Newspaper Page Text
i[ nas cci'»«*inl\
to the transfer,
treaty ivtre fiisl, ' ,,M *
plausible, bubieqnrnt ■ ■
b,u l»^.f«r., thin ^rvcrno'.
ivusGaioio.) made n number of come.
siotts upon the 1
ruble pcctininrt
ing to
nil merit of an incottsidc-
ciinMileration, Miioiint-
a million ot
between FOO.lH*'. win
flCros of liind, »iniili»r«° those recently
made at Madrid, to the roy al lavonles.
This land is situated ip Fel.nana
hetween the Jlississtpi'i und the An**,
in the present slate ol Louisiana.
granted to persons who possessed the t«-
Stat information of the county am,
i< no doubt, therefore, the cho.ro land.
The United States hate nev ; >r recopu/.-
ed. hut have eonstnntly dented the • -
ditv of these concessions.
It is contend
ed'by the parties concerned, that tl.ev
nre confirmed by the late treaty. By th<
second article. Ins Catholic A ajesty
cedes to the United States, in foil pio-
perty and sovereignty, all the territories
which belong to him, situated to the
Fcsittard of the Mississippi, known by
the name of Fart and West Flartda.-
drd by the eighth article, all the grants
o( land made before the 24th of January,
IP 18, by his Catholic Majesty, or by his
W,,/ authorin'!', shall he ratified and
confirmed, ire. Now, the grants in ques
tion, having been made long prior to that
d iv, are supposed to be confirmed. He
understood, from a person interested,
that Don Onis had assured him it " as Ins
intention to confirm them. Whether
the American negoriator had the same
intention or not, he (Mr. C.) did not
know. It will not bo pretended, that
the letter of Mr. Adams of the 12th of
March, IC13, in which he declines to
treat any further with respect to any | art
nftlio tcv rilorv included within the lim
its of the state* of Louisiana, can control
the operation «l the subsequent treaty.
That treaty’must be interpreted by what
i« in it. and not by \\ hat is out of it. The
oTerturcs which passed between the
parties respectively, prior to the conclu
sion of the treaty, can neither restrict
nor enlarge its meaning. Moreover,
when Mr. Madison occupied in 1811,
the countrv between the Mississippi and
the Perdido, he declared, that, in our
hands it should he, as it has been, sub
ject to negociation.
It results, then, that we have given
for Florida, charged and encumbered as
jt is—
1st. Unincumbered Texas;
2d. Five millions of dollars ;
3d. A surrender of all our claims up
on £pnin, not included in that five mil
lions ; and,
4th. If the interpretation of the trea
ty which lie had stated were well found
ed, about a million of acres of the best
unseated land in the state of Louisiana,
worth perhaps ten millions ofdollars.
The first proposition contained in the.
second resolution was thus, Mr. C. tbo’l,
fully sustained. The next was, that it
was inexpedient to cede Texas to any
foreign power. Mr. C. said he was op
posed to the transfer of any part of the
territories of the United States to any
foreign power. They constituted, in his
opinion, a sacred inheritance of poste
rity, which we ought to preserve uiiim
paired, lie wished it was, if it were not,
a fundament.d and inviolable law of the
land, that they should he inalienable to
any foreign power. It was quite evident
that it was in the order of Providence ;
that it was an inevitable result of the
principle of population, that the whole
of this continent, including Texas, was
to be peopled in process of time. The
question was, by whose race shall it be
peopled 1 In our hands it will he peo
pled by freemen, and the sons of free
men, carrying with them our language,
our laws, and our liberties : establishing
on the prairies of Texas temples dedica
ted to the simple arid devout modes of
worship of God incident to our religion,
and ten.pies dedicated to that freedom
which we adore next to Him. In the
hands ot others, it may become the habi
tation ot despotism and of slaves, subject
to the vile dominion of the inquisition
and of superstition. He knew that there
were honest and enlightened men who
feared that our confederacy was already
too large, and that there was danger of
disruption, arising out of the want of re
ciprocal coherence between its several
parts. He hoped and believed that the
principle of representation, and the for
mation ot states, would preserve us an
united people. But it Texas, after being
peopled by ns, and grappling with us,
should, at some distant day, break off,
she will carry along with iier a noble
crew, consisting of our children’s chil
dren. J he difference between those
who might he disinclined to its annexa
tion to our confederacy, and him, was,
that their system began where his might,
possibly, in some distant future day, ter
minate ; and that theirs began with a fo
reign race, aliens to every thing that we
hold dear, and his ended with a race par
taking of all our qualities.
