy we/ obHgr-riho gi<,. them : whereas IviVi-fly* thought it ou* ir to leech c as well as to gvf - -to give a*?> Mr. Trimble said that, by J 1 supcjM'Iaji, glance of the official statements,, :ve liiigYw j’,o easily led into error on olie point. It ought appear on the face of them, that there i'wr* millions in tho hands of pvihlio agents, Ivfcen in fact there were not as ay hund- ! ><! thousands .because the momvatkdvano > il'd to he disbursed in the public service, i v ,e charged U> the agents until the vouch* 4i - were transmitted, and their accounts set- . r at the proper offices. The amount of Ijsi.tUCia reported, therefore, was no criteri- <i i whereby to judge of the amount due— muclyWe largest part being expended and re.- !y to be accounted for. On the subject <jfrrottfbrizSng public, expenditures, Mr. T. v , ho did not at all differ in sentiment from hi i .eqd from Virginia. ! lu question was then taken on Mr. Ran* fit,; ’« motion, and carried without a Ult ini- on ON EYESIGHT, ref of a letter from a Physician to gentleman in Washington. “M dear Friend ; I lament to he it ;cd, by your letter, that you* i,i.-Jght is failing. I sympathize with you sincerely, having experien ced the same infirmity. In the use of spectacles, which, I fear, you will have to resort to, injury will be done to the eyes, unless judi ciously chosen. A friend harf furnish ed me with an old newspaper, from which I have extracted the following, which, I hope, may contain hints use ful to you: “ To the editor of the Monthly Magazine. “Sir; The late Mr. Baldwin, of Prescot, in this county, well known for his a*rial excursion from Chester, used generally, when walking or go ing on his ordinary business, to wea* Concave Spectacles, which lie always removed when he read, wrote, or did sny thing which rcauired distinct vi sion. The reason he assigned for a custom so singular appeared to me so ingenious and well-founded, tl u I ofi* ten urged him to publish the discove ry, which, I believe, he intended to have done ; but, as I do not recollect to have seen it in any periodical work, and conceive that the idea deserves se rious attention, I shall endeavor to communicate it in as concise a man ner as possible. “It is well known that the eye grows flatter as a person advances in life; in consequence of which, the fo cus falls past the retina, and produces confused vision. To remedy the evil, concave glasses are applied, which,* by converging the rays, throw the im age more directly on the retina. Mr. Baldwin’s sight was naturally weak, j and he had formerly, like other per- every thing had been done by the Treasury sons a 8im j lar g> Jati wom ^ may bring u > to a sense not only of what is! ^2.' ttW noNVe ^ a C cn ^ , a( !S vex triages till it occurred Kim best for our own selves, but of what is due of that Department to do ; and that he hud *£»• to our constituents—that the sy lat'.oa shall bo broken up; that (•stem of pccu-1 not been able to find, nor had he any reasonl that, ii he accustomed himself to the it tpi; Augean [to suppose, there existed auy negligence, onj use of concave glasses, the flatness of