1 he last proposition which the second
resolution affirms, is, that it is inexpedi
ent to renew the treaty. If Spain had
promptly ratified it, bad as it is, ho would
h ive acquiesced in it. After the pro
tracted negotiation which it terminated :
after the irritating and exasperating cor
respondence which preceded it’, ho
would have taken the treaty bb a man
who has passed a long and restless night,
turning and tossing in liis bed, snatdies
at day an hour’s disturbed repose. Out
Hie would not ratify it; she would not
consent to be bound by it, and she has
'liberated us from it. Is it wj se to re
new the negociation, if it is to be re
commenced, by announcing to her at
once our ultimatum ? Shall we not give
her the vantage ground ? In envlv life he
had sometimes indulged in u species of
amusement, which years and experience
had determined him to retrmneo, which,
if the committee would allow him to use
it, furnished him with a figure. Shall
»c enter on the game, with our hand ex
posed to the adversary, whilst he shuf-
lles the cards to acquiVc more strength .'
What has lost us liis ratification of the
treaty ! Incontestihly our importunity to
procure the ratification, end the hopes
which that importunity inspired, that he
could vet obtain more from us. Let us
undeceive him. Let us proclaim the
acknowledged truth, that the treaty is
prejudicial to the interests of this coun
try. Are we not told, by the Secretary
ofState, in the bold and confident asser
tion, that Don Onis was authorised to
grant us much more, and that Spain dare
not deny his instructions ? That the line,
of demarcation is far within liis limits !
If she would have then granted us more,
is her position now more favorable to
her in the negociation ! In our relations
to foreign powers, it may be sometimes
politic to sacrifice u portion ot our rights
to secure the residue. But is Spain
uch a power as that it becomes us to
sacrifice those rights ? Is she entitled to
it by her justice, by her observance ol
good faith, or by her possible annoyance
of us in the event of war ? She will seek,
is she has sought, procrastination in the
negociation. taking the treaty as the ba
sis. She will dare to offend us, as she has
insulted ns, by asking the disgraceful
stipulation that we shall not recognize
the Patriots—Let us put aside the trea
ty ; tell her to grant us our rights, to
their uttermost extent. And if she still
palters, let us assert those rights by w hat
ever measures it is for the interest ot
our country to adopt.
If the treaty were abandoned; if it
were not on the contrary signified, too
tinctlv. that there was to he a contin
ued and unremitting endeavor to obtain
its revival, he would not think it advisa
ble for this house to interpose. But,
with ail the information in our possession,
and holding the opinions which he enter
tained. be thought it the boutvden duty of
the House to adopt the resolutions. He
had acquitted himself of what he deem
'd a solemn duty, in bringing up. the
uhjret. Others would discharge their’s
accord ins* their own sense ofthem.
with the oxet
Florida vv liicli
pi Jou of that portion of IVtst| not say it could. Butt can, discover no ven-
i has hern added to them. By]-mi "by it could not. Since, this period,
nftlio f, ili.riil ronstitiition. in i mimic other lands have been lit i re 11 used ol
the adoption of the. federal constitution, in I some other binds have been pi ire I in
coyimi&sft.
HOUSE OF REPRESEJYTA TIVES.
GEORCrA LANDS.
T!ie Appropriation bill for the civil list
being under consideration, in committee oi
the whole—
Mr. C'obr, of Georgia, moved to amend
the same, by inserting the following appro
priation :
“ For holding a Treaty with the Creek
and Cherokee Nations of Indians, for the
purpose of procuring extinguishment of the
Indian title to all the lands within the limits
of Georgia, pursuant to the 4th condition
of the 1st article of the articles of agreement
and cession, concluded between the United
States and the state of Georgia, on the 44th
day of April 1002, the sum of thirty thousand
dollars.
Mr. C'obb followed his motion with the
following remarks:
Mr. Chairman : Although the subject mat
ter of the motion just submitted must excite
but little interest in the committee on ac
count of its local application, yd it is one of
very great importance to the state of Geor
gia. It is the same which was submitted
hy me n few days past, during the discussion
of the military appropriation hill, but which
was withdrawn, from a suggestion that it
could be attached to this hill with great pro
priety. Uninteresting ns«ny remarks may
prove, I ask tile patient indulgence of the
committee,to a plain statement of facts,
shewing not simply the propriety of the ap
propriation, hut an undoubted obligation on
the general government to accomplish the
purposes for which it is asked, as soon as
possible. If this obligation is not shewn, I
shall not expect my motion to succeed.
The object of the appropriation is to de
fray the expeuces of a treaty or treaties with
the Creek and Cherokee Indians, for obtain
ing an extinguishment of their title to all
the lands wiilTui the limits of Georgia, ac-
enrding to the stipulation of the agreement
referred to in the motion. From the public
prints my colleagues and myself have learn-
d that this subject lias engaged the. serious
attention of the Legislature of the state of
Georgia, at their late session, and that, a
memorial has been addressed hy that body
to the executive of the United States, re
monstrating against a longer delay in ful
filling this agreement. Although it would
seem from the terms in which this document
is mentioned In the newspapers, that the
Senators and Representatives from Georgia
were required to afford their aid in giving
to it some effect, it is acknowledged on my
part, anti 1 presume I may make the same
acknowledgment for file whole delegation,
that no notice of its transmission has been
received, either front any person in the state
of Georgia, or nt this price. But a know
ledge, however derived, that the. Legisla
ture of Georgia have acted upon this sub
ject, is deemed of sufficient authority hy me
for ( ringing the. claims of that state before
Congress,’ which is the only branch of the
government before which I could venture to
offer them, wit bout being deemed officious.* It
is true, that claims from Georgia have not
heretofore met with the most favorable re
ception, even from Congress ; but this cir-
umstai.Te shall not deter mo from dis-
hargitig my duty.
At the close of the revolutionary war, and
indeed at a much later period, the state of
Georgia found herself possessed of an ex
tensive territory, with very limited pecuni
ary resources, and a population iueonsider-
ble as to numbers. In addition to the ex
tent of the surface now embraced within Iter
boundaries, she claimed, hy an undoubted
title, all that fine region of country now for
ming the tlutes of Mississippi and Alabama,
* While Air. Cobb was delivering his re
marks. a message was received from the Pre
sident of tile I'. States, recommending an
appropriation for the very object contained
in Mr. C’s motion. Whether the memorial
of the Legislature of Georgia or other for
tunate circumstances, produced this well
tinted message, Mr. C. tins yet to learn. It
was read in the house, after Mr. C’s motion
was agreed to. and the Hill reported to the
house.
nnimuii with the other states, she imposed
upon herself a prohibition to make war, or
conclude treaties, and thus lost the power
to extinguish the Indian title to the lands
she thus claimed, by conquest or purchase ;
and it is worthy of remark, that, after this
event, the general government never did ex
tinguish the Indian title to one acre ot her
lands for her benefit, until after die conclu
sion of the articles of agreement and n s .ion.
The eons* quenco was, that her population
and resources were hut little increased for
a period of tyears. Her wish, uuit"d with
her inability, In increase them, induced her
to yield to {lie inv itation of the government
of the Union, and on the Milt April. 18Uat,
the cession was made. It is true, that ill this
instrument, another consideration ($1,490-
000) is mentioned,hut it will not he concluded
that this iiiciuisiucrahle sum can he declared
an adequate price for the relinquishment of
a territory so extensive and valuable. In
deed, it is mentioned in the 1st condition of
the 1st article, that this sum was paid hy the
United State-. “ as a consideration for the
expense incurred by the state of Georgia in
relation to the said teiritory.” How and
upon what account these expenses were in-
eurred, I am not fully informed, nor is it
necessary to he shewn. That considerable
debts were contracted, and that some of
tin m probably yet remain unpaid, I have
strong reason to believe. There can be no
doubt that the leading consideration was
that which I have mentioned : a desire to
extend the hounds of her while population,
and thus to increase her strength and her
respectability in the Union.
To judge simply hy the face of the maps
it would appear that the state of Georgia
yet has an extent of territory reserved to
herself, equal or nearly equal in ::quare miles
to any other state in the Union. This is
admitted. But let it not he thence inferred,
that she will he equally rich nod populous.—
Fully one half, tx perhaps more of that sur
face, is of that description of land called pine
barren, and is remarkable only fur its pover
ty. Another portion is too mountainous and
sterile to admit of a dense population. Per
haps also, it may not be generally under
stood in the committee, that the Indian ti
tle to fully one half, and probably the most
valuable half, of the lands within the bound
aries of the state is yet tinvxtinguished.—
Fully two thirds of the part to which it has
been extinguished, is of the description I
have mentioned, to wit, a wild barren waste
of pine lands, or mountain peaks and ridges
not more sesccptihie of cultivation. Her
valuable lands are yet possessed by the In
dians, To these circumstances are to be
attributed the small population of the state
and flic paucity of iicr representatives on
this floor. Surpassed in extent of surface
by few other states, Georgia is yet called
one of the small states. The committee
will be able to judge whether she intended
infix upon herself this title, after hearing
the following portion of the articles of ces
sion read. The fourth condition of the first
of those articles is as follows: “ That the
United States shall, at their own expense,
extinguish, for the use of Georgia, as early
as the same can he peaceably Obtained on
reasonable terms, the Indian title to the
county of Tallasee ; and the lands left out
hy the line drawn with the Creeks, in the
year 1 run, which hadheen previously grant
ed hy the state of Georgia; both which
tracts had formerly heen yielded hy the In
dians ; and to the lands within tho forks of
Oconee and Onkmulgce rivers, for'which
several objects the President of the United
States lias directed that a treaty should he
immediately held with the Creeks : and that
the United States shall in the same tnaiini r,
also extinguish the Indian title to all the oth
er lands within the State of Georgia.”
Before I proreed further, to enquiie whe
ther the United States have fulfilled, as far
ns they could this condition, it may not he
improper to mention that the‘“county of
Tallassee,” was a strip of pine barren land of
little value. “The land left out Vv the line
drawn with the Creeks in 1798,” was ano
ther strip of about thirty miles in length and
four in breadth, also of little value. Although
once yielded by' the Indians, possession of
lltcse had been resumed, in consequence of
an improper marking of tin line between the
whites and Indians. The “ lands in the forks
of Oconee and Oakmillgee rivers” were ob
tained soon after the execution of the arti
cles, and are the only valuable lands which
have been since acquired “ for the use of
Georgia.”
In remarking upon the clause of the arti
cle just read, I request the commit tee to ob
serve, that in another part of the contract it
is called an“oxptess condition,” end that
the cession of territory hy Georgia is declar
ed to be “ subject thereto.” Nothing can lie
more explicit than is the nature and extent
of the obligation imposed upon the govern
ment ol the United States by itiis condition.
“They shall, in the same manner (that is,
at their own expense,” and “as early as the
same can he peaceably obtained upon rea
sonable terms,”) also extinguish the Indian
title to nil the oilier lands within the State of
Georgia.” The words sufficiently explain
themselves, and lead at onee to the enquiry,
has this condition been complied with by the
federal government? Has tl is obligation
been discharged, nr even facilities vo its-spee-
dy discharge created ? It is demonstrable
that the United States have done neither
the one nor the other. A particular refer-
nce to the words and terms of all the trea
ties which have since been held with tlie
Creek and Cherokee Indians would prove
more tiresome than instructive. 1 will only
advevt to them from memory, promising to
give more particular explanations if necessa
ry- AVith the exception of the treaty or
treaties alluded to in the clause ns being “di
rts ted” for obtaining the lands in the Folks
of tlic. Occnee and Oakmnlgoe rivers, no o-
thers were subsequently held with the Creek
Indians by which any lands were acquired
for Georgia until the treaty of Fort Jackson,
a 1814. fly that, the United States acquir
ed for themselves, that fine rich region since
formed into the state of Alabama. Could
not this obligation of the general govern-
uent have then been discharged ? Could
riot an extensive and valuable acquisition
have then been obtained, of lauds within the
limits of Georgia ? AVhat cause could have
prevented it ? If it was thought impolitic
that the whole acquisition should he within
Georgia, why not a part ? Shall I lie told
that a part was in Georgia? It is true—but
such a part! so poor, so barren is its quality
(circunetancr a tJiat must have been known)
is that, instead of being of use and value, it
has proved a burthen upon the people of All
state. If brought into market to-morrow,
it would not command a price sufficient to
discharge the expense of surveying it : and
it is a fact, that for this very reason, the Le
gislature of Georgia have never directed it
O lie surveyed until within the Jast year. It
may lie possible however, that more could
not have been acquired in Georgia. 1 will
the Creeks, but they are too inconsiderable
to be tin I In r noticed.
With the < Invokers also, various treaties
and various purchases of land have been
made, hut not for the use of Georgia, or in
the fulfilment nf the articles of cession. The
lands situated Ul the great bend of the Ten
nessee, forming the rich county of Madison,
have been purchased. At Unit time, an ex
tinguishment of Indian title to lands in Geor
gia, could have been otitaincd. The Chero
kee land udjiueiit to the Georgia frontier is
of a quality inferior to those of Madison
county. The Clterokees could, therefore,
have no objection to selling the. former in
iirefcreiiee to the latter. It may he doubted,
however, whether this contract with Geor
gia was then even thought of. Since that
period, other purchases have been made ol
the Cherifkces, but for whom? Partly for
Georgia, I admit, hut the land is of little va
lue. With the exception of the reservations
made in favor of particular Indians, the lar
ger portion of it is unfit for profitable culti
vation, and untie of it rich. It differs from
the land obtained fur Georgia by the treaty
of Fort Jackson, in this, the one is a flat,
pine barren country; the other scarcely less
barren, hut mountainous. The purchases
of value which have been made, are situate
not in Georgia, hut in Tennessee, with whom
or whose parent, (North-Caroiioa) no such
contract exis ts for the extinguishment of the
Indian title. In thus alluding to Tie acqui
sition of land made by Tennessee, to the c-
vident injury of Georgia, I would not tie un
derstood ns envying the prosperity of that
state ; I fi id no such envy, nor do the peo
ple of the state I in part represent. On the
contrary, I but use their own language in
saying,'that they always rejoice on behold
ing the rapid march of any of the states to
respectability. But, as I have said, hy ex
press contract, no obligation is imposed up
on the United States to extinguish the Indi
an title to lands in Tennessee; yet it has
been rapidly extinguished to the whole ot
them, with a very small exception, and the
population of Tennessee now does, or short
ly will, extend from North-Carolina to the
Mississippi: and after the next census, in all
human probability, her representation on
this floor-tv ill he double that of Georgia. In
adverting to this system of favoritism, (I
know no 1 letter name for it) I would do it ra
ther as a fact by w hich to shew the obliga
tions of the United States, under this con
tract to he increased and strengthened, if
possible, and not for the purpose of mani
festing any jealousy at the rising greatness
of that slate. It is her duty to promote her
own interests in the best manner she can.—
But I have a right to shew, that, in thus con
tributing to the prosperity of Tennessee,
the general government have forgotten their
obligations to Georgia, w ho was one “ of the
good old thirteen states,” as they have been
called; who aided in the struggle for inde
pendence, feebly indeed, hut with all the re
sources she possessed, and who has yielded
a country, almost a little empire in itself, for
the express purpose of obtaining the means
of more speedily acquiring the portion she
had reserved for herself. To this very end
were the articles of cession concluded. Site,
however, has the mortification to discover,
that her exertions have been in vain, or have
only retarded the end she had in view. States
whose names were scarcely known a few
years ago have sprung up around her: Ken
tucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and in the v e
ry territory she ceded, Mississippi and Ala
bama have been formed and admitted into
the Union since the adoption of the Consti
tution. With an extent of boundary that
should place Iter upon an equality w ith any,
she is likely in he ouHtript by the w hole of
them. She alone, of all these, seems doom-
id to be a “ small state.”
1 have heretofore enquired, •w hether the
United States had increased the facilities to
the discharge of their obligation-under these
articl.'s? I much fear that all the measures
they have pursued with Indians have had a
contrary tendency. Let us look at tho facts.
Two thirds of the Creek nation, and the
whole of the Cherokee nation, with one tri
fling exception, are within the .State of Geor
gia. By vvais, and hy treaties, the. Indians,
instead of having been driven from her fron
tiers, have heen driven upon them. Urged
from the confines of Tennessee, Alabama,
and Florida, they are now pent up within
that portion of their nation which is in the
limits of Georgia, within that very portion
to which the United flates, eighteen years
ago, engaged to extinguish their title. If ru
mor is to he credited, their numbers are soon
to be increased by the Indians of Florida,
who are to lie removed in the event of the
ratification of the late treaty with Spain. I
w ill say no more on this subject, except to
call the attention of the committee to one
other act, to which the United States arc a
party; l mean an article of the treaty of
Fort Jackson, upon which I shall leave the
committee to place their own construction.
The second article of that treaty is ns fol
lows. “'Tlie United Slates will guarantee
to the Creek nation the integrity of all their
territory eustwnrdly and northwardly ofthe
said line to lie run and described as uientku.-
ed in the first article.” Now, tin: Creek
territory cast and north of this line is for the
most part in tho State of Georgia. To sup
pose that this article means nothing, would
he doing injustice ns well to those who ne-
goeiated the treaty as to the government
w hich ratifii d it. Against w hose claims or
pretei r.ions, unless those ot Georgia-arc in
tended, or for what objects, was this “ gua
rantee of integrity of territory” made? It
is nut my intention to answer the question. I
The words arc plain, and can as well lie tin
dcrsto(id by the committee as by me. I will
only observe, 1 hat the article has a strange
coincidence w ith other acts of the govern
ment, inspiring a belief that the power of
executing its contract with Georgia has been
voluntarily placed beyond its eoutrol.
At present, 1 know of no oilier method,
hy which this condition of the cession on the
part of the United States can be pel formed,
but by a removal of the Indian*. That this
measure,under any circumstances, would
he kikhI policy, vv>i 1 not he doubted. In
1817, the people of Georgia were inspired
with a hope that this would lie spccdly done
under a treaty concluded with the Clterokees
hy Gov. McMimv, and Generals Jackson and
Meriwether. By this an arrangement was
made f«ir the removal of a large part of that
nation to territory ofthe United Mutes, west
of live Mississippi. A part of the nation
have removed. The. arrangement, substan
tially, w as an exchange of territory. A cen
sus was to be taken, and in the proportion of
1 he numbers w ho might emigrate to the w est,
land* on the east ol t, e Mississippi should be
ceded to the United States. However great'
the hope of substantia! benefit the State of
Georgia might sustain from this treaty, sin-
lias his'ii disappointed in the result, indeed
I lie whole arrunpi ment set ms tube at an end.
Although all the Indians inhabiting the “ low
er towns”* (and of course principally in
Georgia) were desirous of removing; only
twelve months la-love, it seems hy a subse
quent treaty, rnucludi d at this place in 1810,
that a “ greater part ofthe t 'hernkee nation”
now desire to remain on the cast ofthe Mis
sissippi “in order to commence those mea
sures necessary for their civilization, and the
preservation of their nation.”! It is true
that hy each of thi se cessions more lands
were yielded hy the Indians. But,as usual,
the valuable part of them is within other
tates, with whom the United States httvene
enntrart. Unproductive hillsnnd mountains
are the portion of Georgia. When she. may
look fot ward for the execution of this con
tract, so necessary to her prosperity, I can
not tell. Of one thing, I am certain—if not
speedily done, l shall lose oil hope of it ever
being performed.
* Set treaty of 1817. j See treaty q/T819.
Note, since the passage of the bill, by the
House ol Hepresentatives containing the appro
priation moved hy Mr. Cobh, ucopy of the me
morial ofthe Legislature of Georgia, has been
transmitted by the Governor, to the Senators
and Representatives of the state, mid to Con
gress.
An observing and intelligent commercial
friend, has draw n our attention to the follow
ing article, which we not only deem worthy
a place in our columns, but recommend 4o
the considerate attention of our readers. As
to the ailedged failure in the scope of our
country’s ultimate policy, we suppose opin
ions will differ. The most enlightened of our
own politicians dissent, as to the probable
result of measures projected and proposed.
But, with the opinions of this English politi
cian, as to the issue of the South American
conflict, and its consequences, we fully coin
ride. We do not mean that the act oftak
ing possession of t he. Flovidas is determined
on by our cabinet; or that taking possession
of that part which has heen once agreed tr,
be ceded, would be strictly speaking, an act
of aggression ; but we do believe tliat the
South American Patriots will eventually tri
umph ; and that as to America, the sceptre
is about to depart from Spain forever.
[Halt. Puli tot.]
FROM BELL'S CONDON WEEKLY mrSSEMC.BR.
NORTH AM) SOUTH AMERICA.
The subjects of most importance to the
British People at the present moment
arc, the political slate and condition ol
the United Slates of British America, and
of the pro\ inces in Spanish America
which yet preserve themselves in a kind
of frail am), imperfect dependence on the
Cl own of Spain.
Within a few years, Art: eric a has ob
tained an immense influence in European
politics, and such is her wise and cauti
ous system of policy ; that this influence
is more likely to be continued ami aug
mented than shaken or diminished. First,
as to the United Males. T he President’:
speech contained a plain indication ofthe
disposition of the government; which is,
to shake off, as much as possible, the de
pendence ofthe United States upon Eng
lish commerce and manufactures, and to
aim at the object, w Lie h a century’s legis
lation has acquired for England-—namely,
such a system of navigation and maritime
preference, as should make America a
formidable naval power.
T lie politicians in America, see that
English commerce, w hilst it discourages
American manufactures, mlvanccsBritish
interest in a two fold manner- In the
first place, it tends to enrich us, by giv
ing a vent to our trade ; and secondly, it
preserves and augments our naval power
by encouraging our shipping. The Uni
ted States have already aimed a stroke
at the latter of these objects; but their
arm was not nerved with sufficient
strength to etfect its purpose ; and the
blow has recoiled upon them.
It is only two or three years ago, we
believe, (speaking from recollection)
that the United States attempted to enact
several laws similar to our navigation
laws. Some of these laws passed ; but
it was found a speculation of too much
hazard to tarry the whole system into
effect. America, however prohibited,
and still continues to prohibit, till coast
ing and carrying trade on her own shores.
She prohibits every vessel, which sails
from a British colony, from trading with
any of her territories, provided an Ame
rican vessel is excluded from entering
such colony. In other words, she is
aiming at having colonial trade thrown
open to her, by menacing us will) retali
ating acts. To those acquainted with
commerce, it is w ell known, that coloni
al produce may be exported direct from
our colonies to North America in British
ships, and that such British ships may
bring back to the colonies a number of
articles of the first necessity, which com
pose what is termed the lumber trade.
But America, by her late acts, has inter
dicted this trade, for she will not permit
articles of colonial grow th to lie brought
from any colony in British ships, from
•which colony American vessels tire ex
cluded. Under this new policy, what
has heen tlw: result ? The sale ofcolo-
. nittl producebas not, thereby diminished ;
but America has 'ost her lumber trade in
consequence. The West-India planter
has been compelled to supply himself
with articles of necessity, either from
the mother country, or from British A-
merica. This is the reason of the won
derful increase of the trade of British A-
rnerica. It is from this cause, that the
trade of Canada, her shipping, imports,
and exports, have increased within the
last three years in a threefold propor
tion. We have not the doubt of a mo
ment, but these navigation acts ofthe U-
nited States have been rather beneficial
than injurious to our commerce. But
the United States arc still desirous of
checking British shipping and com
merce, and they would not hesitate pro
hibiting it altogether, but for one season,
which renders it almost impossible for
America to subsist without it. The rea
son is this :—There is scarcely such a
thing in America as internal tax ; there
is a postage, we believe, for letters,
which yields a very small surplus reve
nue above the charges ; and there is an
assessment on lands Tor the maintenance
el'the government, the repairing of roads,
supporting schools for education, and
maintaining the old and decrepid poor.
But there is no house tax, excise, &c.
America raises almost her whole reve
nue from her customs ; from duties laid
upon the importation of foreign articles
chiefly British manufactures. In pro
portion, therefore, as she contracts and
diminishes her trade with Great Britain,
she lays the axe to the root ofher own fi
nance. If she abandons her customs
and she must do so if she prohibits British
commerce, or what is the same thing
if she renders it impossible to carry it ou
bv high prohibitory duties ; if she takes
the course for encouraging her own ships
and manufactures ; she must replace her
customs by an excise ; and we think the
citizens ofthe United States will not ea
sily be brought to endure an excise. If
America, therefore, enacts new prohibi
tory laws, no one will suffer so much as
herself.
With respect to South America, we
think the cause of the independents, bad
as it is from the infamy of some of the lea
ders associated in it, will most infallibly
triumph. The United States will take
the Floridas by main force, which will so
far be an act of aggression against Spain
as to place the two countries in hostility.
An jdiiance will then doubtless be formed
be tv een the South American Insurgents
and the United States, and they will be
recognised as constituting an independent
government. In the mean time, Spain
must abandon all attempts to reduce these
provinces, from the mutiny of her own
troops, who it appears, will not embark
for South America, and threaten to turn
their arms against their own government.
Spain i« wasting fast away ; her ancient
grandeur is gone, and Iter lofty spirit and
Castilian pride, are bound to the earth
by chains of the grossest superstition.
She is a sort of a Turkey in Europe, hav
ing iter vineyards neglected by sluggards,
and trampled on by Swine. Such are the
effects of Iter feeble government, and im
becile despotism, that science is eclipsed,
arts are. neglected, and the human race
itself seen to melt away before the eye
of the beholder.
FROM TUB KlTIONAT. INTFT.LIOEXrrK.
The Letter, of which the following is s
copy, appears to have been published in a
German translation at Augsburg ; whence,
by a re-translation, it has appeared in some
of the English Gazettes, and from them been
extracted into some of the newspapers in
this country. In its double transformation
it has suffered variations, not supposed to
lie intentional, nor perhaps important; but
which render the publication of it proper,
as it was written. It has been incorrectly
stated lo be an answer in the name of the.
American government. It was indeed writ
ten by the Secretary of State, as it pur
ports, in answer to an application from an
individual and respectable foreigner, who
had previously been employed by the
Baron de Gagern, to collect information,
concerning the German emigrants to the
United States, and to endeavor to obtain
encouragements and favours to them front,
this government. Upon that mission he had
heen particularly recommended to Mr. A-
dams, to whom a printed copy of his Report
to the Baron de Gagern had afterwards been
transmitted. There are several allusions to
the Report, in this letter, which was an an
swer to one from Mr. Furstrnwnerther, in
timating a disposition to become himself an
American citizen; but suggesting that he
lmd offers of advantageous employment in
his native country ; and enquiring whether,
in the event of his settling here, he could ex
pect any official situation in the Department:
of State, or any other, under the govern
ment.
Department of State, )
Washington, 4th June, 1819. S
Sir: Tbad the honor of receiving your I t
ter of 22nd of April, enclosing one from
your kinsman the Baron de Gagern and a
copy of your printed report.; which I hope,
and have no doubt will-he useful to thorn
of your countrymen in Germany who may
have entertained erroneous ideas, with re
gard to the results of emigration front Eu
rope to this country.
It was explicitly stated to you, and vntir
re|M)ft iias taken just notice of the statement,
that tlie government of the United States,
has never adopted any measure to encour
age or invite emigrants from any part of Eu
rope. It has never h< Id out any incitement*
to induce the subjects of another sovereign
to abandon their own country, to become
the inhabitants of this. From motives of
humanity it has occasionally furnished fa-
cilities to emigrants who, having arrived here
with views of forming settlements, have
specially needed such assistance to carry
them into effect. Neither rite general go
vernment of the Union, nor those of the
individual slates, are ignorant or unobserv
ant of the additional strength and wealth,
which accrues to the nation, hy the accession
of a mass of healthy, industrious, and frugal
laborers, nor are they in any manner insen
sible to the great benefits which this coun
try has derived from the influx of such adop
tive children, from Germany. But there is
one principle which pervades all the Insti
tutions of this country, and which must al
ways operate as an obstacle to the granting
of favors to new comers. This is a land,
not of privileges, hut of equal rights. Privi
leges are granted hy European sovereigns to
particular classes of individuals, for purpo
ses of general policy; but the general im
pression here is, that privileges granted to
one denomination of people, can very sel
dom lie discriminated from erosions of the
rights of others. Emigrants from Germany
therefore., or from elsewhere, coming here,
are not to expect favors from the govern
ment. They nre to expect, if they choose
to become citizens, equal rights with those,
of the natives of tlie country. They are to
expect, if affluent, to possess the means of
making their property productive, with mo
deration, and with safety—if indigent, hot
industrious, honest, and frugal, the means
of obtaining easy and cotntnrtahle subsist
ence for themselves and their families.
They come to a life of independence, but
to a life of labor; and. if they cannot accom
modate themselves to the character, moral,
political, and physical, of this country, vv it 1
all its compensating balances of good and
evil, the Atlantic is always open to them, "
return to (lie land of their nativity and thur
fathers. To one thing’ they must make up
their minds, or, they will be disappoint!
ill every expectation of happiness as Am®
ricans. Tin y must cast off the Europe.^
skin, never to resume it. They must I""
1 forward lo their posterity, rather than tew
